KAO WAO NEWS No 52

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma


September 4-17, 2003

 

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READERS' FRONT

SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR’S REPORT FAILS

MON PRISONERS DENIED ACCESS

DISPLACED FLOCK TO THE BORDER

JUNTA LIES ON EDUCATION

U.N. ENVOY SEEKS TO VISIT DEMOCRACY LEADER

REPLY TO CONTAGIOUS DISEASE OF ROAD MAP

A ROAD MAP TO DELUSION OR EQUALITY

NEOLIBERALISM VS. BUDDHISM

DEPORTED MONKS SHOCK MON IN EXILE

SOROS FUNDS PLAN TO BLOCK BUSH

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com

http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1215&lo=d&sl=0

 

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SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR’S REPORT FAILS

(Kao Wao: September 12, 2003)

 

Mon communities are disappointed with the United Nation’s Report on human rights by the Special Rapporteur of Myanmar.

 

The interim report prepared by Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights in Myanmar, which was released in the United Nations General Assembly in August 2003, said human rights violations decreased in Mon State after the main Mon armed opposition group signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta in 1995.  However, small-scale fighting resumed after a number of break-away groups from the New Mon State Party took up arms again.

 

The Mon community in Monland and exiles responded with little satisfaction following the report of Mr. Pinheiro.

 

The Chairman of USA based Monland Restoration Council Pon Nya Mon said, “human rights abuses caused by fighting between the SPDC and the NMSP may have decreased since there are not fighting.   However, HR abuses caused by non-fighting such as land confiscation, forced labor for road and military camps, tax extortion, the closing down of Mon national schools have increased substantially since the cease-fire.  The most serious violation is organized land confiscation by the BA in several areas.  Since 1995 about 10,000 acres of land have been confiscated in Mon state.  This is tremendous loss in which people are unable to feed themselves, thus they face starvation.   Overall, I think human rights abuses are increasing after the cease-fire”.

 

The interim report, transmitted to the members of the General Assembly on August 5, 2003 by the United Nations Secretary-General, acknowledged that it is based upon the findings of the Special Rapporteur’s visit to Myanmar in March 2003 and information received by him up to 28 July 2003.

 

The UN report stated that the Special Rapporteur followed a two-pronged approach in his investigations by (a) conducting independent interviews of refugees in Thailand, and (b) by making an independent assessment inside Myanmar by visiting some affected areas.  The second (b) has not been completed to verify the independent interviews. All 9 Mon interviews were conducted in Maharchai, an area near Bangkok.

 

“We haven’t heard of his interview conducted here, but Ms. Guest from the Amnesty International came here for such (human rights) interviews in the previous year”, said Nai Lahoin, the migrant community leader of Maharchai fishing community. 

 

The General Secretary of Mon Unity League Nai Sunthorn also said after the cease-fire agreement, human rights violations related to armed fighting has decreased in some areas, but other forms of violations such as forced labor, torture, rape, robbery and land confiscation committed by the State authorities have doubled. 

 

The MUL, comprised of 14 member organizations, was formed as a forum for the Mon people after the NMSP reached a cease-fire deal with the junta.  The umbrella organization sent a petition letter of “Land Confiscation by Myanmar Government” on November 15, 2002. 

 

On August 22, 2003, the cease-fire NMSP leaders also submitted the letter to the SPDC leaders on land confiscation of Mon farmers by the BA.

 

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MON PRISONERS DENIED ACCESS

(Kao Wao: September 8, 2003)

 

The Burmese Army rejected a request from the cease-fire group to visit its members who were arrested for a state assassination plot.

 

According to the New Mon State Party (NMSP) office at the Thai-Burma border, senior military intelligence officer of Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) Colonel San Pwint told the NMSP leader Nai Aung Min that visitors are not yet allowed to meet the Mon detainees.

 

The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) arrested 12 suspects including two NMSP members Nai Yekkha and Nai Chem Gakow and Mon National Democratic Front leader Nai Min Kyi on July 17, 2003 being charged with involvement in a number of explosions in Moulmein and other cities.

 

The NMSP denied the charges and insists that it is committed to solving the country’s problem through a political dialogue rather than violent attacks.

 

In the late August, the Mon leaders led by President Nai Htin and Vice-President General Htow Mon traveled to Rangoon to meet with the SPDC leader General Khin Nyunt.

 

The NMSP liaison office said the meeting was a normal process and resulted in more business opportunities despite the case of Mon detainees and other political agendas.

 

In July, the NMSP issued a joint-statement, along with six other ceasefire groups, expressing grief for those who lost their lives in the May 30 attacks against the democratic leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters in upper Burma.

 

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Mon State at war

 

DISPLACED FLOCK TO THE BORDER

(Based on IMNA report, September 3, 2003)

 

Internally displaced persons recently fled human rights violation in southern Burma to a refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border.

 

According to the Halockhanee refugee committee, over 50 Mon families have fled to the border to escape systematic persecution by the Burmese Army from conflict areas during the raining season.

 

A relief worker from the Mon camp says that new arrivals mostly come from southern Ye and some from Yebyu Township while others have been arriving from Kyaikmayaw and Mudon Townships of central Mon State.  “Most villagers from southern Ye and Yebyu fled fighting between the BA and rebel forces where grave human rights violations occur; but those from central Mon State fled due to economic hardship and unemployment”, said the relief worker.

 

Some families leave the refugee camp to seek employment in Thailand as migrant laborers.  About 25% of new arrivals flee serious persecution, such as forced labour, portering and torture related to presumed support to rebel insurgents and will remain in the Halockhanee resettlement area.

 

The Mon resettlement area is located on the Thai-Burma border inside Burma, opposite of Karnchanabui Province in Thailand. Being in the black area (remote area controlled by rebel groups) defined by the BA, the Mon and Tavoyan farmers are accused of being rebel supporters.  A family from southern Ye said they escaped arrest after the Burmese troops searched for them following fighting between the BA and the Mon armed group.  All villagers flee at the last minute not wanting to leave home, but have no choice or they may be killed or die of starvation.

 

The BA and Mon offensive continue to wreak havoc on communities in Ye and Yebyu townships.  According to sources, the civilians in Yebyu and Tavoy Township, Tenasserim Division, are forced to attend military training for counter insurgency militia groups.

 

Estimates vary, but there are one million to 600,000 internally displaced people in Burma. Thousands live in a desperate situation, unable to feed themselves and are systematically targeted by the BA and insurgent forces.  Information on IDP in Burma is downloadable from http://www.idpproject.org.

 

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JUNTA LIES ON EDUCATION

(Reported by Gong Ong: September 14, 2003)

 

Even though the ceremony for Literacy Day was held in the capital, the junta pays not a single Kyat for public education for Burma’s ethnic nationalities, while their community based literacy classes are frequently intimidated by the Military Intelligence officers.

 

At the Diamond Jubilee Hall on Pyay Road in Yangon, the newly appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt declared that the 30-year plan to raise adult literacy rate up to 95.5% was achieved on the International Literacy Day in line with the United Nations Literacy Decade.

 

In the celebration at the capital city on September 8, General Khin Nyunt who holds one of many positions including as Chairman of Myanmar Education Committee said, “the Union of Myanmar is making efforts to uplift education for its citizens systematically through an education plan in which literacy and continuing education programmes have been included as a crucial sector.  Decisions were made to draw up plans by respective nations for basic literacy and better life programmes.  Keeping all school-age children in schools, completing primary school education, attending schools regularly, preventing drop-outs as well as providing basic education to those above the school-going age, and going on with providing life skills education and creating continuous learning opportunities have been accomplished.”

 

In front of the ruling State Peace and Development Council’s Ministers, ambassadors, representative of UN Agencies and education workers, the Prime Minister announced that in the 2003-2004 academic year, the enrolment rate in the 144 project townships is 98.93 percent and that throughout the country is 95.05 percent. 

 

Playing the same old tune, he confirmed that Myanmar now stands firmly on a high literacy rate.  He notified that over 480 Community Learning Centres where people can get together any time of the day has been established.  The adult literacy rate for Myanmar has increased to 92.2 percent in 2003. Under the 30-year long-term plan, Non-formal Education programme, with the goal to increase the adult literacy rate up to 95.5 percent, is now fully implemented.

 

However, on the other side of the fence, higher tuition fees are introduced in Mon State for the new enrollment of the 2003-4-education year at the government run schools according to local sources. 

 

In Moulmein, capital city of Mon State, fees for school enrollment, text books and sports cost over 1,000 Kyat; fees for school repairs and new buildings cost from 7,000 to 20,000 Kyat; and besides entrance fees, the parents also have to pay for computer maintenance at schools in both the urban and rural areas.  In response, the State schoolteachers say to the parents that they have not received enough of a budget from the government for school repairs and new buildings.  The people need to pay for this.

 

In the rural areas, Mon children are learning their literature in self-supported schools surrounded by broken down bamboo walls on the International Literacy Day.  These children in southern Burma are learning one of the oldest literatures in South East Asia to preserve their endangered heritage.

 

Unfortunately, these Mon national schools are regarded as illegal institutions, and are closed often following threats from the Burmese authorities.  The current State Peace and Development Council has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child, but the regime blatantly violates these rights and denies Mon ethnic children their own culture and the enjoyment of practicing their own native language.

 

In July, Moulmein based Military Intelligence No. 5 took the list of Mon teachers, students and their parents in Thanbyu Zayat township.  Even though education workers were not being arrested at this time, many believed that the act was to intimidate the Mon national education which is well founded and organized by the grass roots Mon community and has been for hundred years since losing their sovereignty in 1757.

 

Before the cease-fire agreement with the regime in 1995, many Mon teachers were arrested and accused by the junta as being rebel supporters even though these teachers have not been involved in the armed movement, but instead are committed in supporting their national education established by the Mon National Education Committee of the New Mon State Party. 

 

While being marginalized and discriminated against by the Rangoon central government, the Mons and Karen took up arms soon after Burma gained independence in 1948.  Both Mon and Karen govern some territories in the stronghold areas and settle their own national education.

 

At present, the MNEC administer 912 teachers for 37,135 students under the Mon National Schools system. The NMSP and the grassroots population fund these national schools since it has been founded but later on some aid was given by international aid agencies via NHEC (National Health and Education Committee). 

 

The NHEC, a health and education committee formed by Burmese umbrella opposition groups to help refugees and internally displaced persons along the borders, provides educational assistances for a total of 140,000 students, 5,000 teachers and facilitating over 1,500 schools all over Burma in the strong hold areas.  The NHEC education projects had been launched in Mon, Karen, Karenni, Shan, Lahu, Wa, Palaung, Pa-O, Kachin, Chin, Arakan and Naga areas.

 

With its own High Schools, Secondary Schools and Elementary Schools in the stronghold areas, the Mons are challenging the growing shortage of funds and difficulty in recruiting new teachers.  With their strong spirit, Mon education workers continue their campaigns.  These teachers are appointed on a voluntary basis and the MNEC provides basic stipends to them.

 

These number of Mon education workers do not account for volunteer teachers (Buddhist monks, university students, and community workers) for summer Mon literacy class in Mon state and other Mon community in Rangoon, Pegu, Tenasserim Divisions and Karen State.  Even though the accurate number of students is difficult to verify due to government restrictions, it is estimated that about 50,000 Mons join the summer literacy program yearly in Mon State.  In Moulmein about 500 attended classes during the 2003 summer term. 

 

Despite not supporting educational programme in the ethnic areas, the junta closely monitors these activities and controls as much as they can.  Like other dictators on this planet, the Burmese ruling authorities see these classes as a base for anti government activities and Mon teachers are accused as rebel supporters and intimidated, sometimes being harassed, arrested, tortured and imprisoned indefinitely. 

 

In May 2003, Major Aye Thein of the Burmese Army, Infantry Battalion No 31 ordered the closure of Mon summer literacy classes at Kalargote Island in Mon State. 

 

The overall situation in Burma, Human Rights Documentation Unit of the NCGUB reported education in Burma has been severely impacted by more than four decades of military rule. Because the military regime views the potentially politically active university and high school students as one of the biggest threats to their grip on power, all-non military education is treated as expendable. All civilian schools and universities throughout Burma suffer from a lack of resources and qualified educators, a problem found in many developing countries, however, unique to Burma is the fact that the ruling government actively tries to thwart universal and advanced higher education.

 

Despite the fact that only 0.5% of GNP is spent on education in Burma, compared to 2.7% in other Southeast Asian countries, the military government went to the extra expense of building university facilities on the outskirts of major cities near military barracks in order to keep an eye on students and stop them from gathering and protesting. The main campuses of Rangoon University and Rangoon Institute of Technology, which have been centers of student protests in the past, were moved 20 kilometers outside of Rangoon. Students from the provinces were spread out among the new universities in order to prevent a concentration of students.

 

While Gen. Khin Nyunt declared that Myanmar proudly stands on equal ground with other nations, civilians have to pay their children’s education expenses.  Despite having no money for education from the military government, ethnic nationalities are longing for their rights to promote their own literature.

 

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U.N ENVOY SEEKS TO VISIT DEMOCRACY LEADER

(Cited from Reuters: September 15, 2003)

 

UNITED NATIONS - A U.N. special envoy is trying to set up a visit to Burma later this month to check on the condition of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since May, U.N. officials said on Monday.


No date for the visit has yet been set as the junta has not yet agreed to let envoy Razali Ismail see Suu Kyi, who was locked up along with scores of supporters following a bloody clash between her convoy and junta supporters during a tour outside the capital of Rangoon.


Razali, a veteran Malaysian diplomat, last saw the 57-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate in early June.


''He won't go unless he gets the green light to see Suu Kyi,'' said one official, speaking on condition of anonymity.

 

The military junta in Burma says Suu Kyi has been detained in an undisclosed location for nearly four months for her own protection.


Both sides blame the other for the May 30 violence, which has drawn international condemnation of
Burma's generals, including rare criticism
from the country's Southeast Asian neighbors.


Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won elections in 1990 but has never been allowed to take power.


Razali has repeatedly visited
Burma over the past two years to encourage talks on national reconciliation and a democratic transition in the country ruled by the military since a 1962 coup.


But its military rulers have accused international governments of meddling in its internal affairs and have warned of instability if Western-style democracy was imposed.

 

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Debate on Burma’s Road Map

 

REPLY TO KANBAWZA WIN’S CONTAGIOUS DISEASE OF ROAD MAP

 

Ever since the ENSCC Road Map for democratic transition in Burma was released, a number of reactions from both friends and foes alike are received, some are very positive but some are quite critical. Both are welcomed. Since the ENSCC has taken a big step for a big mission, it was realized from the very beginning that not every one would agree or understand the idea behind the proposal, which suggests a peaceful democratic transition in Burma.

 

We all love our country and our people, and we believe that Burma deserves peace and democracy, freedom and prosperity, justice and equality for her people.  We want to end the oppressive regime, we want to end five decades long of civil war, we want to end human rights abuses, and we want to end any kind of injustice in Burma.

 

We want to see all of our beloved friends who are held unjustly in prisons become free, we want to see all refugees return home safely, we want to see all who are in exile reunite with their loved ones and we want to see our country becomes free.

 

We want to see our country no longer as a big prison but as a free and open society where various ethnic nationalities can live peacefully together.

 

We want to solve our country’s problem but we don’t believe in violent means. Violence only begets violence, and there is no solution after fifty years of violent conflicts in Burma. If violent means were a solution, the military regime would have been a solution already for they are opting for such a solution ever since they first came to power in 1962. We don’t believe in a zero-sum game, which will lead our country into a lose-lose situation.

 

In a nutshell, we want to solve our crisis through a peaceful means where the biggest winner will be the people, the ordinary folks. We believe that we follow Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s method of non-violent strategy, for she herself is opting to solve our country’s problem through dialogue. And we obey the United Nations General Assembly’s resolution, which calls for a “tripartite dialogue.”

 

Critics like Kanbawza Win who claims that the ENSCC Road Map “does not call for immediate release of all political prisoners, gloss over the crimes against humanity such as the 1988 massacre and the latest butchering at Depayin.” He made his point quite clearly but he failed to see the very nature of ENSCC Road Map. Theories say that there are at least three different kinds of political transition road map; 1) Demanding Road Map, 2) Process Inviting Road Map, and 3) A Comprehensive Transition Plan. Ours is not a “demanding road map” nor a “comprehensive transition plan” but “process inviting road map” through which we invite our conflict partners (whom we want to turn into our peace partners) to join hands. We are not going to shy away from the method that we have chosen, because we dare to make peace with our enemy. After all, peace is made with enemy not with friend.

 

Secondly, Kanbawza Win failed to differentiate “road map” from “blue print”. Any kind of political transition “road map”, even “a comprehensive transition plan”, is not a “blue print”. “Blue print” is not easily changeable but “road map” is. In normal situation, “road map” should be produced after discussion with opposite party or parties. That’s why pre-negotiation talks are needed in transition to democracy, as we have seen in South Africa and elsewhere. Unfortunately, we are not in normal situation; our opposition does not believe in peaceful means of conflict resolution but violent oppression.

 

However, we should carefully avoid playing the games our enemy wants us to play, that is---any kind of violent confrontations. They know that they are going to win if we engage in the games they set, because they are masters in dealing with violence. Violent confrontation is the name of their game, which we should avoid. On the other end, they refuse to engage dialogue because they know and think that they are going to lose if they enter into a dialogue table. So, we should know what are our strong points and our weak points, and turn our weak points into strong points. This simple method will be helpful, if we apply properly.  We believe in “tripartite dialogue”; not only because it is called for by the UN, but it also reflects the very nature of political situation in Burma. The essence of “tripartite dialogue” is “inclusiveness” and “recognition”, which includes all major conflicting parties in Burma and at the same time recognizes the 1990 election result, recognizes the SPDC as de facto government in Burma (not as de jure government, Kanbawza Win is just twisting the word in order to blame), and recognizes ethnic nationalities as the founding members of the Union, and thereby one of the major political actors in Burma.

 

This is unfortunate that although the UN and international community recognize ethnic nationalities---through UNGA resolution---as major political actors in Burma, Kanbawza Win plays down the role of ethnic nationalities merely as “pressure groups” or “activist groups”, by comparing with Burmese in Diaspora and international NGOs. And he wants us to follow the “Lion” like “hyenas”. It reminds me of Ne Win’s exhortation of “nout-like kaung hmah khong-soung-kong peta-de”, literally, “You must be a good follower in order to become a good leader”. The simple reason for creating such a saying is that they want us to “keep silent, follow the leader, and obey the order”, as successive military regimes since Ne Win’s want us to do. And they are always the “Lion” and we are merely “hyenas”.

 

Let me be very frank: without ethnic nationalities participation in this transition process, you might be able to change the government in Rangoon but you will never be able to solve the political crisis in Burma. I am sure Kanbawza Win can see the difference between changing the government in Rangoon and solving political crisis in Burma. Let me put in different way: political crisis in Burma today is not merely ideological confrontation between democracy and dictatorship which can be solved through changing the government in Rangoon, but this also is constitutional problem rooted in the question of the rights of self-determination for ethnic nationalities who joined the Union of Burma as equal partners and co-founders in 1947. So, if you do not recognize ethnic nationalities as one of the main actors and equal partners in Burma politics, there is no way to end 50 years of civil war in Burma. I sincerely think that we should learn lessons from fifty years of civil war in which we have lost too many lives already. If we try to learn this lesson, Kanbawza Win should appreciate, instead of blaming, the ethnic nationalities initiative.

 

Finally, I would like to clarify that in any political road map or transition plan, there are always two components: the “process” and the “substance”. The “substance” is a matter of what we want to achieve. What kind of outcome we want to see through this road map? What sort of political structure will be the component of the solution over which we are going to negotiate during the “process”? In short, this is the substance of the solution itself, and the goal of our struggle. “Process”, on the other hand, is a business of negotiation and dialogue, which focus on the elements of the solution but not the solution itself, that is, how to get to a solution? As such, one can clearly see that the ENSCC Road Map is for “process initiative” not a comprehensive transition plan with detail of account of the “substance”. We only produce a road map for “process initiative”, or “process inviting”; because we think that it is unwise to put everything on the table at once.

 

Sincerely,

Lian H. Sakhong

2003-09-09

 

 

Dear all,

 

I’m glad that Dr. Lian H. Sakhong responded to Kanbawza Win’s critique and clarified the concept of ENSCC’s Road Map. I have heard so many suspicious or doubtful comments in regard to the ENSCC’s Road Map since it was released. I guess these suspicious comments about the ENSCC’s Road Map also reflect the attitude and lack of understanding or unwilling to accept the role of ethnic nationalities as a key political force. There is a political doctrine, which is deeply entrenched among Burmese democratic forces, that changes would or could come only if we all follow the great leader, and consequently this causes the Burmese democratic forces to be too slow in their ability to change their tactics in struggling for peaceful change in Burma.

 

Political immaturity among Burmese democratic forces often becomes noticeable whenever ethnic nationalities make a significant move that highlights and acknowledges ethnic nationalities’ role as an equal partner in Burma’s politic.  There are many leaders who claim to be democratically minded and still see ethnic nationalities as a secondary force in the struggle, therefore undermine the role and capability of ethnic forces in finding peaceful solutions to the crisis in Burma. You have clearly made the point that changing government in Rangoon is not necessarily the answer to the political crisis in Burma if ethnic nationalities’ role as a key political force and an equal partner is not fully acknowledged. We are doomed to repeat bitter history if this very fundamental reality of politics is treated unduly.  The strength of democracy is that it recognizes and acknowledges the differences and is able to accommodate diversity, however, the full benefit of democracy can only be yielded unless equality is acknowledged and upheld among all partners.

 

As a democracy activist and ethnic person I am disappointed to read Kanbawza Win's lion and hyenas, example. He seems to forget that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi always says: I or the NLD alone cannot bring change, we cannot wait for change to happen and, as a citizen we all have a responsibility and duty to help bring about change. Now DASSK is in confinement and political parties in the country are unable to function freely. ENSCC which correctly play its role by putting forward a political Road Map for peaceful solution is accused of causing disunity instead of acknowledging it as the viewpoints and concerns of ethnic nationalities to achieve a peaceful solution. Kanbawza Win's critique offers no solution or alternative ideas but negative views and misunderstands the political role of ethnic nationalities.

 

Let me take this opportunity to ask you something about the fact of ENSCC's Road Map and the regime's National Convention. Does ENSCC's Road Map suggest that the regime’s halfway National Convention is still playing a role in the Congress for the National Unity?

 

Best regards

Sai Laoleang

Sydney

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ROAD MAP TO DELUSION OR EQUALITY

(By Banya Hongsar)

 

BangkokIn a long drawn out speech on August 30, the newly self-appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt, formerly the Intelligence Chief of State Peace and Development Council came out with a seven-point plan towards peace, unity and development. The PM’s "Myanmar Road Map" is but another façade set up by the Rangoon regime expecting everyone to fall into line while it maintains its grip on power.

 

There have been a large number of arguments put out by the media but little coverage is given to the equality of all nationalities in Burma. Some key issues were omitted, but three are vital for peace: To solve the political crisis; equality for all citizens; and, the establishment of a power sharing relationship between the Burman and non-Burman nationalities drafted within a new constitution.

 

In response to reconvening the old "National Convention" and a call to a new "Election" proposed by the PM, Harn Yawnghwe, Director of the Euro-Burma Office Advisor to the ENSCC immediately released an addition to the PM’s "Road Map" for further consideration. The non-Burman opposition organizations in the country initiated by ENSCC (Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Cooperation Committee) promptly responded to the seven point plan further adding six basic principles: Peaceful resolution; political dialogue; respect to the will of the people; and protection of the rights of citizens and all nationalities within a federal arrangement.

 

Equality for the ethnic nationalities under the law is the cornerstone to democracy in Burma, which unfortunately pushed Burma into five decades of civil war. In the decades past, the Rangoon regime planned to transform the country into a modern state, headed by the "Burmese Democratic Programme Party" in 1970, and then a decade later under the Burmese Socialist Programme Party led by military generals and their high ranking officers. Today the PM’s statement sounds like a recurring nightmare and a broken record.

 

The generals have blundered modern development and suppressed the ethnic nationalities who challenge their rule and who are viewed as enemies of the state. While the PM extols his government’s efforts with the support of Union Solidarity and Development Union, the SPDC is targeting NLD members by arresting and harassing supporters in Magwe and Tenasserim Divisions.

 

It is disappointing that Thailand doesn’t pressure enough its ‘friendly neighbor’ to hold talks with the ethnic nationalities and the NLD. The Road Map needs the cease-fire and non-cease-fire leaders, the ethnic peoples have lived in poverty for over 50 years and their participation is vital to form a genuine political culture. The SPDC must abolish its organization and form a "care-taker civilian government" consisting of representatives of the three major stakeholders: the Burma Defense Force; the National League for Democracy; and representatives from the ethnic led parties of the NCUG (National Council of Union of Burma).

 

Successive Rangoon governments since 1962 loathe the idea of a " Federal Union" while targeting non-Burman leaders for the "disintegration of the union". The policy of Burmanization in politics is the major problem and has been since independence from Britain in 1948 - the Rangoon Generals cannot see the forest for the trees.

 

The newly appointed PM in his policy address declared, “We cannot directly copy or import a democratic system that is being practiced abroad". Recently, at a hti (golden umbrella) ceremony, Khin Nyunt was seen reverently circling a pagoda, Kate Wheeler a writer for the New York Times who had witnessed the event wished that he'd go to the Pagan Museum to read a 1084 stone inscription: ''After me, whether my son or grandson, or any relation or any other person, if he oppresses the slaves I have offered to this shrine, may he not behold the Buddha Arimittiya.''

 

The current human rights situation reports government soldiers raping local non-Burman girls, occupying local ethnic land and properties, torturing anti-government activists and abusing the cultures of non-Burman people in the rural areas. The Rangoon dictators continue to kill off the NLD leadership and respected ethnic leaders that challenge their policy and the Burmese Army’s interests to remain in Public Office.

 

His constitution will not serve the entire people of the country if representatives of all minority nationalities are denied to participate in the constitutional debate. Moreover, with 500,000 troops in the country to feed it is quite clear that the new election is designed to buy time for the troops and their family’s business interests to secure capital control in the country. Thousands of SPDC members and families have maintained a good standard of living for themselves living off the back of the people, while the Rangoon Generals are protesting for the welfare of its members.

 

Surely 5 decades of civil war and destitution must be turned into something positive and be used to pave the way to a Road Map based on peace, unity and a democratic nation. The SPDC must be totally committed to abolishing the policy of "Burmanization" and work with the ethnic nationalities to introduce equality and build a democratic institution. A nation without sense of humanity and fairness among its native people will not achieve a political victory.

 

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Perspective:

 

NEOLIBERALISM VS. BUDDHISM IN THAILAND

(Bop Htaw: September 5, 2003-Bangkok)

 

The Land of Smiles is certainly living up to its name as the host to the upcoming APEC meeting to be held in October. According to a CNN report, a Thai Police Chief proudly declared, "Every square inch of Bangkok is being checked -- right down to the drainage pipes.”  Authorities are scouring the country for any one who may pose a threat and have stepped up forced repatriation of over one hundred Buddhist monks to Burma in the third week of August. Young Buddhist monks were rounded up at the temples around Bangkok and shipped back to Burma by the Ministry of Interior.

 

The monks are accused of “illegal entry” to the kingdom because they do not hold valid documents or visa stamps. After being thrown back across the border they make their way on foot though dense jungle to their native birthplace in Mon State and other areas in Burma, an arduous and dangerous journey. The Thai/Burma border is notorious for being the worst place in the world for human rights abuses.

 

Mon Buddhist monks laid the foundation of Buddhist society in Southeast Asia, the architects of not only Mon and Burmese, but Thai society as well. But now Burmese and Mon monks are targeted despite a centuries old tradition in Thailand, which allows Burmese monks to seek training in Thailand. There are two factors responsible for the crack down on Buddhist monks.

 

Firstly, the Royal Thai Government assumes that Buddhist monks holding monk ID cards issued by local senior Abbott are illegal migrants.  Furthermore, the government fears that they could start trouble and would pose a threat to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation gathering in October.  However, local Buddhist monks have no interests in the business dealings of the capitalist leaders and their partnerships.

 

“We are not interested in their work, it has nothing to do with us,” remarked a deported young monk.

 

A well-known Thai senior Buddhist monk, Rev Phuthta Essara, strongly objects to the move by the Thai government saying, “For several centuries no monk has ever had to obtain visa stamps to teach and learn Buddhism in the Kingdom.” “Monks practice selflessness and devote their energy to serve the community for harmony and peace of mind”, explained the Abbot.

 

Following the message by Rev Phuthta Essara with respect to the remaining Mon monks in Pathumthani, it appears the crack down may have slowed a bit, but some anticipate it will resume.  Sources say, “There are over one hundred temples to be searched by the Task Force for further operations and the commandos are geared up to dispel the myth that Thailand is a soft target for terrorists.” Western analysts report that Thailand has a large illegal migrant community and is surrounded by weak states.

 

Illegal migrants are neither troublemakers nor stakeholders of APEC; rather they are victims of the capitalist led regional governments.  The official banner of the Thai Government states: Welcome APEC delegates (Thailand) to the Beautiful Heart of Asia. But the message to Buddhist monks is clear: Buddhists principles were important in the past, but now our Asian leaders welcome Neoliberalism from the West.

 

Burmese monks are in Thailand because they are silenced from participating in anything that resembles ‘politics’ in Burma by the Rangoon regime, banned from publishing books for studies in their own language, for example in Mon, while the regime opening supports those who hold higher positions, ones who accept bribes, and ones who are pro-regime.  Thousands of non-Burman monks fled to the Kingdom after the 1988 nation-wide uprising for further studies in Buddhism, while many completed post secondary studies at various universities in the Kingdom. 

 

They break no common laws and are excluded from participating in rebuilding their country by the Royal Thai government.  Buddhist monks have great abilities and skill in influencing moral responsibility and should be allowed to partake at some level in the “National Reconciliation” process. Leaving it to those politicians who have had such a negative and immoral impact on our society is a serious breach of tradition for the Buddhist community.  

 

But in Thailand, they have posed no security threat nor sought to undermine government interests. However, a few jobless migrant workers, living in a desperate situation felt they had no other alternative and sought the help of senior monks for shelter in the temples. With over 600,000 people displaced in Burma, children from Mon State and southern Burma flee to the border for sanctuary.  Rev Uttama, senior Monk of Sangkhlaburi Mon village allows young boys to become novices or monks for security; they are trained to assist him in community affairs in temples, an act of compassion and centuries of societal well-being for the community. 

 

In 1985, when the Rangoon government banned state examinations in the Mon language, it posed a serious cultural threat that forced thousands of monks to flee to the border area.

 

When Gen Ne Win seized power from the civilian government, a few anti-Ne Win monks joined hands with ethnic leaders and fled to the rural area.  Some felt they had to join the Mon armed forces to protect their culture and a few fled to Bangkok. 

 

“If they deport and arrest my fellow monks, I invite them to come and arrest me first,” he declared to an immigration officer on the phone. As a well-respected Mon monk by the Royal Thai family, Rev Uttama has given back to the Thai community, well into his 90s, he still instructs and guides Buddhist meditation chants to many visitors, especially Thai citizens who visit him regularly for good health and fortune. Many of his fellow monks have established new temples in rural areas and the border areas in Kanchanaburi to further serve the Thai community.

 

There is a solution to the problem: The Royal Thai government could issue monks ID cards for studies in Thailand with conditions. However, a sense of discrimination against the Buddhist monks is a great evil according to the Pali text: San-gha- be-da-ka-kan. Good men and women wouldn’t let it happen in their lifetime.

 

Illegal entry is an ongoing issue in Thailand, the Thai employment sector demands unskilled labor from neighboring countries, with Burmese making up the largest percentage. Burmese migrants would return home tomorrow if they could, but the ailing economy back home offers no food on the table and state sponsored discrimination by the Burmese military and government on ethnic nationalities is not an option. Burmese monks will return home one day when they are able to teach and learn in their own language and establish their own temples when a democratic government is installed. 

 

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DEPORTED MONKS SHOCK MON IN EXILE

(Kao Wao: September 15, 2003)

 

The Australia based Mon National Council issued a statement on September 11, 2003 over the arrest of Buddhist monks in Thailand.

 

Meanwhile, Monland Restoration Council in USA also sent a letter to the Royal Thai Government requesting fair treatment to Buddhist monks.  The Mon communities around the world are shocked and deeply upset to hear that Mon Buddhist monks were arrested and disrobed by the Thai authorities.

 

In the statement, the MNC perceives that all monks have a right to be offered refuge because they are seeking a peaceful place to practice Buddhism and should be freed from persecutions and oppressions in their homeland – like the Dalai Lama being offered refuge in India. Mon monks are oppressed by the dictatorship and face unfair regulations laid upon them, such as: they are forbidden to follow religious practices peacefully and are ordered not to teach or learn Mon literature, in short, Mon Buddhist monks are persecuted and harassed constantly by the Burmese military junta.

 

“The Thai government surely is not thinking properly, having authorities disrobe Buddhist monks is in itself a serious act against not only the Mons but jeopardizes the Buddhist relationships between the Mon and the Thai, such impractical action taken by the Thai government may affect future relationships between the Mon and Thai and we will request that the Thai government review their actions immediately”, adding that, “the Thai government must protect Mon monks until such time they able to return to their homeland”, says Nai Ong, a Mon exile who has visited the community over the past decade.

 

The Thai police arrested Buddhist monks at Bangkadee, a well-known Thai-Mon community, on August 26 and over thirty Mon monks including two political refugees were disrobed and deported to the Thai-Burma border.  The Thai authorities announced that 189 monasteries in 9 districts are to be searched for illegal entry to the Kingdom.

 

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All about “regime change”

 

SOROS FUNDS PLAN TO BLOCK BUSH

(Inter Press Service: Sep 12, 2003)

 

UNITED NATIONS – Mr. George Soros, most often described as a billionaire philanthropist, once shared some of the same political values with U.S. President George W. Bush, such as both wanting a ''regime change'' in Iraq.

 

But Soros went further: he has also been gunning for Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, Libya's Muammar el-Qaddafi, Burma's Gen. Than Shwe and Turkmenistan's president-for-life Saparmurat Niyazov.

 

And now Soros has made a full political circle: he wants to see a ''regime change'' in the United States.

 

A long-time pro-democracy advocate and a sometimes currency speculator, Soros is openly backing a non-governmental initiative called 'Americans Coming Together' (ACT) aimed at stopping Bush in his bid for a second term as president of the United States.

 

ACT is planning to spend about 75 million dollars to mobilize U.S. voters to defeat Bush in the next presidential elections in November 2004.

 

Described as a counter-cultural investor whose net worth is more than five billion dollars, Soros has already contributed about 10 million dollars to the anti-Bush campaign.

 

Six other philanthropists have chipped in a total of about 12 million dollars, while eight million dollars have been contributed by trade unions.

 

Soros, who is chairman of the Open Society Institute (OSI) which promotes multi-party democracy worldwide, thinks that Bush and his aggressive unilateral foreign policy is doing more harm than good to the United States.

 

He also believes the president has neither the intellectual capacity nor the political prowess to guide the United States on a sound foreign policy course.

 

Bush's policies are bound to be wrong ''because they are based on a false ideology'', he told students last month in a commencement address at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies in Washington.

 

He sees striking similarities between the U.S. president and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, both of who believe in military power to achieve their political objectives.

 

The idea that might is right, advocated by both leaders, cannot be reconciled with the idea of an open society, Soros told the students.

 

A strong advocate of the concept of an ''open society'', he argues that neo-conservatives in the Bush administration have made a mockery of the values of freedom and democracy -- all in the name of fighting terrorism.

 

The battle against terrorism, he says, cannot be accepted as the guiding principle of U.S. foreign policy, and Soros wants Washington to play a more constructive role in the progress of humanity.

 

''What will happen to the world if the most powerful country on earth -- the one that sets the agenda -- is solely preoccupied with self-preservation?'' he asked.

 

''Acting as the leader of a global open society will not protect the United States from terrorist attacks,'' he warned, ''but by playing a constructive role, we can regain the respect and support of the world, and this will make the task of fighting terrorism easier.''

 

While he favoured the removal of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, Soros thinks that one of Bush's biggest foreign policy debacles is the war on Iraq.

 

He has pooh-poohed the idea that the Bush administration is fostering democracy by invading and occupying the Middle East nation.

 

''Democracy cannot be imposed from the outside,'' he argued. ''I have been actively involved in building open societies in a number of countries through my network of foundations. Speaking from experience, I would never choose Iraq for nation building,'' he added.

 

Soros says his primary aim in getting involved with ACT is to mobilize civil society and convince people to go to the polls next year, ''and vote for candidates who will reassert the values of the greatest open society in the world''.

 

The anti-Bush campaign is gathering support from anti-war groups, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and academics.

 

''The Soros initiative should gain support as the situation in Iraq worsens, and as the public becomes more aware that President Bush took us to war based on false information about Iraq's weaponry and about its connection to terrorist groups,'' John Quigley, professor of law at Ohio State University, told IPS.

 

''A president who initiates war on such (false) premises should not be re-elected,'' said Quigley.

 

''There is no question that if you really look at the deeper situation (about the Bush administration), George Soros is right,'' says Rob Wheeler, organiser of the Uniting for Peace Coalition and U.N. Representative of the Association of World Citizens.

 

''The president and his administration is surely leading the country in a 'false and dangerous situation' and they must be stopped,'' he told IPS.

 

''The question is, really, what issues ACT will focus on and how tough they will be on the president,'' he added.

 

The Hungarian-born Soros says he is not backing any candidate for the U.S. presidency.

 

Besides Bush, Soros also targets U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft, author of the Patriot Act, a highly controversial law that has restricted civil liberties in the guise of fighting terrorism.

 

Anyone who opposes the Patriot Act, says Ashcroft, is giving aid and comfort to the enemy. Ashcroft's remarks have prompted a rejoinder from Soros: ‘‘these are views of extremists, not adherents to an open society.''

 

A graduate of the London School of Economics, Soros says one of his political pursuits was to defeat communism and transform former closed societies in the Soviet Union into open societies.

 

Last week, he closed down his operations in Russia, where he spent over one billion dollars promoting democracy in a country that was the cradle of communism. Russia, he said, had weathered all its crises, and needs no outside support to survive.

 

Still, the OSI is known to spend over 450 million dollars annually to create open societies in several developing nations and Eastern European countries.

 

Ironically, although his anti-Bush campaign has strong supporters in the current U.S. anti-war movement, Soros is still vilified by anti-globalisation groups, who criticise him for his strong advocacy of free market economies and the global capitalist system.

 

As a currency trader, he is accused of making his fortune by manipulating markets, mostly in developing countries. He is known to have made a billion dollars on a single day by speculating on the British pound.

 

In an article in 'Covert Action Quarterly' last year, Heather Cotton said that Soros' foundations and financial machinations are partly responsible for the destruction of socialism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.

 

''He has set his sights on China. He was part of the full court press that dismantled Yugoslavia,'' she writes.

 

Soros' role, she said, is to tighten the stranglehold of globalisation and the ''New World Order'' while promoting his own financial gain.

 

Cotton writes that while anti-globalisation forces were freezing in the streets outside New York's Waldorf Astoria Hotel in February 2002, Soros was inside addressing the World Economic Forum, the traditional platform for the world's economic elites.

 

''As the police forced protesters into metal cages on Park Avenue, Soros was extolling the virtues of the 'open society'."

 

As chairman of Soros Fund Management, Soros built a huge fortune doubling as a speculator in international currency and financial markets.

 

He has been accused of profiting unfairly in foreign markets, including developing country markets such as Thailand, and was lambasted by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad for currency speculation that contributed to the 1997 Asian economic crisis.

 

At a meeting at the University of Pennsylvania, Soros was asked how he reconciles his two roles in life: philanthropist and ruthless speculator.

 

Pleading innocence, he said the cash crises he has been blamed for were really caused by government policies, not his speculative actions. ''I was used as a scapegoat for government actions,'' he added, pointing out that he is known in China as ''the crocodile''.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

 

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