KAO WAO NEWS No 55

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

October 15-30, 2003

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READERS' FRONT

HUNGER IN EASTERN BURMA BORDER

LAND CONFISCATION IN MON AREA DOCUMENTED

NEW PSYCH WARFARE

ILLEGAL FUND RAISING FOR BURMA ARMY

EQUALITY FIRST PRIORITY: MON STATE CONSTITUTION

ANTI-MUSLIM ATTACKS SPREAD TO SOUTHERN BURMA

GRASS ROOT CONFERENCE DECIDES KEY RESOLUTION

CAN WE TRUST PRIME MINISTER KHIN NYUNT?

MON STUDIES CENTRE A GOAL FOR ACADEMICS

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READERS' FRONT

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com

http://www.kaowao.org

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Dear Kao Wao,

Condolezza Rice says they are very concerned about the fate of Daw ASSK after talking to the UN.  I don’t think talking to the UN will make any difference to the situation in Burma. While the SPDC seems listen to the UN, these are only maneuvers to sidetrack their real intentions. Even now Prime Minister Khin Nyunt is about to begin the Burmese Road Map to the transfer of power. But the SPDC has no wish or intention to ever transfer power to anybody.  This is another attempt by the regime to fool once again the UN and the international community.

All available sources must work together to get the message out to the world and UN leaders what the SPDC is really trying to do. The US President and his advisors cannot know the core of the SPDC's tricks.  We must make sure the international community knows what is going on in the minds of the rulers of the Union of Burma, if we want to see our land in a little sunlight.

Vum Son

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Dear Kao Wao,

Please pass on to Mr. Lian Sakhong our appreciation for his paper (Dialogue: Non-violent Strategy for Democracy Movement in Burma), our agreement with it and or prayers for his part of the work.

Thank you for all your excellent reporting.  It is a positive contribution to the case of freedom and justice in Burma.

God bless you,

David Eubank

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Dear Editor,

Dr. Lian H Sakhong has clearly pointed out in his paper, “Dialogue: Non-violent Strategy for Democracy Movement in Burma.  We need more debate to gain understanding among us to reach a common goal.  There are many Burmans who think achieving democracy as priority rather than solving ethnic and democracy issue together.  Non-Burman nationalities that focus only for re-establishing of their individual States also should co-operate more with the majority Burmans for the common goal as well.

Banyeh Rot (Ye)

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Plight of Internally Displaced Persons

 

HUNGER IN EASTERN BURMA BORDER: A NEW REPORT RELEASED

(Kao Wao / Bangkok: October 25, 2003)

Land confiscation and forced relocations continue to deprive and threaten the lives of the rural poor of their rights to adequate food, housing and livelihood. 176 relocation sites were identified in state-controlled areas of eastern Burma border during 2002, as reported by a fresh report by the Burmese Border Consortium last week.

Thailand based non-government organization released a timely report named  ‘Reclaiming the Rights to Rice’ about food security and internal displacement in eastern Burma, which provides an in-depth investigation on food security and other related issues.

The report covers six specific areas in eastern Burma border; Tenasserim, Mon, Karen, Karenni, Pegu and Shan territories, where paddy is being destroyed or land confiscated by the BA in 2002.

According to the report, 248 settlements have been affected and the paddy is estimated at about 3,665 tones, which were destroyed by the State Peace and Development Council, the current ruling authority in Union of Burma.

The Survey estimates that approximately 250 temporary settlements of internally displaced persons in eastern Burma had their paddy destroyed or confiscated by the military government in 2002. Furthermore, the result suggests that food supplies were widely destroyed as an act of war in northern Karen State’s Papun township ad eastern Pegu Division’s Shwegyin Township, the report concluded.

The report also highlighted local observation of issues related to food security on crop destruction as a weapon of war, border areas development, agricultural management, land management, nutritional impact of internal displacement and gender –a perspective based on the lives of local community workers.

For hard copy of full report, please contact bbcbkk@inet.co.th

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LAND CONFISCATION IN MON AREA DOCUMENTED

(Kao Wao: October 24, 2003)

Human Rights Foundation of Monland has released a report on land confiscation in the Mon areas.

The report mainly focuses on the issue of land confiscation, including Burmese military deployment and the suffering of landowners for over six years after the New Mon State Party and the Burmese military junta signed the cease-fire agreement.

According to the report, over the six-year period, the BA confiscated over 7780 acres of land with an estimated value of Kyat 1,311 million from over 370 farmers in Mon State and in Southern Burma.  Land confiscation by the BA has had a widespread impact in Mon State and the most severe cases are found in Ye township, southern Mon State.

The Burmese military regime has deployed thousands of Burmese troops in the area since 1995 causing internal displacement among the populations.

The report, compiled with 21 case studies, was presented to humanitarian organizations and other interested parties to review the plight of refugees, displaced persons and illegal migrants to neighboring countries.

For over nine years now, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland published its regular monthly report titled the “Mon Forum.” The land confiscation report highlights the reasons why people flee their home country.

After loosing their land to the BA, farmers have no options; hundreds of families load up their belongings on their backs, pull their children out of school, and flee to refugee camps along Thai-Burma border. Thousands seek jobs in Thailand and Malaysia. After the cease-fire agreement in 1995, the military government, State Peace and Development Council built over ten new battalions in Mon State.

The army confiscates farms and plantations and forces owners to work on land they once owned without compensation, pay or benefits. This act is inhumane and dehumanizing and causes tremendous hardship on villagers, the report concluded.

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News report

NEW PSYCH WARFARE

Burmese Army Launches Psychological Warfare in Mon State

(By Banya Hongsar)

October 15, 2003, Thai-Burma Border -- The ruling regime recently ordered public servants to gather in a field to support the ‘seven points’ political Road Map, drawn up by the newly appointed Prime Minister this week in Moulmein, the capital city of Mon State, Union of Burma.

Thousands of people were sitting on chairs in a large field with nothing to do but listen to various repetitive speeches given by senior officials led by Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).

Over the last ten years, since 1993, senior officials of USDA, led by military personnel in Mon State have launched a psychological warfare by conducting various secret training programs to counter attack the democratic forces and repress civil society movements. Men, women, and children are ordered to dress up in uniforms and non-Burman people were ordered to dress in their ethnic Mon traditional clothing.

According to sources from the New Mon State Party based in Mon State, soldiers of Burmese troops are ordered to purchase traditional Mon dress prior to the events. Despite the local public having no knowledge on Rangoon’s seven-point plan, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) exploited its troops to behave like the local public in the rally and public events, and spy on local groups.

Col. Zaw Tun, senior military member of Southeast Military Command based in Moulmein is in charge of conducting the "psychological warfare" in Mon State under the instruction of the Rangoon War Office.

According to a source from the Mon community, key members of USDA were forced to attend a secret training held at the Capital Hall in the military compound.

The training modules include public relation campaigns, overviews on neighboring countries and Strategies on the Peoples’ Force with prepared textbooks. Since 2000, the 43rd training session has been conducted in Mon State under the instruction of the "No 6th Propaganda and Psychological Warfare training school," based in Mon State.

After the newly appointed Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt announced his ‘Seven Points" political program, the so called "Myanmar Road Map" towards democracy in August, the Rangoon Generals have instructed local USDA members to act as core supporters for the state and be part of the game in exploiting the local population.

According to source from the New Mon State Party based on Thai-Burma Border, members of the party in the capital were approached to attend the public event, but the seniors in Moulmein rejected the invitation. The NMSP is a cease-fire group, since in 1995, but the party has had little room to play a political role or be involved in a peaceful settlement in the country over the last seven years.

Generally Mon people, especially those who are not members of USDA or of the civil servants, mostly support their national political organization, the Mon National Democratic Front, but the Rangoon Generals abolished it in 1992. Most rural based native Mon people are under the control of the New Mon State Party and its armed wing Mon National Liberation Army. The Mon native people have no alternative information of the "Seven Points" political programs because the state restricts and controls the press.

The Rangoon regime’s political program aims to grip onto political power both at new "National Convention" and New "Election" regardless of the political mandate in the country. After launching psychological warfare statewide, the Rangoon Generals seem to have the confidence to call a new "Convention and Election" while leaders of democratic camp Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is under house detention.

The State owned media television churns out PR propaganda as part of its political game on prime time. There are over ten kinds of uniforms flashed across the Myanmar TV screen orchestrated daily under instruction of USDA’s PR spin team campaign, designed to both brainwash and represent the local public.

The Rangoon regime is expert at dividing the citizens of Burma into two camps: Pro-regime and the Pro-democracy camp.

"This kind of tactic has been used in the past during Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein era," explains Sunthorn Sripanngern, a Mon political analyst. But finally, “they fail consistently to promote or uphold peace in the country”, he added.

Regardless of this massive psychological warfare in Mon State, senior members of urban-based Mon political party have conducted workshops in various places for further debate on "federalism" in the country. These groups of Mon political elite strongly support and work under the leadership umbrella organizations United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) and Committee Representing People Parliament (CRPP).

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Life in Mon State

ILLEGAL FUND RAISING FOR BURMA ARMY

(Independent Mon News Agency: October 27, 2003)

Military officials of Artillery Regiment No (318) ordered village headmen to sell theatre tickets in the community this week, a source from the village said.

A new Artillery Regiment was built this year at Abit village which rose the funding to supply uniforms for the troops. The senior officials ordered headmen to hire a local drama group to perform a show in the village and quota of ticket selling was imposed to each local headman in the surrounding area.

Each village is order to raise at least Kyat 150,000.00 for military fund slush. The army is ordered by the Headquarters in Moulmein to cover its own budget for further operation in the areas, a reliable source said.

"We don’t know how much we can sell the tickets for but the Commander already has taken Kyat 150,000.00 from us", complained a local headman who asked to not be named for security reasons.

According to a village headman, the tickets do not mention when is the show and local villagers are not interested in it.

The BA plans to raise its military budget in the community through illegal ticket sales for social events.

The local military commander for such affairs orders local headmen frequently to raise money. Villagers never complain or disagree otherwise they may be beaten or tortured.

A similar show was imposed on Kaloh Thog village on 24 October. Regiment Commander Kyaw Swe Myint abused and beat three villagers for no reason, the source from the village said.  

Abit village, south of Mudon town, is a strategic location for the BA to block all military access of anti-government armed forces in Mon State and southern Burma.

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Political development

EQUALITY FIRST PRIORITY: MON STATE CONSTITUTION

Equality tops the list in Mon State Constitution

By-Bop Htaw

14 October, 2003 Bangkok—Equality is a core principle drafted in the Mon State Constitution, which was discussed this week at the Thai-Burma border chaired by senior members of New Mon State Party.

The Committee for drafting the Mon State Constitution sat for the two-day workshop for a third reading session; the draft paper will be released to Mon public before the end of the year. Members of the Committee comprised of New Mon State Party, Mon National Democratic Front, and Mon Unity League, each had three representatives. Representatives of MNDF were unable to attend the workshop due to security reasons on the border areas.

“Equality to other non-Mon native people in the territory is to be guaranteed in the constitution,” said Nai Hongsa, chairman of the committee. “We are unable to build peace and prosperity in our land if we fail to guarantee equality to all,” he added in his opening address to the session.

According to a media release issued by the Committee, each native person in the Territory is urged to be actively involved in political life in their respected areas and is urged to represent their own representatives in the local State Parliament.  Regardless of the size of population and geography, the native people should feel free to exercise all their rights to govern their own population either under autonomy or a local administrative council based on the will of the entire population in the surrounding area.

The State Constitution is firmly linked to "Federal Principles" and members of the committee strongly focused on the issue of power sharing between the State and Federal governments. However, the committee seriously debated on the draft constitution, which is based on the political context of the country.

"Regardless of their race and color, we ought to respect every citizen in our state," Nai Hongsa said. “There are Mon, Burman, Pa-o, Karen and Tavoyan who live in the territory, including Chinese and Indian descents”, said the chairman.

The draft constitution contains nineteen chapters with seventy-five articles. Members of Mon political organizations have struggled over the last two years while they have limited knowledge on the constitutional affairs, but the paper is finished for the State Constitution Seminar later to be held this month.

Each State has prepared its draft constitution with the support of National Reconciliation Program (NRP) based in Thailand in order to strengthen the principle of federalism and democratic change in Burma.

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ANTI-MUSLIM ATTACKS SPREAD TO SOUTHERN BURMA

(DVB: October 27, 2003)

Anti-Muslim attacks which started in central Burma are spreading to the capital Rangoon in the south of the country.

On 25 and 26 October, a group of Buddhist monks raided the properties of local Muslims in Thinganggyun Township and the owners were attacked and their properties destroyed.

Although the authorities arrested and detained the attackers of a local businessman, U Htay Kywe on the 25th, most of the local people believe that the authorities themselves systematically organized the assaults from the evidence they have seen.  He was hospitalized and had 9 stitches for the wounds he received on his head. The unprovoked attacks were committed by some ‘monks’ and normal civilians. The attackers also poured petroleum on him while they were demanding money from him but they didn’t burn him, according to a local resident.

On the 26th, the attackers also went on the rampage and attacked the owners and employees of local Muslim restaurants.

Meanwhile, threatening letters were sent to the homes of Muslims in Moulmein, Mon State and their homes were thrown with stones and local security forces are ‘guarding’ their homes.

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GRASS ROOT CONFERENCE DECIDES KEY RESOLUTION

Activists agree to work together for democracy in Burma

(By Kun Yekha, Oct 14, 2003)

Exile pro-democracy activists held a huge conference to establish a Roadmap for Democracy in Burma in Fort Wayne, Indiana, USA.

Burman and non-Burman pro-democracy individuals and representatives from organizations worldwide attended the self-funded conference.

About 300 observers and participants gathered at Neff Hall on the campus of Indiana University- Purdue University Fort Wayne (IPFW).  After a two-day (Oct 11-12) thorough discussion in which five panels were formed, the participants laid down several key resolutions for the future of Federal Union in Burma.

Representatives from the five panels outlined a strategy to end military dictatorship in Burma; solidarity of Nationalities of Burma; self-funding, pressure against the military regime by international communities and the United Nations; and a future plan for inland and overseas democratic struggle.

They agree that any transition to democracy would begin with the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of National League for Democracy and the establishment of a federal union nation.

The conference passed a resolution to unify pro-democratic groups’ power by working through the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, the exile government based in Washington D.C.

The issue of solidarity of the nationalities, which has been the root cause of more than 50 years of civil war, was heavily debated by the participants, which finally resulted in the establishment of the equality and the right of self-determination for the nationalities in Burma.

“Without genuine recognition of the desire for ethnic equality and the right of self-determination, I’m confident unity and solidarity among the ethnic nationalities, including the majority Burmans, cannot be established,” said Padoh Mahn Sha, general secretary of Karen National Union and a national leader with the National Council of Union of Burma.

The self-funded panel headed several side discussions, which formed a self-help, fund raising body, with an aim to abolish the dictatorship and to promote democracy in Burma.

The conference decided to step up its campaign to pressure for economic sanctions against the military regime through the United Nations Security Council and to seek stronger pressure from the international community to secure the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.

Not satisfied with international activities, the participants deeply discussed and worked out resolutions including the domestic struggle (inside the country) with all agreeing that the elimination of the dictatorial system in Burma is the only way to successfully achieve genuine democracy and national reconciliation among all the nationalities in the country.

The panelists carefully considered and decided that forces inside the country is the key to success in promoting freedom and the deciding factor in a regime change.

The conference named key players to wage the decisive struggle: (a) the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament and the National League for Democracy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; (b) the “Veteran Politicians”; (c) United Nationalities League for Democracy; and (d) masses (students, monks, workers, farmers, etc) from all strata.

Of the five separate panels, the panel on the strategy to end the military dictatorship in Burma was the most thoroughly discussed topic at the conference.  Delegates enthusiastically debated, commented, and proposed for this amendment.

Attended by more than (30) organizations, representatives from Thailand, Japan, Canada, Australia and USA comprised of National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB), National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB), National League for Democracy (NLD-LA), Karen National Union (KNU) and New Mon State Party (NMSP).  More than (300) participants from non-violent organizations, armed resistance political parties, including cease-fire armed groups and individuals, took part in the conference for freedom.

After the regime's May 30 ruthless crackdown on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters, the opposition groups and independent exiles have been more active and united to find ways to end the country's dictatorship.  Eyewitnesses of from the May 30 (Black Friday) crackdown, Wanna Maung and Khin Zaw also presented their account of what happened at the Depayin massacre.

Nai Banyadean, a conference organizer, said they selected Fort Wayne as the host site because it is the largest Burmese refugee community in the United States where more than 1,500 Burmese now live.

“It’s the largest conference ever been held in the United States, comprised of ethnic nationalities from the Mon, Karen, Shan and Chin groups in which representatives participated and shared their views,” said Fred Gilbert, a local social worker who devotes most of his time to assisting refugees and immigrants and who is a strong supporter for the Democracy struggle in Burma.

The U.S. Rep. Mark Souder gave a speech and pledged to bring the conference’ finalized resolutions to Washington government at the end of the conference.

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Political view: a youth’s perspective

 

CAN WE TRUST PRIME MINISTER KHIN NYUNT?

(By Lawi Weng)

Can the ethnic nationalities and the democratic movement trust Prime Minister Khin Nyunt? The more politicians there are, the more there will be political views on this issue. Some people may question if Khin Nyunt is a moderate person or not and if he possesses the tolerance needed for democracy to work in Burma. One can make a comparison to President Frederik W. de Klerk (former president of South Africa); Mr. de Klerk drew up a non-racial constitution, held a referendum, and an election. He won a Nobel Peace Prize because of his achievement in reaching peaceful negotiations with President Nelson Mandela in 1991.

Some people may view Khin Nyunt as a hardliner after he criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for instigating the May 30 ambush.  He also criticized the international community for taking sides in supporting Aung San Suu Kyi and thus tarnishing his country’s reputation.

What can we make of Mr. Khin Nyunt? Is he a puppet? A liar clinging to power? A hack powerless to persuade his cronies to reform. Or all the above? Did he lie to the Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart and the international community, to Mr. Surakiart when he went to the opening ceremony bridge in Myatwatty? Is he committed to starting a dialogue with ASSK? He proclaimed to the International community that the regime was willing to open a new page in Burma’s history back in May 2002. He insisted they wouldn’t limit ASSK in traveling around the country. But they soon arrested her out of fear and sidelined her again under house arrest. So, it is possible to highlight the contrast between Khin Nyunt and Mr. de. Klerk?

He promised that the UN special envoy Mr. Razali would be allowed to see ASSK and that dialogue would soon begin, but Than Shwe denied implementing of dialogue and Khin Nyunt’s permission to resign.  Than Shwe knows that Khin Nyunt's ideas could be used to control power.

Instead of promptly dismissing him, Than Shwe bumped him up to the post as the new Prime Minister. Reshuffling of the Burmese military leaders is a common occurrence for the people of Burma, a practice done every five years. Can Khin Nyunt walk the tight rope of politics during the next five years? If he trips, he falls from power for good, who then will Than Shwe use to preserve the power of the military? That is the ultimate strategy, isn’t it?

Khin Nyunt’s road map to democracy will have him stepping down from power in the next five years. According to his proposed road map, there will be free and fair elections. How about 1990 election's result? Will it be the same as Saw Maung's election in 1990? Therefore, can we believe him as an optimistic person who is committed to solving a 50-year conflict and can help the millions of people in Burma?

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Literature and culture

MON STUDIES CENTRE A GOAL FOR ACADEMICS

Academics to establish global hub

By Onnucha Hutasingh

(Cited from Bangkok Post: October 14, 2003)

Academics want Thailand to be a global hub for Mon studies as the language and culture are well-preserved here but at the edge of extinction elsewhere.

A bid to raise funds for building a Mon study centre and a Mon museum at Wat Muang in Ratchaburi's Ban Pong district was made during last week's seminar and lectures on Mon studies in Thailand.

Highly respected historian Nidhi Eoseewong said a Mon study centre should be set up in Thailand since this country was probably the world's largest source of evidence on Mon culture based on the fact that there had been at least nine generations of Mon migrations to the lower Chao Phraya river basin from the Ayutthaya period to the Rattanakosin period.

According to Mr Nidhi, ethnic Mons, whose presence can be traced back more than 2,000 years in Southeast Asia, came close to losing their identity about two centuries ago because of a brutal suppression drive by a Burmese king.

There are only about four million Mon people left worldwide and most cannot read or write the Mon language. Moreover, very few academics have been allowed to access Mon archaeological sources and historical evidence in Burma.

However, ancient documents on Mon heritage can be found in some 200 Mon temples in Thailand's Central Region. Their culture and dialect have been conserved by residents of Mon communities along the Mae Klong river in Kanchanaburi, Ratchaburi, Samut Songkhram and in the North.

Sunate Chutintranont, a Chulalongkorn University expert on Burmese affairs, said he feared Burma would not be happy about the creation of the Mon study centre in Thailand and turn against the Mon and their culture as in the past.

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