KAO WAO NEWS No 51

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

August 19 - September 3, 2003

 

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READERS' FRONT

FATE OF GUERRILLA LEADER UNKNOWN

FORCED VOLUNTEERS FOR BURMA ARMY

ANTI-DEMOCRACY DEATH SQUADS

MON CEASE-FIRE LEADERS IN RANGOON

From Tri-partite Dialogue to Tri-Offensive Strategy

POWER RESHUFFLE IN BURMA

JUNTA DENIES SUU KYI ON HUNGER STRIKE

BUDDHIST MONKS ARRESTED AND DISROBED

JESUITS AID CHIN REFUGEES IN JUNGLE

EURO-MON MEET DURING SUMMER

 

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com

http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1215&lo=d&sl=0

 

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Mon State at War

 

FATE OF GUERRILLA LEADER UNKNOWN

(Kao-Wao: Updated September 3, 2003)

 

The condition and the whereabouts of Nai Hloin, leader of Mon guerrilla group is still unknown after the Burmese troops raided his outfit on August 28 in southern Mon State, Burma.

 

Quoted from the IMNA news, Kao Wao reported that the BA killed Nai Hloin, his wife, and two of his followers during a military operation to wipe out the Mon armed group.  Infantry Battalion No. 282 of Coastal Command surrounded Nai Hloin near Mi TawHlar village and after an intense fight with the Burmese troops he was seriously injured, not killed, accordingly to IMNA’s latest confirmation.

 

“It was really bad for our credibility but I am happy the freedom fighter survived.  After the news (of his death) was released, some people even sent condolence messages and some questioned if other groups created false news.  It is difficult for us to travel this area”, said a field reporter from the border.  Some got angry for our carelessness he added.

 

After the NMSP reached a cease-fire deal with the ruling military junta in 1995, Nai Hloin split from the Party in 1997 to resume fighting against the BA in the rural area.  The two brothers Nai Hloin and Nai Bin led a Mon National Warrior Army (MNWA) of 100 fighters formed with San-She (Long Hair), Nai Bin, Jai-Daik and Chan-Dein troops in southern Mon State and the northern part of Tenasserim Division.

 

Fighting continues unabated between the BA and the Mon guerrilla groups during military operations in Ye and Yebyu townships.  The BA restricts movement of civilians to block off presumed rebel support during military operations.  Whenever villagers leave their villages they need to carry travel ID cards issued by the local battalion, signed by the military officer and stamped with the name of the battalion. If caught without their ID cards they risk being shot on sight or tortured.

 

(Editor’s note: Please accept our apologies for the mistaken news “Mon Guerrilla Leader Killed by Army Operation, August 30, 2003)

 

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Life in Mon State

 

FORCED VOLUNTEERS FOR BURMA ARMY

(IMNA: August 21, 2003)

 

The Burmese Army’s Strategic Commands will supervise civil servants and villagers who recently completed military training, said a local source in Mon State.

 

The Strategic Command will divide the trainees into 8 groups held under its command and will use them for various purposes including assisting in the BA’s military operations. They will be stationed in the branch of BA’s local Strategic Commands in every Township.

 

On a rotational basis, about 30 trainees must volunteer under the supervision of the local Command for a one week period with the army battalion in the area to participate in launching military offensives; overseeing security in the area; working on construction projects; and, cooking for troops on the frontline. After one week, another group of 30 trainees would be called in as replacements, reported the local source.

 

Trainees are divided into 8 groups as (1) local militia; (2) information collecting; (3) public relations; (4) logistics; (5) relief and resettlement; (6) transportation; (7) construction, and (8) entertainment group, all under the structure of coordination with the local Strategic Commands.

 

The BA is planning to recruit the wives of policemen for attending the next training section, as they need more volunteers to reach the targeted quota.

Trainees were taught 24 types of arm equipping techniques in basic military training and will continue on with additional management training after forming cell groups among themselves.

 

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ANTI-DEMOCRACY DEATH SQUADS

(By Banya Hongsar / September 2003)

 

Democracy is a new concept for the younger generation in Burma. Even though it is popular, democracy and freedom is not permitted in the country by the State, which sponsors anti-democracy gangs and death squads in Burma, a country ruled by a dictatorship for over forty years.

 

The majority of people in Burma have fought for “democracy and human rights” in the country, while the minority carries out anti-democracy activities. The State Peace and Development Council led by Senior Gen Than Shwe, has formed paramilitary forces, state sponsored violence, which includes “pyi-thu-sit (People’s Army)”, “Village Peace and Development Council (ya-ah-pha)”, tha-sa-ka-pha (Counter Insurgent Force), “pyi-khaing-phyo” (Union Solidarity and Development Association) and “tha-baik-hlan-a-hpweh” (Anti-Strike Group)”. State-sponsored organizations act as local para-militia forces that carry out anti-democracy activities and horrific human rights violations including systematic torture and murder. Senior Gen Than Shwe heads the operation for anti-democracy activities along with his fellow cronies from the Rangoon War Office implemented within the Ministry of Defense.

 

Senior Gen Than Shwe and his fellow military-men have stepped up anti-democracy activities toward the leaders of the National League for Democracy and other non-Burma democratic political parties. He routinely jails political activists, student leaders, Members of Parliamentary, and journalists, including women activists and their children. However, without the cooperation of the Military Intelligence Services (MIS) led by Intelligence Chief Gen. Khin Nyunt, such an operation for anti-democracy activities will not be able to take place. Unless the SPDC releases political activists and agree to an “Unconditional Peace Plan” in Burma, pro-democracy activities remain under persistent threat from various state sponsored persecutions in the country.

 

Anti-democracy gangs are actively involved in forming local pyi-thu-sit, (literally “People’s Army”) established during the former Gen Ne Win regime as a paramilitary force working in the rural areas, especially in the Black and Grey areas to counter insurgency groups in the country. Pyi-thu-sit earns no salary or receive assistance by the government, but have authority to impose extortion in the local community. The ‘People’s Army’ are ordered to stay on alert for “intelligence gathering” and report to the local military commanders if anything looks suspicious. They operate like this in Mon and Karen States where active insurgent forces operate in the remote areas. They have no choice but to participate with the “order of high ranking Burmese military officials” (known in Burmese as “A-htat-ka- a-meik”). They not only are trained to counter an insurgent force, which means targeting civilians, but are also ordered to seek out and crush democracy activities in the community.

 

Local Burmese military commanders exploit poor, uneducated men, who are given arms to exploit others for personal profit. Many become rich and build new houses, which they otherwise would never have dreamed of in their lifetime. Almost all villages in southern Burma have at least two or three “pyi-thu-sit” forces assigned by the BA.

 

A militiaman from a village in Kyeikma Yaw Township of Mon State used to be a poor man selling “palm juice” to feed his family. After the 1988 pro-democracy campaign, the Burmese military junta decided to appoint poorly educated men for “Pyi-thu-sit’. A poor man from Kyeikma Yaw Township became rich and built a new house through extortion, collecting illegal tax-collections from local farmers. There are thousands like him who act as para-militia men in southern Burma. They become wealthy and live in better conditions than local farmers, dirty money derived from bribery and illegal traditional gambling businesses. Overall, “pyi-thu-sit” forces also form an element of the anti-democracy gangs in Burma.

 

Another anti-democracy gang, called “Ya-ah-pha” which literally means “Village Peace and Development Council”, is composed of a group of men who work on the “Local Council” with no formal administrative skills and no proper education. The “ya-ah-pha” also works under the instruction of “ma-ah-pha” (Township Peace and Development Council) in an area of over 500 villages in southern Burma. Ya-ah-pha is responsible for providing food and other supplies to local Burmese soldiers. They do not earn a fixed salary from the military government but have authority to impose illegal annual revenue from the local community.

 

While a few are elected by local communities without the approval of local BA officials, such community electing activities are uncounted for by the local Burmese commanders. Ya-ah-pha work under instruction of “Township Peace and Development Council” as a tool for the SPDC to maintain its iron grip over the country, they closely cooperate with the local Burmese Military Commanders, retired soldiers and policemen.

 

The third is the notorious anti-democracy death squad referred to as, “pyi-khaing-phyo” now nation-wide anti-democratic forces in the country, which operate much like the death squads (were/are) in Argentina, Columbia, and other dictatorships around the world.  Pyi-khaing-phyo is short for “Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA)”, headed by Senior Gen Than Shwe and also is a State sponsored (terrorist) organization which has a horrific record.

 

The USDA was instrumental in the planned assassination attack against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy. A report from Mon State say the USDA claims to have over 400,000 members, including children under the age of 16, whose sole purpose is to ‘attack civilians.’ USDA has access to government services and work under the instruction of Military Commanders, whose leaders are former with retired army personnel and policemen. The report adds that Min Lwin Aung, Secretary of USDA in Kyeik Mayaw Township urged members to cooperate with ya-ah-pha (Village Peace and Development Council). USDA members can ask for any assistance, he said in the annual monthly meeting in Mon State.

 

The other group is the insidious “tha-sa-ka-pha” (Counter-insurgency Organization) in southern Burma, especially in Ye and Ye Phyu areas where over 600 men were trained by local police forces. They are assigned to counter attack insurgent forces and unarmed civilians for presumed support, but the group has limited arms and military supplies. Military Operation Command No 19 (MOC-19) based in Ye Town closely supervises activities of the “tha-sa-ka-pha” in the Black Areas. “Tha-sa-ka-pha” receives little assistance from the BA, while relying on cash taken from the “Check Point” fees from the local commuters. Senior Gen Than Shwe has given them full power to ‘protect their own people and their own historic lands’, in other words ‘state sanctioned terrorism’ against the people.

 

Since the Depeyin Massacre (Black Friday) in May 30, which killed an unknown number of pro-democracy supporters and then detained the leader of National League for Democracy, the ruling regime has increased the numbers of young members to work with the Red Cross of Myanmar and Fire Brigade Unit in each town in the Mon State and elsewhere for “Anti-Strike Training”. The regime named the force as “tha-baik-hlan-a-hpweh (Anti-Strike Organization). The BA strategically places paramilitary forces along with the anti-strike force in all major cities. According to a Mon politician from Moulmein, the authority doesn’t use its troops to block a potential “national strike” in the country; instead para-militia and anti-strike forces are called in to do the dirty work for the so-called ‘protective services’. A source from a Mon political party in Moulmein said, the military authority selects its permanent members of USDA for anti-strike training sessions.

 

Burma is a totalitarian state with a military dictatorship that has shut up over a thousand political activists in prisons nation-wide and has subjected them to homegrown torture methods. To date, it is unknown how many people have been killed and tortured by these state sponsored death squads.  International actors should be aware that the military junta only is paying lip service for democratic change to the United Nations and other foreign donors.

 

The BA totally controls the para-military force, the Counter-Insurgent Force, USDA and Anti-Strike Force in the country with strict military orders to further crush democratic movements in the country. At present, crimes have increased in southern Burma, such as robbery, rape, murder, and the looting of properties. The BA has always linked anti-government armed forces with criminal activities, while the army is unable to identify such criminals. Local sources from a Ye Town community say, “the Burmese soldiers are quick change artists, changing into civilian clothes to uniforms after committing robbery and looting activities. There is hard evidence from rape cases and the killing of civilians in rural areas being committed by Burmese soldiers”.

 

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MON CEASE-FIRE LEADERS IN RANGOON

(Kao Wao: August 21, 2003)

 

New Mon State Party leaders traveled to Rangoon and met with Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council General Khin Nyunt at Tatmadaw Guest House on Inya Road.

According to the source from the NMSP, the team was led by President Nai Htin, comprised of Vice-President General Htow Mon, Nai Rotsa, Joint Secretary General Nai Chan Toi and other senior leaders.

 

The ruling military junta’s media reported that Nai Htin expressed his thanks to the junta for their assistance at the funeral service for the late NMSP President Nai Shwe Kyin and; the NMSP would stick to its peace plan and to regional development programs drawn up by the late President.

 

The border based NMSP liaison office said the meeting was a normal process and that the SPDC was out to seek political support after May 30 (Black Friday) ambush attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her entourage in upper Burma.

“They also questioned the joint statement released by cease-fire groups that showed their dissatisfaction with the May 30 attack.  The rhetoric on how the SPDC’s development for economic and national reconciliation and their war of words over Daw Suu Suu Kyi,” said an NMSP officer who spoke under anonymity.

 

A retired NMSP leader from Zubbu said the government media usually insults the gathering by writing one-sided stories and adds improper titles to Mon leaders such as “U” in Burmese instead of “Nai” in Mon for respected positions.

The NMSP reached a cease-fire deal with the ruling junta in 1995 after the Thai authorities added on the pressure for them to sign it.

 

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Opinion

 

TIME FOR A CHANGE: FROM TRIPARTITE-DIALOGUE TO TRI-OFFENSIVE STRATEGY

 

(By Nai Hongsawatoi)

 

When I heard about the meeting between Gen. Khin Nyunt and leaders from the (9) cease-fire groups, I wasn’t surprised. I predicted that such a meeting between Gen. Khin Nyunt and the cease-fire groups would occur in the very near future. The groups had issued a joint statement on 1st July expressing their regret on the Tabeyin Massacre Event. The joint statement by the groups caused the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to call on a meeting for everyone to attend. But it caused uneasiness when Maj. Gen. Kyaw Win, Deputy Military Intelligence Chief, did not mention anything about the joint statement and the Tabeyin Massacre at the meeting.

 

It is just the dictator’s way not to show fear and to always try to conceal its weakness from the public’s eye. A dictator does one thing when it means another. It is undeniable by meeting with these groups that the SPDC is attempting to convince them to stay away from the democratic camp, especially the NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. They don’t come right out and say it but everyone knows otherwise.  The SPDC does not want the (9) groups to become too cozy with the democratic camp. A consensus taken by these ceasefire groups is a main concern among the SPDC.

 

Summoning these leaders to Rangoon is a blatant signal that the SPDC does not want to see anything which may threaten its position.  If we see the main reasons why the Military Junta struck cease-fire agreements with these groups, it will clear up any confusion. The prime reason is to keep separate these groups from the democratic alliance, such as DAB, NDF and NCUB.  The Military Junta knows all too well how to stack the cards in their favour, that if the armed resistance groups and democratic forces form a unity among themselves it would pose a serious threat to its rule.  After the 1990 general elections when the SLORC bluntly denied the transfer of power to the democratic forces, many MPs and democratic forces fled the country. All these groups joined hands with the armed resistance groups and formed alliances among themselves such as National Coalition Government of Union of Burma and Nation Council of Union of Burma.

 

This was seen as a security threat to its existence and the SLORC initiated action to ensure the continuation of the Burman State. So it tried by hook or by crook to draw the armed resistance groups away from democratic forces. And it has tried by all necessary means to put them under its control in the name of a Cease-fire Agreement and by launching fierce offensives against the ethnic groups and civilians and offering special economic interests to entice the Thai's to apply pressure and to subdue these groups by all means possible. On the other hand, of course, it has lured these groups by offering special privileges to get them to sign on. It is quite possible that the SPDC might have other special reasons by calling these groups instead of the democratic groups such as Mon National Democratic Front and other nationalities democratic groups.  I hope everyone understands these meetings have hidden meanings behind them. The SPDC summoned all these group's leaders to Rangoon not just for briefing and explaining about the situation of Tabeyin Massacre, but as a devious tactic. The following reasons are:

 

The SPDC Military Regime wants to assert its superiority upon all these groups.

 

The SPDC wants to make sure all these groups remain loyal, by testing its loyalty.

 

The SPDC wants to show the world and democratic groups that all these (9) groups are absolutely on their side, and that whatever it does against ASSK and the Democratic Camp, and all these groups must remain under its command.

 

The SPDC wants to separate all these groups from Democratic Camp and will not tolerant any connection of these groups with the Democratic Camp and with ASSK.

 

The SPDC wants to warn these groups that they are being closely watched, it knows everything they are doing, and to remind them not to step out of line.

 

It is quite obvious that the SPDC's meeting is a clear warning signal to those groups that they will be kept under close scrutiny in the future. And to let them know that anything they do will not go unnoticed. This reminds me of a similar incident which occurred at the Karen Revolution Council (KRC) in 1965.  KRC reached a cease-fire agreement with the then Revolutionary Council (RC) led by Gen. Ne Win in 1963. A Peace Talk was called by the RC, the KRC's Brigade (5) was allowed to locate somewhere in Thaton District.

 

The commander of that Brigade (5) was Bo Lin Htin who was well known to everyone. President of KRC was Kaw Kazer Saw Handatamve who was appointed as a special Education Officer of the Education Department and who lived in Rangoon. In this way he was absolutely under the military Junta's close surveillance. Concerning Bo Lin Htin, the RC provided him with a Military Helicopter to travel from Thaton to Rangoon, the RC could track his every move. RC often summoned him to Rangoon for various reasons. At first, KRC had many expectations for the Karen People when it made the agreement with the RC.

 

But after more than two years of the Cease-fire agreement, the KRC came to realize that there was no progress in terms of political development for the Karen People. So Bo Lin Htin had some thoughts in his mind to change the course of action and return to the jungle again. The RC knew very well how to deal with such a situation and it tried in so many ways to convince him to stay on in Rangoon. He refused to stay and instead spent time with colleagues at Brigade (5).  At last RC got the bright idea to encourage him into a marriage in order to bring him back to Rangoon under close surveillance forever. The RC spent a fortune to celebrate a State Ceremony, Bo Lin Htin agreed to a marriage, but still did not stay in Rangoon as was expected.

 

It was waste of time for Bo Lin Htin eating and sleeping in Rangoon without being able to fight for the cause of his people’s nationality. Bo Lin Htin finally caught on to the marriage plot of the RC, always calling him back to Rangoon, he could be killed, he could also be easily arrested. At last he decided not to go back at all and refused to be summoned by the RC ever again.  He mostly spent his time with his colleagues in Brigade (5) HQ and tried to reorganize a return back to the Jungle. But it was too late. The RC, fed up by this time, had already plotted to get rid of him once and for all and sent in the Secret Intelligence Forces to kill him off along with his colleagues in broad daylight. Every body read it in the newspapers the next morning that Bo Lin Htin and his colleagues were killed because they refused and resisted Rangoon for negotiation. The rest of his colleagues were arrested and incarcerated in Moulmein prison. I met some of his colleagues such as Bo Mu Win and Pha Lu Kyaw in the Moulmein prison in 1965.

 

Once again, so the old story goes, that this meeting between the Cease-fire groups and Military Junta makes me feel uncomfortable. After a decade of Cease-Fire agreement with Military Regime there is nothing, up to now, coming from these agreements in terms of a concrete political solution for the nationalities. Their own people have demanded a review of the Cease-Fire agreements, which now have been seen as just a hoax.  In the public’s eye they do nothing to bring round the Military Junta to the negotiation table but wait for others to do something for them such as international pressure. People now see them as betrayers to their cause of self-determination and are only in on it for their own personal interests in the guise of a cease-fire. They have gradually lost the support of their people.  Pressure mounts now for them to change the course of events because these groups are now starting to understand that they can no longer survive like this.

 

They realize that it is impossible to expect the Three-Parties Dialogue from the Military Junta, which cold-heartedly denied the results of the 1990 Election and has for the past 5 decades never respected the rights of the ethnic nationalities. All these groups are confronted with a very dangerous decision. They won’t survive for long like this if they can’t do anything for their people, on the other hand if they try to do something against the Military Junta they will face the same fate, which happened to KRC. But some know they must do something to gain back the support of their own people for their survival.

 

The SPDC knows this. Any perceived unity among the democratic forces and the armed resistance forces is a Nuclear Bomb in the making for SPDC. So, it is very important for them to play their cards right in a new cunning maneuver. Calling on these groups to Rangoon is a crafty attempt to retain control over the ethnic nationalities.

 

I would like to say that it is the time for these groups to act immediately before it is too late. I do not want them to meet the same fate as what happened to Bo Lin Htin and KRC.  I would suggest these groups to exploit the weaknesses of the Military Junta. If they are politically willing to bring the military junta to negotiating table, it is the time for them to join hands with the democratic forces and to turn the tide against the military in a strong force of political will.  They should not waste any more time by expecting a miracle.  It is the time for these groups to take advantage of the innate weakness of the military and not wait for the Generals to get the upper hand. I hope that if we could launch three offensives, such as Offensive Without Arms (Non-violent action) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and democratic forces, Offensive With Arms led by armed resistance groups and Diplomatic Offensive (international campaign), done collaboratively we will conquer the Military Junta definitively.

 

The Military Junta must finally step aside and respect the wishes of the ethnic nationalities.

 

It is now time for change from Tripartite-Dialogue to Tri-Offensive Strategy

 

Nai Hongsawatoi

Mon National Council

 

(The views expressed here are solely the opinion of the author.  Kao-Wao Editor)

 

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POWER RESHUFFLE IN BURMA

(Kao Wao: August 26, 2003)

 

The Chairman of State Peace and Development Council Senior General Than Shwe has taken up the post as President and Intelligence, while Chief Gen Khin Nyunt has taken over as Prime Minister in a recent power shift.

 

According to the junta’s statement on August 25, Gen Than Shwe is now the President, and the all-powerful (omnipotent) intelligence chief, Gen Khin Nyunt is now the Prime Minister.


"In order to carry out the interests of the state and entire people more effectively, the SPDC has appointed Gen Khin Nyunt as the Prime Minister in effect from today," the statement read from the junta’s mouth-piece radio and television apparatus.


Army Chief Gen Maung Aye took over the position of vice president, and Secretary-Two Soe Win will fill Khin Nyunt’s position as Secretary-One of the SPDC.  Former Eastern Region commander Thein Sein will in turn replace Soe Win.


The political situation in Burma has been tense since the crack down and arrest of democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi on May 30 in upper Burma, which triggered international outrage and the implementation of economic sanctions from the international community.

 

According to some Burma analysts, Khin Nyunt's shock demotion from the powerful intelligence boss to the largely ceremonial position of prime minister, which was one of the many titles held by Than Shwe, represents a power shift to hard-line elements in the regime.  Than Shwe was accused of ordering the arrest of democratic leader without informing his lieutenants, the sources said.


Khin Nyunt, 64, is viewed as outward looking, one of the more moderate figures in the repressive regime, and the general responsible for handling a UN-sponsored national reconciliation process with Suu Kyi.


The reshuffle also trimmed off the old and brought young officers into the cabinet line-up, including U Ko Lay and Thein Shwe as ministers to the PM's Office, Myint Maung as religious minister, Thein Aung as forestry minister, and Hpay Oo as cooperatives minister.

 

The United States called on Burma's reshuffled political leadership to immediately take steps to ease what it calls an "intolerable" political situation.

 

The US State Department deputy spokesman Philip Reeker says the international community has made it quite clear that it wants to see a change in direction in Rangoon.  He says that should include the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, as well as the restoration of democracy.


The architect of the reshuffle, Senior Gen Than Shwe remains the most powerful figure in Burma as chairman of the junta and military commander-in-chief.

 

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JUNTA DENIES SUU KYI ON HUNGER STRIKE

(Cited from AFP; September 3, 2003)

 

YANGON - Myanmar's junta reiterated its denial of US allegations that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi launched a hunger strike and slammed it for attempting to impose its own version of democracy on the isolated state.

 

"We have already refuted the US State Department's dubious claims on Aung San Suu Kyi's alleged hunger strike," the junta said in a statement responding to renewed US claims that the democracy icon was refusing food.  "It would be unrealistic and indeed naive to believe that the United States is more interested in the well-being of the 52 million Myanmar people," it said. "History has proven to come true to the United States' version of democracy when and where convenient according only to its own culture and values."

 

The State Department said it had "credible reporting" from its Yangon embassy about ASSK’S situation, but refused to publicly divulge its source. Later, in a written answer to questions taken at the daily briefing, it conceded it had no first-hand information about her.  "Unfortunately, neither we nor others in the international community have had access to her for some time, and have not been able to make any first hand assessment of her situation or condition," it said.

 

The junta said the "more groundless claims" were aimed at coinciding with the upcoming United Nations General Assembly in New York, when the issue of Myanmar's latest democracy crackdown is likely to be a hot topic.

 

The US embassy in Yangon Wednesday declined to comment further, refusing even to specify when she began the possible strike.  A family friend being held in isolation at an undisclosed location told AFP he heard DSSK was eating meals.  "She has a habit of fasting occasionally, but I hear she is having regular meals now," he said.  Dissident sources in the US on Tuesday separately told AFP they had unconfirmed reports from sources within Myanmar that ASSKK was in "bad" condition.

 

The National League for Democracy (NLD) leader is being held in military barracks in the Ye Mon district of Yangon, the sources said. The information could not be independently confirmed.  The State Department first announced its bombshell claim Sunday, warning Myanmar's military rulers that it held them responsible for the health of ASSK, who was detained after a May 30 ambush on her convoy.

 

The junta immediately denied the US allegations, saying they were "an attempt to overshadow recent political developments in Myanmar".  The claims came a day after Myanmar's newly appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt outlined a seven-point roadmap to democracy including "free and fair" elections to be held at an unspecified time under a new constitution. Observers in Yangon dismissed the speech as a sham and a rehash of previous promises to restore restricted democracy to Myanmar.  A firm advocate of non-violence, ASSK refused food for several days in 1989 when she was first placed under house arrest to protest against the jailing of members of her National League for Democracy (NLD).  The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), who met with ASSK on July 28 declared her to be in good health, said it had no information about her current condition.  "We know nothing ... We are asking for another visit to see her as we are doing for all other prisoners in that category," said ICRC delegation head Michel Ducraux in Myanmar.

 

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BUDDHIST MONKS DISROBED AND DEPORTED

(Kao Wao: September 1, 2003)

 

Thai Police arrested Buddhist monks at Bangkadee Thai-Mon community on August 26 and over thirty Mon monks including two political refugees were arrested and disrobed.

 

The police raided Wat Bang Yar and Wat Sudhammavatee in Bang Khun Tein District, western Bangkok to search for illegal monks.  “They asked for Thai ID cards or a Household Registration List and arrested all monks who did not have the Thai nationality ID cards,” said a monk. According to Oslo based DVB radio, Buddhist monks who live in refugee camps are also facing arrests and harassments from the Thai authorities and there is no guarantee for their safety.

 

The Thai authorities announced that 189 monasteries in 9 districts are to be searched for illegal entry to the Kingdom. A majority of Mon Buddhist monks were ordained by one of the most revered and senior monks, Rev. Uttama, Abbot of Wat Viwekaram in Sangkhlaburi.  The Abbot requested for monks to be returned to their original residence at the Thai Burma border and exiled Mon communities are writing letters to the Thai government not to deport them to Burma according to the source.

 

In Buddhist principles, monks are obligated to stay only in their temples during the three months of the raining season and are not allowed to move or travel to other places.   They are also obligated to practice learning, teaching, preaching and meditation during (Woh/Phan-Sar) months.

 

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JESUITS AID CHIN REFUGEES IN JUNGLE

(Based on Chin Forum: August 20, 2003)

 

Members of the Jesuit Refugee Services visited Chin refugees hiding out in the Putrajaya jungles and gave loads of clothing material and medical supplies in Malaysia.

 

Chin Refugee Committee members led by Mr. Victor Sang spent more than 6 hours in the jungles handing over the supplies accompanied by the JRS members. As there are an estimated 400 Chin refugees in this jungle hideout, about two hundred came out to see the JRS and CRC members.

 

The JRS also promised the refugees that they would get more medical supplies, clothes, mosquito nets and water filters to clean water.

 

The Chin refugees in Malaysia have never received supplies since arriving in Malaysia.  The JRS members also brought a medical officer who performed medical check ups on the refugees and provided suitable medication according to their sickness, a service most refugees are denied.  The JRS members also brought a Chin refugee who had been bedridden for almost one and half months to their rehabilitation center, the refugee had been physically assaulted and seriously injured by Indonesian robbers.

 

The source said Chins are living in the jungle to hide from police detection and deportation, they will be persecuted in Myanmar if returned, half of the refugees in Malaysia approached the UNHCR and claimed protection under UNHCR Mandate as refugees. However, the UNHCR rejected most of the Chin asylum seekers’ applications for refugee status, on the basis of not knowing the actual facts of Chin issues back in Myanmar and the lack of knowledge about how the Chins are facing persecution under the lawless military regime for more than forty years.

 

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EURO-MON MEET IN THE SUMMER

(Kao-Wao: August 28, 2003)

 

For the first time, the Mon community in Europe gathered in Denmark and formed the Euro-Mon Community for more grassroots action and coordination in the future.

 

According to organizer of the meeting Nai Banya Ong, Mons in European countries attended the Euro-Mon meeting in Copenhagen, the capital city of Denmark, from July 26 to 27 and formed the Euro-Mon Community, whose aim is to strengthen unity and networking.

 

The EMC will engage in education, culture, literature, society and exchange knowledge and coordinate with other Burmese ethnic nationalities as well as the international community.

 

“There are misunderstandings among us; lack of trust would jeopardize unity among the ethnic nationalities. The future Federal Union of Burma will be peaceful and stable only if we can establish trust and respect. Therefore, we should promote understanding among us and work hand in hand as equal partners.  We should form a strong organization that gives us the opportunity to work together”, said, Bee Htaw Monzel, the newly elected General Secretary of EMC.

 

Welcoming messages from the New Mon State Party and the Mon Unity League were sent to the meeting.

 

Exiled MP Nai Thaung Shein chaired the meeting and EMC selected coordinators in Denmark, Finland, Norway, Netherlands and Sweden during the two-day gathering in the summer.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

 

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