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Burma Issue Newsletter, aug '93 (lo



Subject: Burma Issue Newsletter, aug '93 (long)


Burma Issues Newsletter
August 1993

BIN8.93

Burma Rights Movement for Action, B.U.R.M.A. (now renamed Burma
Issues) is a Bangkok-based non-governmental organization that
monitors events in Burma with a focus on human rights, ethnic
minorities and the ongoing civil war.

Burma Issues
PO Box 1076, Silom Post Office
Bangkok 10504 Thailand

phone: 662 234 6674


NEWS BRIEFS
China
Since 1991, Chinese military advisors have been instructing; the
Burmese army in the use of fighter planes and anti aircraft
weapons.  Slorc has sent two groups to China's Sichuang District to
take the training.  One group is almost finished with the two-year
long training program.  China has already sold fifteen F7 fighter
planes to Slorc.
USA
Five major US-based human rights groups are lobbying their
government to block military aid to Thailand since its military
still dictates foreign policies such as the "constructive
engagement" with Burma.  The Asia Resource Center asked, in a
letter to Winston Lord, for development and not military aid to
Thailand.  (BP930716)
Singapore
Eleven Burmese seamen were picked up in Singapore as they attempted
to flee to Bangkok for political sanctuary.  The seamen had won a
wage dispute in Australia with the help of the International
Transport Federation which is still holding their unpaid wages. 
There is evidence that some shipping companies underpay Burmese
workers and send the rest of their money to the Burmese military. 
These seamen stood their ground and were met at the Singapore
airport by Burmese agents and taken to Burma.  Their fate is
unknown.  (PB930716)
Roads
The Thai contractor, Sukanand Ltd., has signed a contract with
Burma top build the first stages of the Chaing Tung-Tha Khelek road
which is part of the link between Thailand, China, Laos and Burma. 
Tolls on the road will be shared 60:40 between Burma and Sukanand
for 15 years when the road will be transferred to Burma.  Burmese
military and government vehicles will not be charged.  (PB930701)
Oil and Gas
US Amoco Oil Co and Yukong of South Korea signed an agreement with
Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise to explore for oil in central and
northeastern Burma.  Most of the 12 companies of 1989 have already
pulled out of Burma after failing to strike natural gas.  Dutch
Shell is the exception.  (TN930731)
Prostitution
One hundred forty eight girls, many between 15 and 18, were rescued
in raids on three brothels behind the immigration office in
Thailand's Ranong province.  At least 20 were pregnant and some had
been beaten and all were kept confined by barbed wire which
surrounded the brothel.  Police chief inspector Sudjai said there
were so many prostitutes in Ranong because it was known as an area
where Burmese are allowed to work.  He said, "In my opinion, it is
disgraceful to let Burmese men frequent Thai prostitutes. 
Therefore I have been flexible in allowing Burmese prostitutes to
work here."  (TN930716)
US Ambassador
US president Clinton has ordered a review of a US-Burma policy
which recommends sending a US ambassador, the first since 1990 to
Rangoon.  The policy also suggests exploring ways to impose an arms
embargo against Rangoon.  Some senators, such as Sen. Moynihan, are
apposed to sending an ambassador to Rangoon until more positive
changes take place there.  Burmese opposition groups agree with
this.  (FEER930722)
Hardwoods
A US company called Dean Hardwoods, has been importing teak from
Burma for years.  The president of Dean Hardwoods, rejecting calls
for a total economic boycott of Burma, says, "We certainly look
forward to the installation of popularly elected government, an end
to martial law, and the release of political prisoners [in Burma]. 
At the same time, there have been warring political factions in
Burma for hundreds of years, and we think it is terribly
unrealistic for outsiders, however well intentioned, to impose
their political will on such people." (Franklin's Insight, 920915) 
Opposition groups in Burma would inform Dean Hardwoods that
investing with Slorc is more of an imposition on the people of
Burma than supporting the people's struggle for democracy and human
rights.

AMOCO AND BURMA
On July 13, a delegation of activists visited the Amoco Corporation
in Chicago Illinois.  Some of the activists are also shareholders
in the Amoco company.  Amoco has been involved in an oil/gas
exploration joint-venture with the Burmese military junta.  
The activists requested the meeting following the annual Amoco
shareholders meeting which was held on April 27.  During the
meeting, several shareholders raised concern about the corporation
doing business with a military regime which has the reputation of
being one of the worst human rights violators in the world today.
Mr. Early and Mr. Lowrie of the Amoco Corp. explained that Amoco is
not planning to give up their exploration concession in Burma
despite their failure to find significant gas or oil.  They are
also engaged in testing in a new concession block as well.  They
admit that if they should find oil or gas, the Burmese regime would
share in the profits.  
According to the Amoco representatives, the only reason they would
pull out of Burma is if the US government placed trade sanctions
against the Burmese regime.
Action to urge US President Clinton to place total economic
sanctions against Burma is, therefore, extremely urgent and
important.


CIVIL WAR
The civil war in Burma remains critical despite the ongoing
national convention held by Slorc to create a new national
constitution.  The dialogue for a national cease fire between
ethnic Kachin rebels and the military regime also seems to have had
little effect on ending hostilities.  In fact, Burmese military
movements in the Karen State seem to suggest that a new and
intensified summer offensive could resume at the end of the present
rainy season (end of September).
Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) sources say the Burmese army
is reinforcing their troops in areas of border trade zones with
Thailand and along the route of the proposed gas pipe line from the
Gulf of Martaban to Kanchanaburi province of Thailand.  The gas
pipe line is part of a plan initiated by the Petroleum Authority of
Thailand (PTTEP).  Both Slorc and Thailand want these areas to be
secure in order to develop the trade routes and build the gas pipe
line unhindered.  This will mean moving any ethnic nationality
villages out of the area and eliminating any "insurgent" forces
operating there.
At the present time an estimate 20,000 Burmese army troops are
reported in the Karen State. The KNLA prediction of resumed
fighting is based on the Burmese army's heavy artillery
reinforcements at its primary front line posts.  Motor roads
leading to the frontier posts are also being constructed by the
Burmese military.  These roads facilitate more rapid reinforcement
of Slorc troops and supplies into the area.  In response, the
allied armed dissidents in Karen State are also preparing for their
defence. 
In what some observers see as not a very strange coincidence,
Thailand recently mounted an operation to suppress the smuggling of
weapons from Thailand to the Karen areas on its border.  Most of
these smuggled weapons are meant for the Burmese armed dissident
groups as well as the KNLA which is the strongest armed ethnic
nationality group in Burma.  The Burmese opposition suspects the
development of closer cooperation between the Burmese military
regime and the Thai government, and this will create a much more
serious threat to the Karen and Mon peasants in the area whose
struggle for mere survival has gone on for over 40 years. 
The Burmese junta's decision to end Thai logging concessions by the
end of this year will severely affect the Thai wood industries.
Thailand is hoping to convince the Burmese regime to rethink its
decision on these contracts.  Several special Thai envoys are
planning to visit Burma to discuss the logging business.  Some Thai
sources say that logging business owners are pressuring the Thai
government to handle this problem and regain their concessions for
them.  The Slorc is interested now in exporting wood from sea ports
to Singapore and Japan rather than to Thailand through Karen and
Mon areas as a way of further isolating and breaking the Karen and
Mon people.  Thai logging owners are willing to pay a higher price
to Slorc for the wood and would be happy to see the ethnic
nationalities cut out of the deal entirely.  Most Thai logging
owners are apparently related in some way to high ranking Thai
military officials and perhaps have significant influence over Thai
policy towards Burma.  This political/economic game directly
affects the way Thailand is developing its more positive
relationship with Slorc and consequently indirectly encouraging
Slorc's upcoming dry season offensive against the Karen and Mon.
Opposition forces are worried about the possibility of the Thai
army allowing Slorc troops to use Thai soil for rear attacks on
guerrilla strongholds along the border.  Even travelling along the
Thai-Burma border by opposition groups is becoming more difficult
and controlled by Thai authorities compared to several years ago. 
Displaced persons are already feeling the pain of this new Thai-
Slorc relationship.  About 15,000 ethnic Karenni refugees taking
refuge in Thailand's Mae Hong Son province have been order by Thai
authorities to return to Burma despite the civil war still raging
in their area.  About 200 Karenni children in primary school would
be affected by Thailand's order to move back.  Reports indicate
that, if the people are forced back inside Burma, their new village
will be only about one hour walk from Slorc front line troops.
Thailand's foreign minister, Prasong, is also indicating that a
change in Thai policy will signal a closer relationship with the
Burmese military regime.  On July 19, Prasong stated that Thai
officials are discussing ways of increase economic and political
bilateral cooperation with the Burmese regime.  High level official
Thai visits to Slorc are also designed to dispel any idea that Thai
policies support minorities rebel groups in Burma.
The new constitution which Slorc is pushing through will not deal
with the issue of the civil war which is not only Burma's internal
problem but also is related to regional economics and politics.
Burma obviously needs more international attention to the realities
of its ongoing civil war and any regional indirect or direct
involvement in the issue.  


ECONOMICS
Thai Logging in Burma
A decision by Slorc to end 47 Thai logging concessions in Burma
would have a disastrous affect on the Thai wood industries which
earns more than US$100 million a year from their logging business
in Burma.  A recent Slorc statement suggested that the decision
came about due to environmental concerns and the rising price of
wood on the world market. The Thai logging business owners are
pressuring the Thai government to intercede on their behalf with
the Burmese military regime so that they may continue logging in
Burma.
In response, Slorc indicated that they would rather be interested
to have Thai companies invest in the form of wood industry joint
ventures in Burma.  Thai logging companies are reluctant to accept
this strategy as a large number Thai logging companies have already
firmly established their own saw mills along the Thai-Burma border.
Slorc's second option for Thailand was to have the wood imported
into Thailand through sea ports rather than using land roots which
pass through areas presently controlled by Karen and Mon forces. 
Moreover, Slorc said that now it is interested in only selling
processed wood rather than logs.  The competition for Thailand to
get this precious wood is growing as Slorc also intends to sell its
wood to Singapore, Malaysia and South Korea.
Prasong and Suthep of the Thai foreign ministry are responsible to
deal with the Burmese junta on these kinds of issues.  On July 1,
Prasong stated that Burma may reopen the concessions if it could
find a away to better control its logging business.  It was a clear
statement that Slorc is concerned about present logging extraction
which is in guerrilla-active areas and provides some income for the
rebel forces.  Slorc wants to have total control over both the
areas and the economic activities which happen in them. 
A Thai expert said that in the future, logging business ties will
go through the Thai government rather than be negotiated directly
with Thai private owners's as in previous years.  The Thai
government also expects that they could gain more profits from the
new system.
Sources:
TN-930702, TN-930707, BP-930713, BP-930705  
Thailand-Burma-Laos-China Road Links
The four regional countries are fast developing a plan for the
construction of a network of roads to enhance trade and tourism
under a regional cooperation plan. The idea for the project was
developed several years ago.
Sukanand Co. of Thailand has now signed an agreement with the
Burmese junta to construct a 163-kilometer-long road as part of the
road link from Chaing Rai of northern Thailand to the border town
of Kung Ton in Burma.  Sukanand Co. won the project in competition
with several other Thai companies who are dealing with the Burmese
junta.  Construction will cost around 325 million baht and will
take at least 18 months to complete.  Tolls collected once the road
is finished be shared 60:40 between the Burmese junta and the
Sukanand Co. for 15 years when the road will be transferred to
Burma.
Other road links between Burma, China and Laos have been agreed on
in principle.  China and Laos also have signed a draft agreement
for a detailed study of the road links.  The three countries are
seeking fund from the Asia Development Bank based in Manila.  The
road between Burma and China would be very beneficial for China's
arms sales to the Burmese junta.
Sources:
TN-930702, TN-930427, BP-930625, BP-930701   
Bangkok Airways to Burma
Bangkok Airways has a plan to begin flights to Pagan and Mandalay
in central Burma to help promote tourism to Burma, especially
western-oriented tourism.  The flight will not be a charter
service, but will run on a regularly scheduled service.  The first
flight will most probably start in November.
Source:
BP-930715  


HUMAN RIGHTS
Massacre in Karen State
Globally, human rights activist agree on defining a massacre in
civil war zones as, "...any single event in which at least 3
unarmed people are killed".  In Burma, massacres continue to take
place throughout the border areas despite what appears to be
political progress in Rangoon.  Hidden from the eyes of the urban
populations of Burma and the international community, these
massacres are common-place events for the poor peasants who have
struggled to survive for more than 45 years under the constant
harassment of a military regime bent on eliminating any opposition
by any of the ethnic nationalities inhabiting the countryside.  As
the end of the 1993 monsoon season draws near, Burmese military
action in these border areas begins to increase. There are no
statistics to tell us exactly how many massacres are already taking
place even while the rains continue, but stories filter out of the
jungle and they give us an idea what realities the ethnic
nationality peasants must constantly contend with.

On April 25, 1993, 40 soldiers of column No.1 from Burmese Army
infantry No. 264 led by Capt. Htay Aung, suddenly entered a Karen
tribe village called Thay Baw in Papun District of Karen State. 
Four innocent people were brutally killed by these soldiers.
The village is made up of about 100 people.  The Baptist Christians
and the Animists all live peacefully together in the village.  All
are simple slash and burn farmers living in extremely poor
condition since they have been forced to constantly move around the
area due to fear persecution by the Burmese army.  The village was
burnt down once in February of 1981 and then again in December 1987
by the Burmese army.
The people live near to a Slorc-created "free fire zone"  and so
these civilians are considered as guerrilla collaborators.  This
was the main reason the Burmese army carried out the massacre of
the innocent civilians.
It was on Sunday and many of the people were in their small
makeshift tent church.  Others were in their farms.  At about one
o'clock, the Burmese army abruptly rushed into the village and at
people on sight.  The people run out of the village in terror and
even some parents were not able to fetch their children to carry
them to safety.  The children had to manage to escaped themselves.
Unfortunately, two children and two men were captured.  Shortly
thereafter, the two men were executed in the village and another
young girl and a man who were seen in the area were shot dead. The
two children managed to escaped from the scene.
A man, Saw Phar Gaw Li, age 43, was taking care of his two ill boys
when the soldiers rushed into the village.  He was unable to carry
his two small boys and was captured by the soldiers.  The soldiers
separated the two children and Saw Phar Gaw Li. Then they dragged
him down from his house to the ground and beat him to death. 
Later, while the soldiers were cooking their food , the two boys,
Saw Gay Mu, 14, and Saw Jerry Hto, managed to escaped.
Later the two boys testified that they saw the soldiers kicking and
punching their father and then they dragged him to some other
location in the village.  Another group of soldiers took them away
from the scene.
Another captured man, Saw Gle Mu, 50, was at home.  All of his
family were at church.  After he was captured,  he was taken out of
the village and beaten to death.
Saw Bo Ahe Khu (a) Ta Dar Si, 45, was shot in the back as he came
out of his home.  He ran for a short distance and then died shortly
after he fell down.
A young girl, Naw lar Mu, 13, was shot dead while she was carrying
rice back to her home in the village. 
These kinds of massacres are happening regularly in the civil war
zones of Burma.  Such actions done by the Burmese military are in
complete violation of both the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and the Geneva Convention of 1949.  Preventive measures
should urgently be taken by the international body.  The following
specific points should be used to confront the Slorc to prevent
similar tragedies from happening;

1). to abolish all "Free Fire Zones"
2). to separate military targets from civilian targets
3). to consider the people living in the guerrillas active areas as
civilians rather than automatically considering them as rebel
collaborators or sympathizers.
4). treatment of civilians in these distant areas must be the same
as treatment of people in well-developed areas of the country
 

POLITICS
Asean's position, without reference to its policy of constructive
engagement with Rangoon, continues to be that Burma must not be
isolated, and that every effort must be made to welcome Burma into
the international community. Asean countries, especially Thailand
and Singapore, have extended invitations for Burmese officials to
visit their respective countries for more dialogue and further
cooperation.  (TN930801)
During the last week of July, Asean nations met in Singapore to
discuss regional economic, security and political issues.  For the
first time in several years, their western dialogue partners,
mainly the US, Japan and the EC, seemed more ready to accept the
"Asean way".  Western criticism of human rights abuses in Asean
states and the demand that Asean pressure Burma to release
political prisoners and turn power over to the elected government
were muted and cautious compared to past years.
This is perhaps the result of a major political campaign launched
recently by the military junta of Burma, known as Slorc, to change
its international image and protect its iron-fisted control over
the 43 million people of the country.  Having already joined the
Non-Aligned Movement last year, they lobbied hard to be invited to
attend this year's Asean meeting in Singapore.  Although several
Asean nations, especially Malaysia, felt it too risky to invited
them at this time, Thailand, which will host the meeting in 1994,
has already stated that they will invite Slorc to attend as an
observer and this will begin the process of Slorc's eventual entry
into the Asean family.
To stress the determination of Thailand to include its military
neighbor, considered by many to be one of the worst human rights
violators in the world today, into the international community,
Thailand's foreign minister, Prasong, will make a visit to Burma
sometime in the middle of September.  He plans to talk about trade
and security issues between the two countries, but is expected to
avoid any questions about the continued detention of Aung San Suu
Kyi or the increased activity of the Burmese military in ethnic
nationality areas of the country.
Meanwhile Slorc expanded their campaign in an attempt to woo
sympathy and perhaps support from non-government organizations
(NGO) in several countries which have been most critical of their
heavy-handed rule.  A 5-member Slorc delegation visited Australia
at the end of July, and went on to England and the USA.  They
attempted to meet with government officials as well as NGO
representatives in all these countries.  Although they failed to
adequately answer questions concerning the reasons for Aung San Suu
Kyi's long detention, or why the Slorc would not accept the results
of the 1990 elections, they did invite NGOs to come and work in
Burma.  It was clear that they were hoping to at least gain tacit
acceptance, and perhaps less criticism, from these organizations. 
One member of the delegation, Ngwe Htun, is reported to be a member
of the infamous Slorc Military Intelligence (MI) and the overseas
Burmese community in Australia soundly condemned the Australian
government for allowing representatives of "the rogue regime who
have gunned down thousands of [Burmese] students, monks, men, women
and children" into Australia. (Human Rights for Burma, Vol 5 No. 4) 
Public protests against the delegation were also reported in the
US, and NGOs visited by the delegation seemed far from happy with
the delegation's responses to their questions about human rights.
There is great danger that the international community may be
misled by these seemingly positive moves by Slorc.  There have been
some changes in Burma.  Much infrastructure development has taken
place in the urban centers, the economy has become more
capitalistic (open) in nature, visitors are allowed much more
freedom of movement, and Slorc smiles are seem more and more around
the world.  However, what is happening in Rangoon and Mandalay is
not indicative of realities in the rest of the country.  It is in
the border areas that foreign observers must look before making any
judgements about Slorc's commitment to real change for the country. 
Refugees and displaced people along the Thai/Burma border often
complain that delegations and tourists visiting Burma and reporting
how improved things are and how Slorc seems to be learning from
past mistakes, never visit the border areas were they would hear
the stories of Slorc's on-going, and often hidden, war against the
ethnic nationalities living here.  The situation in the distant
regions of the country is not improving.  In many cases it seems to
be getting even worse. (see Civil War in this issue of B.U.R.M.A.) 
Opposition groups hope that the international community will not
focus their attention on what happens in the urban centers of
Burma.  Although they realize that urban centers are more visible
and easier for the west to understand and relate to, they hope that
the plight of those whose daily struggle to survive has now gone on
for over forty years, will be the significant yardstick for
measuring the true realities in Burma today.  These opposition
groups do not expect Slorc to either learn the lessons from their
past, nor become more democratic.  Even if they did, would they
still have the right to hold power in the country after creating so
much suffering for the past 45 years?
One Karen who has spent almost his entire life fighting to protect
his land articulated what most displaced persons of Burma would
probably say if given a chance.  "We should not expect a tiger to
suddenly change and become a vegetarian.  A tiger will always
remain a tiger."  

SOCIAL ISSUES
Free Fire Zones
The policy of creating free fire zones was used extensively by the
US during their war in Vietnam.  Areas suspected to be enemy
strongholds, or which were very difficult to control, were
forcefully vacated of all people.  Once the area was declared a
free fire zone, any person seen in the area, for what ever reason,
was considered an enemy and could be shot on sight.  The villagers
themselves were placed in refugee camps where they spent years
living off of food and supplies provided by voluntary
organizations.  Often they lived within sight of their ancestral
lands and houses, but even a brief visit could mean instant death.
Slorc makes use of a very similar free fire zone policy.  However,
it differs in the fact that displaced persons do not end up in
refugee camps where they are taken care of by voluntary agencies,
nor is the world as aware of these free fire zones as they were of
those created in Vietnam.  If the people live in the "camps"
established by the Slorc military, they must live in a buffer zone
around Slorc military encampments and provide the military with
free labor and services.  They are not provided food or medicines
for survival.
Consequently, thousands of these displaced persons opt to find
refuge deep in the jungles were they try to eke out a living off of
the food they can collect in the wild.  In one area of Papun
District, some people moved at least five time from January to June
of this year in order to avoid the Burmese military.  Since the
Burmese military began their program of creating free fire zones in
1975, some villages claim that they have moved at least 50 times. 
This means that they rarely have sufficient time to clear the
jungle and put in a rice crop.  
Often their new village sites are within two miles of a Burmese
military camp, so they must try to keep their gardens and houses
hidden from sight.  The tensions of trying to keep hidden while at
the same time finding enough food for survival have not abated for
the past 20 years.
Malnutrition is a serious problem facing the people.  Children are
most susceptible, and although there are not many reports of
children dying as a direct result of malnutrition, their weakened
state makes it much easier for them to contract and die from
malaria, dysentery and other common diseases.
All of the villagers talk about terrible treatment at the hands of
Slorc soldiers.  Two small children watched in horror as their
father was beaten to death in front of them.  Widows are left to
take care of families, and young girls live with the terrible pain
of having been raped and beaten.  At times people try to sneak back
to their old rice fields to collect a small amount of rice grain
which might still be there.  In many cases, they are spotted by the
Burmese military and killed.
In order to avoid easy detection, villages split up and, in a most
untraditional way, one or two families will live in a small cluster
of two or three houses.  This creates a dilemma since isolated
families live without the protection of a larger village, but are
less easily found by moving Slorc troops.
The international outcry against such atrocious actions is limited
by the fact that these areas are inaccessible to foreign
journalists and television cameras.  We react most strongly when we
see images on our tv screens.  Human rights abuses which happen out
of our sight remain unprotested for the most part, and this is
something military dictators know well.
As Slorc continues its campaign to convince the world that they are
developing a process to slowly bring democracy and progress back to
Burma, they also continue their campaign of creating free fire
zones and ethnic cleansing.  It will be most easy for the world's
eyes to focus on the political campaigns which they carry out in
the urban centers.  These urban images will be the ones which reach
our television sets and our newspapers.  
Yet, as things begin to look more prosperous in Rangoon and
Mandalay, will these poor displaced villagers in search of peace
and safety be forced to move fifty more times?  The world must not
forget that, hundreds of miles away from the new department stores,
Pepsi beauty contests and the national convention to draw up a new
constitution, hundreds of thousands of people hidden away in the
jungles still do not even have the right to plant a field of rice,
or walk safely through their villages.