The Educational
Cost of Army Rule in Burma
Presented by Thein Lwin
Abstract: This paper deals with the educational cost of
army rule in
1. Introduction
I would like to express my appreciation
to the Norwegian Church Aid and the Norwegian Burma Council for inviting me and
giving me the opportunity to present this paper entitled ‘the educational cost
of army rule in
2. Access to
Education
A UNICEF report
shows that almost 40 per cent of children never attend school and almost
three-quarters fail to complete primary education in
Although the
military regime adopted the objectives of the World Declaration on ‘Education
for All’, held in
Figure 1: Basic Education Enrolment (Average Period 1982-1988)
(Reproduced from Myanmar Education Research Bureau, 1992)
Figure 2: Schools, Teachers and Students
|
|
1995/96 |
1997/98 |
||||
|
|
Schools |
Teachers |
Students |
Schools |
Teachers |
Students |
|
Primary Schools |
35762 |
159078 |
5337432 |
35877 |
167134 |
5145396 |
|
Monastic Primary Schools |
1507 |
|
83375 |
1556 |
|
93001 |
|
Middle Schools |
2089 |
53202 |
1475081 |
2091 |
56955 |
1545601 |
|
High schools |
914 |
16239 |
385225 |
923 |
17089 |
385270 |
|
Teachers’ Training Schools |
12 |
316 |
2067 |
14 |
372 |
3020 |
|
Teachers’ Training Institutes |
5 |
218 |
2170 |
5 |
281 |
2321 |
[Extracted
from
The number of
primary schools ranges from one in five villages in the heartland of
Children drop out of school for any number of reasons. Some are related to the child, his/her family and community environment, and others to the school environment (Myanmar Education Research Bureau, 1992). Child related factors include illness, lack of interest, or inability to keep up with the class. Family related factors include lack of motivation on the part of parents to send their children to school, inability of the former to meet school expense, or need for the child to help in earning the family income. Community related factors include poverty, malnutrition and poor health care, as well as low expectations about the value of education, particularly in underdeveloped areas. The school environment factors are related to the lack of availability and the poor quality of all the inputs of the educational process: teacher and teaching methods, curricula, teaching and learning materials, facilities, as well as the organisation and management of the school system (ibid.).
The serious plight of children who never enrol in a school or who drop out of school is a high cost of army rule. Child soldiers, child labour and street children are the result of the decades of neglect of compulsory basic education. Nevertheless, thanks to Buddhist monks, children who never enrolled in schools can still learn the three Rs in monasteries. With regard to ‘functional literacy’, however, which is required for labour to work efficiently with appropriate skills in agriculture, industry or other sectors (Khin Maung Kyi et al, 2000, p.157) children need at least nine years of compulsory education.
The present regime has set a goal of achieving universal access to basic education and completion of primary school by 80 per cent of primary school age children by the year 2000, with assistance from UN agencies (see ibid. p.157). However, the government investment in education is very low. According to the official financial figures published in 1999, the Ministry of Education can use only 7.5 per cent of the budget for all ministries while the Ministry of Defence use 40 per cent (see CRPP, 2000). The money allocated to education is only 0.5 per cent of the Gross National Product compared to an average of 2.7 per cent in other Southeast Asian Countries (source: AFP Bangkok August 22, 2000)[1].
In section 3, I will focus on curriculum issues regarding primary and secondary education.
3. Curriculum
In 1964, the
military regime launched a ‘new system of education’. Basic Education thus became a
- primary school (Standard 0 to Standard IV) for children aged 5 to 10;
- middle school (Standard V to Standard VIII) for children aged 10 to 14;
- high school (Standard IX to Standard X) for children aged 15 to 16.
The salient features of the new education system were precedence of science subjects and the use of the Burmese language as the medium of instruction without consideration for indigenous vernacular languages for those children whose mother tongue was not Burmese. In 1998, the Ministry of Education proposed a new curriculum for primary schools in which children are expected to be passive obedient citizens rather than emphasising critical thinking skills. In the academic year 2000-2001, there is a new change for secondary schools in that students have to choose a subject group out of seven groupings. Children were determined by this subject choice system at their early age (i.e. 14) that might shape their adult life. These arguments will be developed in the following sections.
3.1 Primary School Curriculum
From 1964 to 1981 primary schools taught Burmese, mathematics, science, history and geography. From 1981 to 1998, English was taught at the beginning of the primary level and science was removed from this level (see Ministry of Education, 1998, p.2, ch.1). In 1998, the Ministry of Education proposed that primary schools should offer Burmese, English, mathematics, basic science, social studies, aesthetic education, physical education and school activities (see ibid. p.10-11, ch.1). This paper, however, highlights the problems found especially in ‘social studies’: the ‘moral and civic’ subject aims at producing obedience to rules rather than active participation in society.
Primary level education is very important in that children need not only achieving mastery of literacy and numeracy skills but also developing social and moral consciousness from an early age. However, The regime uses education as a political tool preventing children from learning how to think[2]. Youngsters are expected to be disciplined in and out of school under the military regime. For example, the Head of State, Senior General Than Shwe gives an official line in education:
In pursuing education, moral, discipline and education are of prime
importance. It is also important for
students to be desirous of studies and well in discipline. If their discipline is lax, they will be weak
in learning and outstanding performance.
Only when they possess good discipline, will they be able to serve the
interest of the state (see Prospect
The notion of ‘discipline’ invokes ideas of loyalty and the image of obedient citizens.
According to a government report (Union of Myanmar, 1998), a ‘pass-fail’ examination system has been given up in some primary schools. Instead, the system of grade promotion through continuous assessment is being carried out at 9210 schools out of 40,450 schools. The paper agrees that a pass-fail examination system is not ideal: a pupil who fails an examination early in their childhood might be branded for life as a failure (Office of the SUPDT, 1947) and suffer from a deep-rooted lack of confidence in themselves. The continuous assessment system should be objective in assessing a student’s progress throughout a course of study in terms of intellectual, moral, social, physical aptitudes and skills. However, the assessment system bribes students so that they become followers of the regime. For example, if a student is a member of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) formed by the regime, he or she will get 16 marks to pass the yearly examination.
In the following part, the secondary school curriculum issues will be discussed.
3.2 Secondary School Curriculum
Since the new system of education in 1964, junior secondary schools have taught Burmese, English, mathematics, science, history and geography. Physical education and health education are conducted as extra curricula activities. The senior secondary school system has been modified many times under the military regime(s). From 1964 until 1993, examination results at Standard VIII served to segregate young students in the sense that the results determined the subjects that the students would study at senior secondary school. The examination results were placed in two categories - the A-list containing the best results and the B-list with the lower marks. A-list students could choose to study science or arts subjects at senior secondary school but B-list students could study only arts subjects. The result of this segregation was to give precedence to science subjects and downgrade the importance of arts subjects such as history, philosophy, sociology, psychology and so on.
In the science stream, the combination of subjects were Burmese, English, mathematics, physics, chemistry and biology. There were two different combinations in the arts stream. The first combination consisted of Burmese, English, mathematics, economics, history and geography. The second combination was included Burmese, English, optional Burmese, additional English, history and geography. Standard X examination procedure also involved splitting results into an A-list and B-list. A-list students were entitled to apply for a place at university whereas B-list students could only apply to vocational institutes. As a consequence, the adult life of students was substantially determined by examination results taken at a very young age.
In 1993, the system involving a science route and arts route after the Standard VIII examination was suppressed. (It had been previously abolished in 1977, and then reintroduced in 1985). Students now learn both arts and science subjects at Standard IX and X. The subjects are more precisely Burmese, English, mathematics, science (physics, chemistry and biology) and social studies (history, geography and economics). In the academic year 2000-2001, the senior secondary school system is changed to subject grouping. After their Standard VIII examinations, students have to choose one out of seven groupings, which are:
1. Burmese, English, mathematics, physics, chemistry, economics;
2. Burmese, English, mathematics, geography, history, economics;
3. Burmese, English, mathematics, geography, history, optional Burmese;
4. Burmese, English, mathematics, history, economics, optional Burmese;
5. Burmese, English, mathematics, history, physics, chemistry;
6. Burmese, English, mathematics, optional Burmese, physics, chemistry;
7. Burmese, English, mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology.
On which grounds will children choose a subject group? There is no tradition of career guidance in Burmese schools. Parents from working class and from rural areas have little knowledge about education and the labour market. If teachers choose a grouping for their pupils, it may not be fair for those children whose academic interests are different from the teachers’ choice. Even if the grouping chosen results from a sound dialogue between students, teachers and parents it has to be said that the children are required to make an important decision that will affect their adult life at a very young age.
Another drawback associated with the subject grouping system is that these groupings all concentrate exclusively on preparing students for higher education at the expense of vocational skills. Since less than 10 per cent of secondary school students join higher education, the majority of 90 per cent are not equipped for the world of work. One important problem linked with the present secondary school curriculum is therefore the lack of consideration regarding linking education with working life (Myanmar Education Research Bureau, 1992). In particular, the primary and secondary school curricula have narrowly focused on the teaching of facts rather than promoting skills which are needed for the world of work as well as social life.
In the following
section, I argue for ‘language rights’ for those children whose mother tongue
is not Burmese. The paper uses as an
illustration the data from the study of ‘the Teaching of Ethnic Language and
the Role of Education in the Context of the Mon Ethnic Nationality in
4. Language
Rights and Assimilation versus Excessive Nationalism in the Case of Ethnic
Nationalities
4.1 Language
Rights
The language policy applied by the military regime has been to Burmanise at the expense of the language and culture of other indigenous nationalities. In other words, seeks to assimilate in the name of national unity. Since national independence, Burmese has been used as the medium of instruction in all state schools. Before 1962, children in the ethnic nationality areas had a chance to learn their mother tongue as a subject in primary schools. After 1962, the regime did not support the teaching of ethnic languages. In the ethnic Mon area, for example, the regime ordered the Mon subject teachers to step down from their positions. Many teachers had to resign. As a consequence, the Mon language was no longer taught in schools in 1965-1966. But villagers who treasured the Mon language and literature hired at their own expense Mon teachers for their children. It is difficult for Mon language and literature to survive without official recognition by the government. Indeed, a Mon scholar, Nai Pan Hla, recently said that the Mon language is likely to disappear in the next 40 years.
If we consider
the primary and/or secondary school curriculum, the absence of ethnic language
teaching clearly constitutes a violation of the language rights of ethnic
nationality children. The paper ponders
over the possibility that the school curriculum might be used as a tool to
assimilate the minorities. Koskinen
(1995) argues that ‘schools have
always been the most important weapon of the state in assimilating minority
children’. One
of the reasons why ethnic groups in
In 1972, the New Mon State Party (NMSP)[3] opened Mon National Schools in areas under their control – in rural parts of Thaton, Monlmein and Tavoy townships. There are 150 Mon National Schools. The medium of instruction in primary schools is the Mon language. In junior secondary schools, Mon history is taught in the Mon language and the other subjects are in Burmese. In senior secondary schools, the medium of instruction is Burmese. However, teachers of Mon language and literature run the risk of being punished by the regime. Some teachers including Buddhist monks have reportedly been arrested. In 1994, some 30 schools were ordered to close because of the teaching of the Mon language.
In 1995, the
NMSP signed a cease-fire agreement with the present military regime. Under the agreement the Mon armed opposition
group was allowed to operate the Mon national schools by the regime. However, in June 1998, 120 Mon schools
attended by six thousand students were ordered to close by the local government
authorities because of the teaching of the Mon language in these schools. The regime forbids implicitly the teaching of
the Mon language in schools. According
to a Kachin representative to the education seminar held in
Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) also signed a cease-fire agreement with the regime. Even though a number of cease-fires have been signed between some ethnic insurgent groups and the military regime, the outlook remains uncertain: peace and development programmes in some border areas contrast with continuing fighting between the Burmese army and remaining ethnic armed forces in other areas (Smith, 2000). As the Mon experience illustrates, a particular concern of the cease-fire group is also for education and the allowance by the government of proper language rights.
The regime has
changed the country’s name from
4.2
Assimilation versus Excessive Nationalism
There is a divergent conception of the school curriculum between the regime and ethnic nationalities (e.g. Mon). On the one hand, the government’s curriculum leads to Burmanisation. On the other hand, the school curricula in the ethnic nationality areas induce excessive nationalism, which can lead to xenophobia. For example, although both government schools and Mon national schools start to teach history at Standard III, the syllabuses are fundamentally different. The government schools teach about Burman kings and heroes such as Anawyahta, Kyansittha, Bayintnaung, Alaungphya, Bandula, Bo-myat-tun and king Mindon. Mon national schools teach about Mon kings, heroes and wise men such as king Thamala, minister Minkansi, minister Dane, hero Tha-mane-bayan, hero Ma-san, wise man Ba-yarn, king Yaza-darit and hero La-gon-ein. Moreover, the Burmans and the Mon have conflicting view on history in that those who are considered as heroes on the Burman side are seen invaders on the Mon side following the occupation of the latter by the former. If the ethnic groups including the Burmans are willing to build a federal union, coherent education policies and curricula should be aimed at. This includes an agreed syllabus concerning the history subjects.
Let me report here a case of excessive nationalism from a primary school in an ethnic nationality area which anonymity is maintained. The Burmese primer is taught at the beginning of the primary level. Examples are: Ka gji: kalei nge chi sa phwe (The baby is lovely); Kha gwei khaja athan tha (The trumpet produces a pleasant sound) and so on. However, the school changes the sentence at ba and teaches: Ba la chai bamar mjou: da: hnin htou: (Stab the Burman!) while the original sentence is: Ba la chai bala gji: hsin bjaun si: (A strong man rides an elephant). Such kind of teaching clearly promotes racial hatred and should be discouraged.
As a conclusion to Section 4, the paper calls for language rights and the rights to cultural identity for ethnic nationalities. At the same time, the paper insists on the need for every ethnic group to respect other ethnic languages and cultures. Moreover, the paper suggests the creation of a federal curriculum, which should be based on multicultural education for all ethnic nationalities, including Burmans.
In the following part, the paper will discuss the neglect of the teaching profession by the regime.
5. Teachers
Traditionally pupils have the same respect for their teachers as they have for Buddha and parents. Teachers enter the classroom with goodwill, interest and self-sacrifice (seidana, wadhana, anina). Nowadays, the role of teachers is depreciated due to the fact that teachers’ salaries are very low and that they lack material support such as housing and transport as well as academic support such as pre-service and in-service trainings. The lack of trained teachers also affects the quality of teaching. In general, a university degree is the minimum qualification required to become a primary school teacher (Union of Myanmar, 1992). In some places, where there are not enough university graduates, people who have passed only the Basic Education High School (Standard X) examinations are allowed to teach primary grades (ibid.). These new recruits enter the classroom without initial teacher training. Some receive training after several years of teaching. In addition, over two-thirds of the primary schools are understaffed, especially in sparsely populated rural areas (Myanmar Education Research Bureau, 1992).
According to a government report (see Ministry of Education, 1998), some 57 per cent of primary school teachers, 58 per cent of junior secondary school teachers and 9 per cent of senior secondary school teachers have never attended a teacher training. After years of neglect regarding the teaching profession, the regime is now planning to introduce pre-service and in-service teacher trainings. However, these training programmes downgrade the level of primary school teachers. For example, after a first year training, only qualified trainees can continue to attend the training for junior secondary school teachers. Those who fail to qualify go to primary schools to be teachers. This programme therefore downgrades the importance of primary education as the foundation of social, moral and academic progress in that the system allows for unqualified candidates to teach primary school children. Again, after the second year training, qualified trainees can continue to attend the training for senior secondary school teachers those who did not do so well go and teach at junior secondary schools. In like manner, after another two-year secondary school teacher training, many have no other alternative but to go to senior secondary schools to be teachers due to unsatisfying examinations results. The best-qualified graduates can move on to post-graduate courses and follow master and doctorate degrees to become university lecturers.
I suggest promoting the status of teachers by offering them a better salary equivalent to other professions such as doctors and engineers and in terms of material support such as housing. Since primary education is as important as secondary education, all teachers should be treated equally. Teacher training institutions should recruit trainees according to the interests of the latter (i.e. a preference for primary education or for secondary education).
6. Conclusion
Evidently, education projects require a positive nationwide political commitment to education by government. Without a political solution to the Burmese situation, education is in turmoil.
Peace is a necessary condition to insure a long-term efficiency of the teachers’ work as well as a continuity of learning for pupils, especially in the ethnic nationality areas, where instability regarding education has been most acute. However, peace should be based on broad political agreement rather than on a temporary cease-fire, which does not guarantee educational development (cf. Mon territory) and military impoverished ideas about national unity actually interfere with the development of the education system.
Compulsory
education should be introduced in
Schools should provide all pupils with a curriculum that:
- is balanced and broadly based;
- promotes their spiritual, moral, cultural and physical development;
- prepares them for the opportunities, responsibilities and experiences of adult life in a multicultural society (SCAA and ACAC, 1996; Tomlinson, 1996).
Moreover, I
suggest a federal multicultural curriculum in order to promote ‘language
rights’ and the rights to ‘cultural identity’ for all ethnic nationalities in
Teachers should be encouraged with academic and material supports such as training, adequate salary and housing.
Finally, policymakers,
researchers and practitioners need to collaborate in order to improve the
education system democratically.
Researchers and practitioners are seen to be important parties in
educational policy debates in many countries (Creemers et al, 1998). However,
policymakers in
References
Creemers, B.,
Reynolds, D., Chrispeels, J., Mortimore, P., Murphy, J., Stringfield, S.,
Stool, L. and Townsend, T (1998) Conference Report The
Future of School Effectiveness and Improvement A Report on the Special
Sessions and Plenary at ICSEI 1998 in
CRPP (2000) The
Report of the Education Committee ‘Committee Representing People’s
Parliament’ formed by MPs elected in the general election held in 1990 in
Inter-Agency Commission (1990) Final Report, World Conference on
Education for All:
Khin Maung Kyi, Findlay, R., Sundrum, R. M., Mya Maung, Myo Nyunt, Zaw Oo (2000) Economic Development of Burma: A Vision and a Strategy, a Study by Burmese Economic, Olof Palme International Centre, Sweden.
Koskinen, A. (1995) ‘Language Policy towards Ethnic Minorities in Northern Norway and on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua’ in Int. J. Educational Development Vol.15, No.3, pp.221-230.
Lwin, T. (1999) Education
in
Ministry of
Education (1998) The Programme for Raising Education (first step)
Ministry of Education,
Office of the
SUPDT (1947) The Report of the Education
Reconstruction Committee SUPDT, Government Printing and Stationery,
Prospect
SCAA and ACAC (1996) A Guide to the National Curriculum
‘School Curriculum and Assessment Authority’ and ‘Curriculum and Assessment
Authority of
Smith, M. (2000) Border Minorities Revisited presented by
Martin Smith at the Britain-Burma Society in
Tomlinson, S.
(1996) ‘Ethnic Minorities, Citizenship and Education’ in Demaine, J. and
Entwistle, H. (eds) Beyond Communitarianism:
Citizenship, Politics and Education Macmillan,
Union of Myanmar
(1998) Review of the Financial, Economic and Social Conditions for 1997/98
English translation, Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development,
Email: Dr. Thein Lwin <tlwin@loxinfo.co.th>