BurmaNet: The Words Cry Out

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THE WORDS CRY OUT: New Writing by Burmese in exile
Edited by Zaw Gyi and Alan Nichols

Published by Australia-Burma Support Group (Prahran) 46 James St, 
Prahran, 3181. Australia with a grant from the World Association for 
Christian Communication, UK. Published February 1994. ISBN 0 
64617117

Editors: 
Zaw Gyi is a Burmese student in exile in Thailand, a former university 
student in Rangoon. 
Alan Nichols now with World Vision Australia, was with the Jesuit 
Refugee Service when this project commenced. His Burmese name is Saya 
Shwe Din Ga. 

The purpose of this publication in to demonstrate that students and others 
in exile from Burma/Myanmar are still thinking and writing about their 
homeland and about concepts like democracy and freedom. This project 
originated from an evening English Writing class in Bangkok. We are 
grateful to the World Association for Christian Communication which 
made this publication possible. The text for each article, poem or lyric 
indicates whether it was written first in English or Burmese, and in what 
context. 

Abbreviations used in this book: 

SLORC	= State Law and Order Restoration Council, the name used 
	by the present military government of Burma/Myanmar. 
Myanmar = Burma.
ABSDF = All Burma Students Democratic Front students in exile 
	organised along the border of Burma and Thailand. 
__________________________________________________

THE AUTHORS

In order to protect their families, some details are obscured. In several 
cases, a pseudonym is used. 

Myint Shwe was a teacher and librarian in Burma before fleeing for his 
life in 1990. He is in Thailand applying for migration to Australia. He is 
married with five children. 

Ye Ni was a final year student in Burma in 1988 at the time of the 
uprising. He is a composer of songs, and is a teacher in a refugee camp 
on the Thai-Burma border. 

Nge Lay was a High school student in 1988 when soldiers opened fire on 
protesters in his township. He is a refugee in Thailand. 

Nyi Naing fled to the border in 1988, but then returned home. 

Zaw Gyi is a Burmese student in exile, now coordinator of the Burma 
Information Group in Bangkok. 

Aung Zaw was a final year student in Rangoon in 1988 who was arrested 
for his leadership of pro-democracy student protests. 

Naing Ye Khaung has been a soldier in the student army on the Thai 
border, and is now in a refugee camp near Mae Sot which is committed 
to nonviolent opposition to the Burmese Government. He is married with 
a son. 

John Pickko is from the Karenni ethnic people in the north-east of Burma. 
He has spent five years on the border as a camp leader and medic. 

U Pyeit spent eight months in a Thai jail for an illegal street protest in 
Bangkok, along with 97 others. He and his wife Ma Aye Pwint were 
student leaders against human rights abuses in Burma. 

Thein Lwin fled to the Thai border in 1988 after engaging in acts of 
sabotage against the military, but then embraced Ghandian nonviolence 
as a means of fighting for democracy. He writes stories and poems. 

Sai Lao Leang is a student from the Shan ethnic people in Burma. 

__________________________________________________

1  Since 1962 the Burmese people have resisted successive military 
governments based in Rangoon. The ethnic peoples such as the Shan, 
Karen and Mon have resisted to the point of armed struggle. In 1994, a 
new National Constitution is being formulated to secure a political place 
for the military indefinitely. Myint Shwe explains the military's role. 
Written in English. 


BURMESE ARMY: A STUDY
Myint Shwe

"Soldiers fight for glory, and a shilling a day" - an old saying. 

There are two main component parts which make all standing armies 
around the world continue to stand. One path is a philosophy to render 
the justification of their creation and the continued existence and 
production of their glories. And the second part, something to fill the 
bellies of the soldiers. These two component parts are characteristic of all 
standing armies whether they are mercenary or private ones such as 
French Foreign Legion and Khun Sa's Shan United Army (SUA) or those of 
highly patriotic or ideological ones such as the Bolsheviks' Red Army or 
the Chinese People's Liberation Army. 

The first component part for the institutionalisation of an army is its 
philosophy - to say it more simply in plain language, the reason why to 
keep and feed a group of officers and (armed) men within a civil society 
to be defrayed out of public coffers. 

Different justification or varieties of reason for it were given at all times 
by unaccountable advocates of force. So it is necessary to give the most 
common justifications for the theme of this essay. 

Armies are needed to defend the country against all possible external 
dangers. This is the commonest argument even the six year old boys 
knew. The second reason for the keeping of a standing army is that they 
are needed by governments, throughout history, as their organ of power. 
For this second reason alone they are raised and nourished it with great 
care and supplies. 

However, in first type of armies, "Fight for the fatherland" is their battle 
cry which they gave them valour and it, in turn, produced their glory. In 
the Second World War the Polish cavalry fought against and lost to the 
Nazi Panzer battalions with this spirit. These kind of armies are more 
attached to land rather than to race or faith. 

And there is another kind of armies whose' attachments were rooted more 
or racial prides or in the legendary nature of its race, of its hero or leader, 
of its nation or its past greatness or racial superiority to others. Some or 
all of these things combined is called glory which is the strongest tonic for 
all fighting men. So when an army lacks it, it needs to be created. Glory 
gives men in the field courage and discipline, the two most important 
things in war. 

By fighting with glory, soldiers gained more glories in the field and that is 
the first reason why do soldiers fight: fight for glory. Even a mercenary 
army needs a certain glory. The French Foreign Legion was always proud 
of its discipline, courage, cosmopolitan spirit and professionalism. All 
these things combined gave them a glory. Without glory that means 
without courage and discipline, an army in the field automatically 
changed into a sheer armed bands of killers, looters and rapists. This is 
the case of the Burmese army nowadays. 

The second reason why men are fighting is for the earning of daily bread 
for themselves and for their families. In a country where the national 
economy is in complete ruin as is the case of Burma, people - mostly new 
generation youth - are largely jobless. Besides, they cannot continue their 
education since their parents are poverty-stricken and education is not 
free. Ignorance is the most natural effect upon them. They had to fight in 
the army for their daily shillings. So these are the armies of unemployed 
youth who are intellectually malnourished. That explains why successive 
Burmese military governments have been able to expand its force to a 
giant of 300,000 

strong, despite their unpopularity among the people and the disgrace 
before the international community after it treacherously turned against 
its own people. 

In search of their lost glory, today's Burmese army leaders were talking 
with pride about the origin of Burma Army in 1946 as one born out of 
the people to take the role of anti-imperialist national liberator. 

Ne Win was right when he stressed that, under the leadership of Aung 
San and together with other Thirty Comrades, he raised Burma 
Independence Army (BIA) with the political essence of anti-imperialist 
national liberation movement. Aung San Suu Kyi was also right when she 
said that Burmese army was raised by her father for the benefit of the 
people. But both these two people were right only in reference to the 
initial stage or the birth of the Burmese army half a century ago in the 
second world war. 

After the war, there came Kandy and Let-Ya Freemen Agreements which 
made the BIA to be enlisted anew into the British Burma Army. In this 
way, the Burmese army was reborn with two negative elements - 
Japanese fascist militarism and British imperial bureaucracy - in addition 
to its former noble origin. When Aung San who was the incomparable 
influential figure in his time was alive, these two bad elements were latent 
and weaker. The anti-imperialist liberator's role was dominant in the 
army of Aung San. 

But when Aung San was no more and Ne Win gained the leadership of 
the Burmese defence forces, the army under him and in the course of 
forty years civil war gradually changed its character. The two negative 
elements formerly kept with a low profile gained supremacy gradually 
along with the rise of Ne Win who counts mainly on personal 
considerations, as having the attributes of a dictator. 

It can be said that despite its well-meant beginning, the characteristic 
change of the Burmese army was completed after Ne Win, its leader, 
assumed the role of open dictator in 1962, a decade and a half since 
Aung San's death. No reform of the army was ever heard of again. 
Instead, any promising officer was fired before he got a chance to show 
his ability. Bureaucracy was so deeply entrenched that it even became an 
honoured tradition in the army. 

After witnessing a shootout at Rangoon University against students who 
protested against the army four months after its coup, it became a private 
army of a strongman who still survives. It again showed its slavishness 
and blind obedience to personality in two further events: in 1974 by 
killing protesters en masse during nationwide workers' strikes; and in 
massacres in 1988 during mass uprisings. Only a negligible number of 
rank and file soldiers broke away from the main body during this last 
event. 

It became self-evident by this stage that the Burmese Army is today not a 
national force, but a combination of fascist militarism and old colonial 
style bureaucracy, embodied in the shape of ignorant and unemployed 
youths in uniforms which formed its ranks, and an officer corps which 
was corrupted and overwhelmed by fear of losing power after they had 
gone too far against the country. 

Young Burmese soldiers of today are all jobless or underpaid new 
generations who largely enlisted into the army on their own free will as 
soldiers of fortune. Most of them have adolescent curiosity about modern 
lethal weaponry which they have seen on videos, and in trigger-happy 
mood they are boys brought up in a wild environment. These lads have 
been trained into desperados by reactionary teaching such as anti-
imperialism and xenophobia. Theirs is not an army of sensible soldiers, 
but savages with lethal arms to use against any disorder. To maintain 
order, officers give them a free hand to feed their lust. In this way they 
are more killers, looters and rapists rather than fighters. 

Since fighting is without glory in a civil war, the morale of the soldiers 
and their fighting ability has been much downgraded. Over decades, to 
kill a "rebel", whether a Burman or an ethnic fighter, ten lives were lost 
on the government side. So tens of thousands of government soldiers' lives 
have been lost every year. 

After it became increasingly obvious that the army was serving a 
dictatorship, the army leadership adopted for itself three duties: to 
maintain national sovereignty; to maintain national unity; and to protect 
the Union from disintegration. To realise these self-imposed duties, the 
army is now at war with every section of the population of Burma - in 
cities, with all the ethnic minorities, and with all the members of the 
international community except China. 

Throughout 1993 and into 1994, the army leaders have revealed that 
they intend to stay in the national political scene for another decade. This 
will mean the continued misuse of the State's war machine which is 
already notorious for its brutality. At the same time, it is using up the 
resources of the country. 

Many hope for a split in the Army, but this remains a dream. While ever 
the international community funds purchase of arms, and while ever 
there is food for the soldiers' bellies, it will remain a dream. 

The army can never defeat the Opposition in the country and the towns. 
It can never win the civil war by military means alone. Part of the reason 
is the continued brutality of the war and the crimes of the army. It 
remains a force for evil and the fountain of the people's miseries. 

Because of all this, it is hard to see the army splitting while ever Ne Win is 
alive and in control. He will not permit reform, and even after he has 
gone, the army will have such a history of crime and fear that it is 
unlikely to be willing to negotiate peace with the people. A new type of 
army will have to be created to take its place. The origin of this will be in 
the nature of the resolution of the present conflict. 

__________________________________________________

2  Students have led the pro-democracy movements all over Asia. On a 
bridge at Inya Lake in Rangoon, soldiers opened fire on university 
students protesting military oppression and limitations to freedom of 
speech. Many died. "3/88 Inya" is one of many songs written by students 
in exile in the Thai border in the years 1989-93 to keep the flame of 
democracy going. The lyrics were in Burmese, and translated into English 
for the "Battle for Peace" audio tape produced by Bangkok students in 
1992.  


3/88 INYA
Ye Ni

While a breeze is frolicking 
Over the glittering Inya Lake 
In the place abound with lovers' kisses 
And amorous words... 
On the White Bridge marked 
With two sets of footprints... 
In Inya Lake wrapped with 
Sensational melodies and soft-dizzy feeling.  

Left behind the unsympathetic deprived of kindness 
The bosom of the broken hearts' solace 
Turns into a battlefield. 
Spots of blood on the White Bridge 
Reveal images at night 
Like a water-lily swept by a wave, 
A sizzling sense of bitter grief 
Has surged on the Inya ground.  

(Chorus)
History of Inya has changed in March 1988
Cool green waves have changed their colour.
The little White Bridge is speckled with blood.
It will never turn into something old
Through the seasons' change.
Oh Inya...

[text in Burmese follows, with musical chords]

__________________________________________________

3  Burma is a very old culture, with some of the ethnic peoples tracing 
their origins to Mongolia in the fourteenth century, and bringing ancient 
civilisations with them. Here is an old tale, passed on down the 
generations and recalled by a young student in exile in Bangkok.  


PARABLE OF THE KING
Nge Lay

I remember when I was young my grandfather. told me a story from long 
ago. In those days the king used to be chosen from among the people. It 
happened on a particular day of the year.  

On that day a father and his son came in from the jungle and went to the 
market square. They did not know it was the day the king was chosen.  

The way the king was chosen was that a heron would fly in and perch on 
the shoulder of the person who would become king. As the father and son 
watched the market, the son said to his father, "If the heron perched on 
your shoulder, what would you do?" He answered, "I would be kind and 
care for all the people. What would you do, son?" The son replied, "I 
would be cruel and do anything I liked to the people." As he said this, a 
heron flew into the square and perched on the son's shoulder, and he was 
proclaimed king.  

Years later, the people became very concerned at the cruelty and 
selfishness of the new king, and they came to ask his father in the jungle 
whether he would go and reason with his son. He did not want to, but 
was finally persuaded.  

So he journeyed to the castle, and gained admittance to-speak to his son. 
When he came out, there were crowds waiting to hear what he said. 
"What did he say to you?" the crowd asked. The father said sadly, "My 
son the king said that the heron had perched on his shoulder, and so he 
would continue to act as he said. He said to me if you wanted a different 
result, the heron should have perched on your shoulder."  

And the father went away sorrowful back to his home in the jungle.  

__________________________________________________

4  This poem in the Burmese language expresses the agony and 
disappointment of a soldier returning home disabled from the battlefield 
to find little support for his involvement in the army. He thought he was 
serving his country, but the people laugh at home and blame him for 
following the army's orders. He feels an orphan, misunderstood by his 
parents and abandoned by the nation's leadership. He weeps. Written in 
Burmese by a student in exile. 

[no text since we cannot send Burmese over Email] 
__________________________________________________

5  Written in English for this publication.  


BURMA IN 24 HOURS
Zaw Gyi

As the twilight of the dawn greets the morning dew, 
The morning wakes up hesitantly and feebly to the senses, 
And discerns the one and only newspaper, 
Radio announcement replete with lies 
And the sound echo of infants reading 
That seeped through the kindergarten, 
Surrounded by soldiers with fixed bayonets.  

Day time .....

Evening time ...

Night time. 
Some tea shops and coffee bars closed quietly 
To instill the stillness of the night. 
The 8 o'clock intimidating news of stupidity 
Aroused my rage, 
And on hearing the clatter of an army patrol car, 
I felt as if I were visualising a herd 
Of mischievous troublesome devils. 
Also the incessant sound of the dogs barking 
Crept through the dark silent night.  

This is a sketch of Burma in 24 hours. 

__________________________________________________

6  The popular election of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma's general election 
in May 1990 demonstrated how widespread is the feeling for democracy 
among Burma's 40 million people. As well as students, intellectuals have 
given substance to the demand for freedom. Hence, it was predictable that 
writers and artists became a target for repression. Student writer Aung 
Zaw explains.  


WRITERS AND ARTISTS NOT SPARED
Aung Zaw

 Recent heavy sentences handed down to its opponents clearly show the 
Burmese people and the world that the Burmese regime, known as the 
State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), is ready to eliminate any 
obstacle on its way to power.  

This is despite the optimism of some of its Asian friends that the cosmetic 
changes in the last two years are leading towards a democratic Burma. 
Slorc's latest move would show its Asean (Association of South-East Asian 
Nations) neighbors that their "constructive engagement" policy cannot 
stop Slorc terrorism and offer real help to Burmese people seeking 
democracy.  

At Insein Court in mid-October, approximately 15 political prisoners, 
including two prominent figures, Dr Aung Khin Sint, an MP from the 
National League for Democracy (NLD), and Ma Thi Da, a famous short 
story writer, were sentenced to 20 years each for their opposition to the 
junta's National Convention. They were accused of distributing anti-junta 
leaflets and contacting "illegal organisations".  

Dr Aung Khin Sint was a delegate to the Slorc-sponsored National 
convention. He and his assistant were arrested in August. Sint's assistant 
was sentenced to 38 years. The junta did not elaborate on the heavy 
sentence. The arrests and the sentences frightened the delegates at the 
National Convention despite Slorc's offer of "freedom of expression" to the 
delegates. Ironically, Dr Aung Khin Sint's brother, Aung Khin Tint, is a 
member of the National Convention Covering commission, which was set 
up to oversee that the convention rubber-stamped its intention to stay in 
power. 

Ma Thi Da, whose pen name is Ma Thi Da San Chaung, is a well known 
short-story writer and doctor. She has been in poor help for years. Thi Da 
was arrested on 7 August. Her first trial was postponed as too many 
people had gathered at Insein Court. According to BBC World Service, 
Ma Thi Da and Aung Khin Sint together with others were not allowed to 
see their families since their arrests. Ma Thi Da was an organiser during 
NLD's nationwide campaign in 1989 and 1990. She was close to Aung 
San Suu Kyi. Her short stories very often reflect the life of ordinary 
Burmese people. Her compilation of short stories was never published 
because it was not approved by the Press Security Board (PSB).  

Recently, Amnesty International released a statement expressing its 
concern for these people and recognised them as "prisoners of 
conscience". Amnesty also expressed its concern for the treatment of these 
political prisoners in jail. Maltreatment, lack of medical care and refusal 
of visits of relatives are common occurrences in Burma. Many human 
rights organisations, including International PEN, are worried. In 1992, 
61 year old U Ba Tha (pen name Naung Thaw Ka), a satirist, popular 
speaker and executive member of the NLD in 1989, died in prison as a 
result of ill-treatment. He was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment with 
hard labour by a medical tribunal in October 1989 after his arrest.  

For writing a letter to a military officer during the 1988 uprising, he was 
accused of trying to cause a mutiny in the army. His satirical speeches 
and poems critical of BSPP and Slorc are notable in Burma. "They made 
people laugh and at the same time fill us with anger and pain," a Burmese 
from Rangoon said. He was severely tortured and beaten during his 
investigation-he was also locked up in a small cell, according to his friend 
and fellow writer, Maung Sin Kye.  

Maung Sin Kye himself fled to the border area in 1992 after he was freed 
from Insein Prison.  

"Ko Thaw's health condition has always been poor. When the military 
officers beat and kick him, it worsens his condition. When he was ill, he 
was denied medical care," Maung Sin Kye said.  

When students in jail staged a hunger strike in 1991, Maung Thaw Ka 
gave his full support. For that, he was badly beaten, tortured and locked 
in a small cell without food when Slorc sent soldiers to crush the "prison 
insurrection". Some students were reportedly killed by troops during the 
hunger strike. "They finally killed his voice,? a Burmese who was close to 
Maung Thaw Ka in Rangoon said.  

Some political prisoners also died in prison or died shortly after they were 
freed. One of them was U Ne Win, 60, writer and local correspondent for 
the Japanese Asahi Shimbun. He died from cirrhosis of the liver in 1991 
shortly after he was released.  

Two other well known prisoners, U Win Tin, 64, and Zargana, 30, are 
still being detained. Win is a journalist, writer and former editor of the 
Hanthawaddi and Kyemon newspapers in the 50's and 60's. Win Tin was 
also an executive member of the NLD. He was sentenced to three years 
but the sentence was later extended to six years.  

In September 1992, Amnesty international and other human rights 
organizations expressed their concern for Win's health condition; he was 
sick and not given adequate medical assistance in prison.  

Zargana (pincer), 30, is one of the most popular comedians in Burma. 
Since the early 1980's he had always mocked and teased the regime. He 
was arrested many times and was freed after interrogation. The last time 
he was arrested, he was sentenced five years in prison. In 1991, he was 
awarded the Lillian Hellman and Dashiel Award by the Fund for Free 
Expression, a committee of the Human Rights Watch. Since the 
crackdown on democratic opponents in Burma, there are approximately 
fifty Burmese writers, cartoonists, poets, actors, singers, musicians and 
journalists apprehended by the Slorc. Their sentences ranged from three 
to 20 years imprisonment. About 30 others were forced to flee since the 
1988 bloody coup staged by Gen Saw Maung. They are currently living 
in exile.  

It has been a long-drawn war between Burmese artists and the military 
regime, which nationalized all newspapers and journals after it came to 
power in 1962. Many were under surveillance, taken for interrogation 
frequently and some were jailed. A poet who came out in 1990 said, "The 
military intelligence never come to take us during the day. They only 
strike at night, and nobody, including our families, know where we have 
been taken to."  

Some people believe that Slorc does not know how to deal with these 
people.  

One resident in Mandalay said: "They (Slorc) don't know yet what to do 
with these prisoners. The only solution at the moment is to keep them in 
jail because Slorc is not ready to answer their challenges publicly." He 
continues to say, ?The people like Maung Thaw Ka, Zargana, U Win Tin 
and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi are as stubborn as Slorc. Slorc does not feel 
secure to let them free on the streets. Their voices and beliefs are so 
powerful; and they are greatly admired by the people."  

A former diplomat who was in Rangoon during the 1988 turmoil said 
that the recent heavy sentences are a warning to opposition groups not to 
disrupt the National Convention.  

A Burma expert based in Bangkok has had to say this at a recent trial: 
"Looking at this event, Slorc shows that they have no respect for the world 
community. At the same time, they are challenging the Burmese people 
who want to oppose them to be ready to accept the heavy consequences." 

__________________________________________________

7  Written in Burmese and translated into English, this song became very 
popular in the student camps on the Burma-Thailand border.  


PITCH-DARK WORLD
Naing Ye Khaung and two friends

In the pitch-dark world 
Peace is going to disappear 
I am afraid in boiling blood and 
With fiery greed for victory 
Human beings wage a war against each other.  

God and gospel in the world 
If everyone lives by it 
The world will be beautiful. 
Make their world beautiful singing hymns 
Do unto others as you want to be done unto.  

(Chorus) 
Dove of peace with its wings spread 
While gliding in the sky and composing a song 
Has vanished into thin air. 

[text in Burmese follows, with musical chords]
__________________________________________________

8  

MY LAST DAYS IN LOI KAW AND WHAT FOLLOWED
John Pickko

I come from Kayah state which was famous as the Karenni State in 
Burmese history until 1948. Then Burma achieved independence from 
having been a British colony on 4, January 1948. The Karenni State was 
changed to Kayah State after a few years democratic reign in 1952. 
Conflict was fabricated among the ethnic minorities and the U Nu 
government which represented the majority people the Burmans finally, 
U Nu troops invaded Karenni State and suppressed the Karenni resistance 
troops. Since then, he changed the Karenni State to Kayah State.  

Karenni State is situated in north-east part of Burma and it is attached 
with Shan State, Karen State and Thailand. The State is geographically 
mountainous with smaller plain area, although it owns vast area of 
rainforest which can produce the best teak and hard wood. Burma's 
biggest hydro-electric power station, called Lawpita hydro-electric power 
station is located in the Karenni State. The State is replete with natural 
resources such as ores jewels, lead, antimony and other semi-precious 
stones.  

The population is approximately 300,000 and there are nine sub-tribes in 
Karenni main tribe. They are called: Kayah, Kaeba, Kayan, Kayaw, 
Kangan, Manu, Manaw, Yintalare, and Pakhu. Each of them has their 
own traditions, customs and beliefs. Most of them are Christians and few 
Buddhist exist in the population. In the whole of Burma, most Christians 
live in Karenni State. My nationality is Karenni because I was born from 
Kayah and Kayan mixed blood. Whenever I am asked, I represent myself 
always as Karenni not Burmese. I went to University when I finished 
senior high school in Karenni State.  

On 5th September, 1987, I was in the final semester of my studies at the 
Institute of Veterinary Science in Yezin, Central Burma. I still remember 
those days when we had the final examination and were just about to 
finish. At about 11:00 am, the government radio station  
announce the emergency report. The announcement was about 
withdrawal from currencies of the 25,35,75 Kyats. When I heard this 
news I did not know what to do and all my friends were in shock. 
Everyone from the Irrawaddy men's hostel was very restless and 
concerned about the demonetization announcement. Then we tried to 
confirm the news again at the 1:00 pm report.  

As soon as the same announcement came out from the radio all students 
started to shout in the hostel which filled with the noise. Then the noise 
abruptly spread out to the streets.  

I remember that the students rallies were moving ahead to the road and 
surrounded the campus and tried to quieten them. But the crowds did not 
listen to the committee briefing. Some students threw money at them and 
swore and they said "What are we going to do with this money and how 
are we to the survive to the next day?"  

We demanded from the administrative committee that they solve these 
current problems as soon as possible and we wanted to discuss with the 
Institute director whose name was U Mya Nyunt. They took a while but 
then promised the crowds that they would make appointment with the 
director at six o'clock that evening. So the student crowds started leaving 
to their hostels. Immediately I searched some money notes in my room to 
buy my lunch. I never imagined this could happen in my life, such a 
critical moment. The richest became poor turned to starvation. Then we 
started organizing some students for a demonstration against the money 
devaluation announcement. So we drew the pictures, poems, cartoons 
and wrote anti-government slogans, to get ready for the director's address 
at six o'clock in the evening.  

At the time we grouped near the hostel fence and started to yell when the 
director pass through the hostel campus. He addressed us and telling us to 
be good students and promised to solve this critical situation as soon as he 
could. He postponed the examination until the school reopened. Then the 
hostel administrative committee warned us to leave the hostel within 
three days. They arranged some contribution for the students and at the 
same time they organized students to depart to their home towns. On 7th 
September, 1987, I left my school and returned to Loi Kaw, Kayah State 
which is my beloved place. This was my first involvement in a mass 
movement in University life. People from Burma were critical of the Ne 
Win Government and his followers. I made a joke with my friends "the 
beggar won the lottery and he lost his begging cup". This meant Ne Win is 
in control of the country but the money devaluation is the beginning of 
the end  

Two months later my institute reopened on 2nd November, 1987 to 
complete the final examination on the remaining subjects. When the 
examination finished the government again closed the Universities and 
Colleges. I had some knowledge of the numerous education systems 
which exist in many countries. So I started to criticise the Burmese 
education system and bureaucratic government. My father reminded me 
to watch out for my outspoken habit and respect the government. I have 
always had a contrary opinion to my father. I wanted justice, freedom 
and I was not scared of the government detention. Sometimes, I 
questioned myself: "Am I wrong in telling the truth?" I believe without 
telling the truth we can not change the rusty attitudes which had been 
depriving us for years. So I decided to tell the truth to the people.  

The Universities and Colleges restarted on 14th January, 1988. I had 
prepared my things and went to Yezin Institute for the final part of my 
course. I was very happy to gather with friends and it was an excellent 
moment in my last year in University Life. But the good time was 
interrupted by the conflict among RIT (Rangoon Institute of Technology) 
students and civilians in Gyo Gone, Insein. Various disputes arose in the 
tea shop and other places between students and non-students. In this 
conflict riot police supported the civilians and brutally cracked down on 
the students. They even opened fire on groups in the campus and on the 
streets. Suddenly in the following day the event was spread out to all 
Universities and Colleges.  

The RIT students organized the other University Students and complained 
about the death of two students on 12 March quarrel with non-students. 
It was clear to me that the riot police department response was unjust. 
The students fought against the riot police in front of the RIT compound 
with rocks and sticks. The fighting became severe and strong on both 
sides. Then the military officer commanded all troops to use all forces to 
suppress the students' demonstration. In the end the government closed 
all Universities and Colleges once more. 

A few months later, police opened fire on students near the Rangoon 
University at White Bridge, which will always remain in our memories. 
They changed the bridge's name to Red Bridge because many students 
were shot down there which caused blood to stream on the black tar 
road. Several students were also detained by police and died from 
suffocation in military trucks.  

The government brutality stretched throughout Burma and the entire 
population expressed their anger against government cruelty. Then the 
government organised the annual cabinet meeting in July 1988 and 
discussed the reformation of the government policy to maintain stability. 
At the same time members of the parliament wanted to review the 
students uprising. They did not agree on a resolution for the current anti-
government protest. The entire mass of people exploded in their fury and 
continued their struggle against the government policy. In the daily 
newspapers they concealed the reasons for demonstration and announced 
that the people will be blamed for the violence. I heard the true objectives 
from the BBC World Service News.  

Because of the economic situation I went further north to the Burma-
China border and sold some forestry products to the Chinese. I got great 
profit from these commodities and I went back to Lashio in Northern 
Shan State, with my friends. I had the ambition to marry my girlfriend 
when I finished my academic course. Hence I tried to save money for the 
wedding. I was very happy with my success and my dreams were going 
beautifully, because it looked as though I could marry her. But the 
dreams flew away on 8.8.88. On the 8th August, 1988, I was supposed to 
go home from Mandalay, the second largest city in Burma, to Loi Kaw. 
On my way, I heard the sound of singing the national song and anti-
government slogans from very far off. People were walking towards 84 
street, where I had been staying in Mandalay. When the crowds reached 
84 street, I went together with them to the city hall. Unfortunately, riot 
police blocked the roads and ordered the crowds to stop on the way. They 
then opened fire into the sky and gave warning shots. Every one became 
silent and then resumed marching to city hall. The second time the 
soldiers fired into the people. This time everyone became too frightened to 
continue. Many people ran away and withdrew from  
the demonstration. I saw for myself the government's brutal treatment of 
its own people. I couldn't believe they were going to treat their people like 
enemies in a peaceful demonstration, although I realised the bureaucratic 
government never would hand over power to the people by their own 
accord. They always suppressed whoever tried to confront them and 
would eliminate their people in any way.  

On my return to Loi Kaw, capital of Kayah State, I was thinking about the 
bureaucratic brutality and the inhumane behaviour I had just witnessed. 
As soon as I arrived many people came to me and asked about the 
incidents of 8.8.88, the day when our people had been massacred 
mercilessly. We organised a secret meeting in Loi Kaw and in that 
meeting we decided to generate a strike on 21st August, 1988. We 
formed the Kayah Students Union and I was chosen as chairman. I was 
given responsibility for general management and security for the Union. 
During that time I had full authority; I could do whatever I liked. I 
contemplated carefully every day what our next action should be and I 
drew up a plan for the future. Some politicians supported and advised me 
in different angles to manage the strike flawlessly.  

Moreover, we decided to proliferate the general strike on 7th September 
and we had to contrive everything such as accommodation, 
transportation and security for the people who come to the Loi Kaw 
strike. I was very busy with my fellow students placing students for 
security purposes, because the military agents hostile to the students 
movement had spread out in the city, with the purpose of undermining 
the general strike. I read in the newspapers that the military agents put 
poison in drinking water and offered it to the student activists. Many 
students suffered abdominal problems and died a few days later. In one 
incident the military agents who put poison into the water tank in the 
Children's Hospital were caught when some students found them, and 
punished them in front of the people. The military regime would not 
easily transfer their power and would rather sacrifice innocent people.  

I still remember how I was menaced by military snipers before the 
general strike was generated. I received a message from my friends that 
the military agents were going to assassinate the student leaders on the 
7th September. Many students advised me not to come on that day so I 
speculated with myself and became confused: "What am I going to do 
with this hostility?" I didn't know what to do and was becoming afraid. 
Anyhow, I decided to stay with the people. If I died, I would die knowing 
I had done the right thing, the best way I knew how. On 7th September, 
1988, everybody from Loi Kaw city was alert. We were busy dealing with 
transportation and accommodation. We sent cars up to the villages to 
fetch more people for the strike in Loi Kaw.  

Many students and former politicians participated in the general strike on 
the target day. Representatives from each township came up to the stage 
and addressed the reasons for their bitterness against the Burma Socialist 
Program Party. Then the rallies went for a procession into the city yelling 
anti-government slogans. In addition, we overthrew the General Ne Win 
portrait from every government office and destroyed them in front of the 
people. We seized the township council and state council building. At the 
same time  
students hoisted the fighting peacock flag (a symbol of struggle and 
liberation from oppression) and sang the Students Union song. We took 
away the building keys and posted temporary announcements for 
government staffs. We did not allow anybody to work for the military 
benefit in the office. Then we placed security guards to protect people 
from the destructive elements. It was a glimpse of freedom for people 
who had never seen it before. Previously, people never dared to deprive 
the Ne Win portrait. That distinguished action gave us the most courage 
we had ever felt. It showed the people revulsion at the totalitarian 
government which had been controlling all of us for 26 years. Moreover, 
Catholic priests, Muslim preachers and Baptist pastors took major roles in 
the Loi Kaw strike, a remarkable moment in history when people of 
different religions came together to form the power of one. Some BSPP 
cadres came onto the stage and confessed their delinquency and resigned 
from membership. I was amazed to see people who had seen their own 
truths with their own eyes. We went on with the procession around the 
city and cried out for democracy and social rights, something we had lost 
30 years ago.  

On the 15th September, the army broke through the fence and 
reoccupied the township council and state council buildings. They were 
prepared to do anything they were ordered to do. As soon as we heard 
about the situation, we organised 17 students to protect our flag which 
was hoisted on the flag pole. "We are ready to sacrifice our lives for the 
democracy and we never bow to the military regime unless we 
accomplish our goals." This statement came out from our hearts as we 
stood around the flag pole. It was a very critical period of time for me to 
operate the event for my colleagues. Immediately I worked out with some 
security members and called for the people from every quarter to counter 
the military action. A few hours later people came to the incident area 
and rounded up the military troops without any weapons. The other 
students started to shout to the troops not to shoot at us because we were 
not their enemies. I went to join with my friends who were protecting the 
flag. I felt very emotional and I was prepared to die with my friends if the 
troops were to shoot at us. A student voice stopped me in my tracks: "You 
don't have to. Do you know what you are doing?" I answered that I had 
finished my special leadership task for them, but I was prepared to stay to 
resist the army. Then one of the soldiers said to me: "We don't want you 
to die here too early. You'll be a martyr, and if we killed you now, the 
struggle would keep going."  

Suddenly tears streamed from my eyes even though I had known the 
proverb, "Men never cry and tears never flow from their eyes." I no 
longer felt strong enough to continue standing with the students so I gave 
them a last direction on what they should do if the army charged at them. 
I did not want to appear egotistical among my comrades and I believed in 
them enough to accept direction from them. Most of my people were 
ready for counter-action, if in fact the army commander decided to 
shoot.  

At eleven o'clock more people came to the conflict area at the township 
council office and surrounded the compound. About twelve o'clock a 
nurse named Daw Than Nu from the general hospital and the ex-military 
leader, U Sa Ngwe Thaung, told the soldiers that the students were guilty 
of nothing. I was very anxious for my friends whose lives were being 
threatened by machine guns and other assault rifles. There was nothing to 
guarantee that the soldiers would not open fire.  

Then two student leaders, Sunny and Thet Naung Tun, were chosen for 
negotiation with tactical commander Col. Maung Kyi from Regiment 54. 
After three hours of negotiation they came to the agreement that none of 
the students or military personnel would stay in the council office. 
Everyone had to leave the office as soon as possible. I experienced a great 
enlightenment about how to manage aggressive people and make them 
calm down. In this dangerous process I saw soldiers break down with sad 
tears streaming down their faces. Some of these men were found out by 
their senior officers and substituted with new people. This proved that in 
military ethics, they would not be seen to fail in public. In addition, they 
withdrew from the office as soon as they got the order from the tactical 
commander.  

The contention ended with success at 4 pm in the afternoon. While the 
soldiers moved out from the office, people gave them food to eat and 
drinks, because they had been all day without nourishment, but they were 
not allowed to take any offering from the people. The army is very strict 
to insist that everyone obeys the commands.  

After they left we hugged each other and talked about the episode. We 
never thought we would live to tomorrow; however, we happened to be 
alive. Then we returned to the strike camp and prepared future plans.  

I learned by heart the 18th day of September, as this was my last chance 
to see my brothers, sisters and relatives. It changed my whole life and 
drew me away from my family and relatives. On that particular morning 
I was supposed to go for a public meeting in Demoso, which is ten miles 
from Loi Kaw. Unfortunately, there were no drivers to send students to 
Khone Tha village to celebrate the public assembly so I took car keys and 
drove them to the village. They started a meeting at 10 am which finished 
at 3 pm and on the way home we saw a huge boa snake crossing ahead 
of us on the road. My companions told me that this was not good for us, 
and we would have bad luck in the future. However, I encouraged them 
to think this was a superstition, and it would not change our lives by this 
coincidence. We sang the students' song and everyone was cheerful on 
our return.  

Meanwhile, we heard the military marching song on the road and got 
agitated in our hearts. At first, we did not realise what was happening in 
Rangoon, Mandalay and other big cities. A while later, the army 
marching song stopped, and the emergency declaration came out from 
the radio that the military had taken over power because of the critical 
situation. This announcement was the same reason given for the military 
coup in 1962. Moreover, the military regime imposed martial law all 
over the country to control the counter response from student activists 
and people. Immediately, we felt shock and looked at each other with 
puzzled faces. Everyone held up with calm and concentrated on 
additional announcements from the radio. Then I organised all students 
in the monastery which had been used as the students' strike centre, and 
gave them a last suggestion to move apart from this area as soon as 
possible, because the military troops might come to seize the monastery 
that very night. The monastery was also the central strike headquarters 
for the whole of Kayah State. 

Some students ignored my recommendation to leave the monastery, and 
most decided to stay in the monastery one more night. They thought my 
idea was ridiculous. I told my secretary That Naung Tun to keep 
encouraging them to leave because he could not manage the situation if 
something happened. While I was saying this, a town elder named U Kyie 
Maung unexpectedly came to the students and gave them a guarantee of 
immunity from military detention. I immediately objected to his proposal, 
and reminded them all of the military tactics of 1962. Again and again I 
tried to persuade them to leave.  

Finally, I organised some of my friends, San San Maw, Than Tin Aye, Pyu 
Pyu Naun, Lay Lon and Maung Win to go with me to an obscure place 
away from the public where no-one would expect to find us. We stayed 
in my friend's house near the state prison where no-one would look.  

My prediction unfortunately came true. That night most of the students 
were arrested by military troops and sent to the military detention centre, 
which is very different and much worse than civilian detention.  

Before going to my friend's house, I had a last dinner with my aunts and 
grandma. Then I told my brothers and sisters I had to go somewhere to 
save my life. None of them really understood what I said, and they were 
very anxious about me. This was my last hour with my relatives after the 
military coup. I felt very anxious I could not get an opportunity to say 
goodbye to my beloved parents. Whenever I think about that, I became 
emotional and I cannot forgive myself. They did not know where I 
planned to go and I still regret this. I conceive that misfortune never 
comes singly in my life, then and forever.  

On the night of 18th September Military Intelligence raided my home and 
interrogated my parents about me. They wanted to know where I had 
gone. But my parents did not know exactly. As a result they asked for my 
passport and other photos for Military Intelligence documents.  

Forced to leave my family, home and friends, I did not have any 
alternative but to hide in a remote area, a Karenni stronghold where 
many other students had already arrived. There we established  
Huay Sedi Camp near the border with Thailand, and formed a camp 
executive to take responsibility for all students.  

I endured enormous hardship while staying at Huay Sedi. We had no 
shelters, inadequate amounts of food and medicine, and many social 
interaction conflicts. We had to sleep under the shade of trees for several 
days as soon as we arrived in the jungle. We shared our food together just 
to get to the next day. Medicine was the most important need of all. We 
always desperately needed medicines to treat people. I had brought some 
medicine with me, but it could not cure all the diseases in the camp. I 
remember how we cooked rice and curry in bamboo because we did not 
have any cooking pots.  

A few months later we received some humanitarian assistance from 
individual donors. It was never sufficient. Most of those donors could not 
guarantee any continuing funds. So I made contact with nongovernment 
organisations which were already supporting refugees along the Thai 
border.  

Malaria became our best friend, and none of us avoided it. Nine out of ten 
students caught severe malaria in our camp. We could never afford to 
send them to hospital, so we just treated them with what we had. I was 
myself attacked by cerebral malaria three times. Once, I was unconscious 
for eight hours, and I was so ill my friends were so sure I would die that 
they started preparing a coffin for me. I had a sense of being down a very 
deep black hole, but there was a tiny light in the distance, out of my 
reach. I knew if I could reach it, I would live. It was a struggle. Finally, I 
started moving closer to the light, and then I finally woke up. I was still 
alive.  

When in the dry season in June 1989, Burmese Government troops 
resumed their offensive, our camp was attacked and burned down. So we 
had to move in a different direction onto Thai soil to seek temporary 
shelter. Fortunately ten nongovernment organisations formed the Burma 
Coordinating Group and initiated their contribution to the Burmese 
refugees including students. They supported civilians, not military 
personnel. From that day, we were quite sufficient in basic commodities.  

In the new refugee camp we established a Karenni High School, and six 
students from our camp helped as teaching staff. We were very 
concerned with the education, because education can change everything. 
In addition, education is a way to liberate the country. We perceived that 
"There is no education, there is no future for our country." We wanted to 
promote education for the new Karenni generation. I was, you see, 
brought up with a proverb which says, "Thieves can steal all treasures but 
education." 

According to my experiences and training as a veterinary student, I set up 
a clinic and gave treatment to people. The high incidence of malaria 
persuaded me to do this. The clinic was in my house, which made my 
very busy. Sometimes I even had to operate on patents. Sometimes there 
were emergency cases which, came from the front line of the war. I never 
imagined during veterinary training that I would be treating humans. It 
was much more difficult than I imagined at first. So I organised a medical 
training course for Karenni medics for four months. I wanted to 
encourage the development of qualified medics along the border. 

I am myself a Christian from the Catholic tradition. We know about 
missionaries. My own grandfather, just over one hundred years ago, was 
in a village in Kayah State when the very first missionary came to that 
area. The people of that village thought he must be an animal. They had 
never before seen a white person with a beard. So they put him in a cage 
in the piggery, and some wanted to kill him because he looked dangerous. 
They even took off his boots, which they had also never seen before, and 
cooked and ate them. 

But my grandfather said to the villagers: "No, he is a human being like us. 
Let him go." After that, the missionary was freed, and he stayed in our 
area and preached to the people. Many became Christians. When he was 
free, the missionary said to my grandfather: "Because you saved my life, 
your family will be blessed for seven generations," and he prayed over 
him. 

This is my story. 

__________________________________________________

9  The composer of this song renounced armed struggle to become a 
leader of a refugee camp committed to Ghandian nonviolence within 
Buddhism. Written in Burmese and translated into English.  


PEACE BE UPON YOU
Naing Ye Khaung

Peace be upon you. 
To turn your woeful life 
Into a peaceful one, 
A dove of peace has been freed 
With a sprig of paddy in its beak, 
The little bird to bring peace bumps into a vampire 
Out comes the blood and starts to flow. 
Peace be upon you. 
To turn your woeful life 
Into a peaceful one, 
A stream of peace with embankments 
Has been ruled over 
The stream cool and calm 
Runs across a scorching summer. 
Out dried the stream. 
Be calm and cool. 
To turn your unlit life 
Into an illuminating one, 
The light of gold with a wick lit 
Has been dispatched, 
The lamp to bring light 
Comes across a strong wind. 
Out turned the light. 
Light be upon you.  

__________________________________________________

10  In refugee camps, leaders are always very concerned to find ways to 
retain culture and identity while in exile. Here two students in exile recall 
the essential elements of Burmese culture and education back home. 
Written in English.  

BURMESE CULTURE AND EDUCATION
U Pyeit and Ma Aye Pwint

Teashops

I remember my father saying to me that the Indians after the British left 
started many teashops. People talk philosophy and politics. But these 
teashops are not for women and girls. They never sit at the teashop. It 
would be very strange if they did.  

In my life in Burma we drink tea at breakfast time. Often this is at the 
teashop. This happened in my family life. So we usually had only two 
main meals in the day, usually rice and curry, with snacks in between. 
My grandfather and grandmother used to make these snacks every day- 
things like sticky rice, and other things hard to make. So people have got 
used to going to the teashop for snacks, and they have nam and chapati.  

Every teashop had big cassette stereo, playing music loudly. This would be 
for the young people. Of course, this is Burmese style for the new Burma, 
not the old way.  

Ma Aye Pwint: My parents were not educated, so they were not used to 
going to the teashop. So teashops are for young people and for educated 
people who discuss politics.  

I want to sit at teashop too, but because I am a girl, my mother would 
come and beat me with a big stick.  

U Pyeit: After the 1988 uprising, schools were closed and many students 
had no jobs and had free time. So they opened many teashops in Rangoon 
and other places in Burma. They were teashops specially for student 
groups. Students owned the shops and were waiters. Some of these shops 
were closed by government troops because they did not like students 
gathering and organising. The Government really was afraid of so many 
teashops, so they tried to close them. 

Education

In Burma we have separate education systems for kindergarten from 
three years old; primary school from six years old until Grade Four; then 
from Grade 5 to 8, secondary school. From Grade 8 to 10, High school, 
which has matriculation at the end. After matriculation, there are 
regional colleges for two years and then the main universities.  

After 1983, there were no regional colleges, only universities. The system 
changed. Every Minister for Education changed the education system. So 
in Burma we have unstable education system, very complicated and hard 
to understand. For medical and technology students, there is a very high 
score to get into university - over 500 points. It makes it not fair for 
women.  

Buddhism teaches that teachers and parents are like God. They must be 
respected. Many teachers are good; they are like parents they love 
students. But then, students are not able to complain about their teachers. 
Students have no rights or freedoms in Burma. Teachers would not like it 
if we complained. The same would be true of all older people - they do 
not like it if students want to have rights.  

Parents and children

Within the Burmese family, we have to obey our parents. That is the 
Burmese way. Some people think this means children have no rights, and 
sometimes they run away. But they come home again. I think it is good 
for children to show respect for parents. We show respect by sitting on 
the floor when older people sit on chairs. Also, we show respect to people 
who might only be one month older than ourselves. We show this respect 
by bobbing our body below their heads. It's like saying sorry. This is part 
of our culture.  

If an adult person borrows a book, we give it with two hands, not one 
hand. This is also a sign of respect.  

In my life, I really miss the Buddha stories and legends. Buddha had 550 
lives before Buddha. I knew every story because my mother told me about 
them. One day, one night, one story. She explained about the stories and 
legends about Burma. Some stories are about manners. If you have a 
problem like this story,  
then you should be clear about this story, because it teaches you how to 
behave.  

Everyone in Burma knows one special story. Mine is about a grandfather 
many years ago, with many grandsons. The many grandsons are not in 
unity; they are always fighting each other, and arguing. This grandfather 
looks at them, and told his grandson, "Please bring one stick, every one, to 
me." And everyone brought a stick each. Then grandfather organised all 
the sticks together into a pile, and he tried to break the sticks together. 
Then he took one stick from the pile, and be broke it easily. Then he 
explained, "If you have unity, you cannot be broken, because you are 
many. If you are alone, someone can break you easily." From this legend 
we knew that we should have unity. If we are alone, someone breaks us 
down very easily.  

In Burma people believe in fortune and the cycle of life. They have come 
from a past life, and there will be a future life after this one. So in this life 
if you donate (to the monks) or give food to other people or money to the 
poor, you will get a reward in the future. If you are poor in this life, you 
should donate like that. This is real Burmese culture. 

__________________________________________________

11  Specially written in English for this publication by an exile from Shan 
State.


HUNGRY FOR PEACE
Sai Lao Leang

It was in the late winter, we had been travelling for fifteen days. We were 
about fifty soldiers, one of the platoons under no-4 battalion of Shan State 
Army. We were on our way to southern territory in Shan State. It 
normally takes about one month to walk to this area, if every conditions 
are favourable.( that is no enemy troops on the way) I saw a village at the 
foot of mountains where the flatland meets the base of the mountainous 
slopes three kilometres away. A narrow river ran through alongside the 
village. The bullockcart route wound straight through the centre of the 
village, revealing that we were arriving at a Shan village. Later I found 
out that the name of the village was Nam Nar and has about twenty house 
hold. Shan villages are normally set up beside a river and always have a 
track through the central part of the village. It was late in the morning, I 
thought maybe around ten o'clock. The frogs were still croaking around, 
an echoing sound of singing rang out from the paddy field nearby 
reminding me that it was harvest time. Soon, we arrived in the village and 
stopped at the front of a two storey bamboo house. This was the village 
headman's house. Shortly after we arrived, a man came up to the front 
door of the house. He was an old man, who looked about seventy years 
old. I saw the old man and our platoon commander, Soa Kham, greeting 
each other and the old man invited Soa Kham into his house. A few 
minutes later Sao Kham appeared alone and told to the troops that we 
would stay in this village for two days and ordered the platoon's staff 
officer to allocate the troop to each house. Some students and I were led 
to a house not so far from the headman's house. We went into the house 
and we saw a woman about fifty years old whose name was Pha. We 
asked her politely to let us stay in her house for two days. She gladly 
agreed and told us to make our place in the front room. Pha was  
busy drying the grains outside the house. I dropped my bags in the front 
room and went to Pha and tried to help her. Pha asked me where I was 
from and remarked that I did not look like a soldier.  

I explained to Pha I was a student before I joined Shan State Army. I 
studied at Rangoon University and explained to her how the pro-
democracy campaign started, how I actively participated and how the 
military cruelly shot dead many of the protestors and arrested many pro-
democracy demonstrators and students. The military tried to arrest me. I 
apparently could not stay in cities and towns so I fled to jungle. Shan State 
Army saved me and allowed me to live with them. Pha fixed her gaze at 
me with sympathetic eyes. She had no idea why we were fighting for 
democracy. I had to explain to her a brief outline of democracy. Under a 
democratic government people's lives will not be as hard as now and 
every one will have equal rights under the laws. We can build up our 
nation into a more developed state and everyone will be happy. She 
seemed to understand gradually and told me to be careful and promised 
to pray for my good luck. She told me that she had seen many dead and 
wounded soldiers after fighting erupted between government troops and 
rebels last year. She further stated that she did not want to see any more 
bloodshed and she felt very upset with the Government soldiers. Pha's 
husband passed away two years ago and now Pha lived with her son who 
was named Aik. Pha's husband left about five hectares of paddy field for 
Pha and Aik. Pha's field was harvested a few days ago. Aik went to help in 
the other's field gathering crops . Harvest time is the busiest time for 
villagers but they help one another during the harvest time. Helping one 
another is common in many Shan villages especially when gathering and 
planting crops, building new houses, festivals, wedding and funeral 
services.  

Before dark, Pha's son Aik came back to the house. He was a strong man 
and about twenty three years old. Aik was very polite and talked to us 
very gently. After Ask finished his bath, we had dinner together. While we 
were having dinner, Aik told us that the village was going to celebrate a 
harvest festival for new crops the next night. All villagers' crop gathering 
would be finished by tomorrow early in the afternoon, he also invited us 
to joint the festival. After finishing dinner, Aik told his mother he was 
going to the monastery where some boys and girls were rehearsing for 
the dance for tomorrow's festival.  

The next day morning, Pha got up very early and prepared rice and 
curries and took them to the monastery to offer Buddha. All elder people 
would go to the monastery very early in the morning like Pha, but they 
would not join the festival at night. Festival at night is organized for 
younger people only.  

Shortly after dusk, some students and I asked for permission from the 
platoon commander Soa Kham and went to the harvest festival with Aik. 
The festival was celebrated in a field close to the monastery. At the festival 
about ten tables (eight people' can sit at each table) were laid full with of 
rice and curries. Those tables were arranged for guests from villages 
nearby. We were invited to take our place at a table. Children were 
playing around with excitement while the villagers busied themselves 
with cooking and preparing for dancers. There was also a camp fire in 
front of the tables. It was so big a fire that it gave enough light to all at the 
festival.  

Soon after we sat at the table, the village head man started to speak to all 
guests and villagers. With a proud voice, the head man stated that this 
year's crop planting was an absolute success and that they were very 
lucky. He additionally stated that there hadn't been any destruction by the 
weather and the sun shone adequately at harvest time. As the headman 
concluded with "please enjoy the new crops and beautiful dances", the 
traditional orchestra started to perform and some boys and girls danced 
on the raised platform that was made out of bamboo poles. Mainly, the 
Shan traditional musical instruments included a long tail drum, a set of 
graduated series of gongs and cymbals. All the village and nearby 
surroundings were flooded by the sound of the orchestra. At the festivals, 
rice whiskey was also available for men. Aik told me last year they could 
not celebrate the festival because this time last year one government 
battalion came hear and took food and many men and women to use as 
porters in the front line where they had a battle with some rebels. The 
government soldiers were about three hundred and stayed in the village 
for a month so the villagers were out of food and had to rely on corn and 
some vegetables for three to four months.  

We went back about ten o'clock as soon as the festival finished. It was 
dark so we had to use a torch to see the way. On the way to home Aik 
asked me how gasoline is made. I explained to Aik that gasoline is made 
out of oil which can be got from underneath of the earth. I wondered 
why he asked this question . He said they always faced shortages of 
gasoline because the only way they could get gasoline was to go and buy 
it in a small town about six hour walk from their village. Gasoline is an 
expensive item for them. The village had to depend on lamps which used 
gasoline to get light at night, so everyone went to bed early in order to 
save gasoline.  

That night, I could not sleep until very late. I was thinking about the 
villagers' lives. They were honest, simple, worked hard and were friendly. 
However, their future was not bright. There was no education or health 
services such as school and clinic. Boys spent about six months at the 
monastery before they returned to their farms to help their parents. If 
they were lucky they could learn how to read in Shan at the monastery.  

Nam Nar was one of the villages that were victims of the civil war in 
Burma. Many villages like Nam Nar have to provide porters for the 
Burmese government army whenever the army needs them. The villagers 
can never refuse when the army or rebels asked them for foods, cattle 
and so on.  

Civil war is the main factor that causes Burma, which has bountiful 
natural resources, to be one of the least developing countries in the world.  

As a youth of Burma, I felt I had the responsibility to serve my country in 
solving the problems of civil war.  
The next morning, I got up with full strength and confidence and was 
thinking that I was doing the right duty for the country that I loved. I 
smiled to myself and prepared to continue the journey. 

__________________________________________________

12 Exiles always dream of home. They imagine what it would be like. 
This is all the more poignant if the exile believes he or she may never 
make it home, that peace may never come, that the international 
community may never exert enough Pressure. Written in English for this 
Publication.  


TRANQUIL TOWN
Thein Lwin

Whenever I think I am drowning in the cruel world, whenever I am 
anxious about my future, I am taken in my imagination to my native 
town. It is called Sagaing Township in Sagaing Division in Upper Burma.  

People who live in that town bend down respectfully to religion and live 
in perfect tranquillity. The Irrawaddy River flows in the south of the 
town, and Sagaing Mountain with many pagodas graces the north of the 
town.  

In the early morning I can hear the monks reciting their sermon from 
their monastery so the whole town can hear. When I hear that sermon, I 
am refreshed and free from avarice and hatred. After that I can see the 
venerable monks who go around for alms food. In the morning at 8.30, 
the people go to work on their bicycles.  

In the day time, they happily do their work and students attend their 
schools. After they come back from work, they cook dinner for the 
family. When they finish dinner, they walk around and along the river to 
get fresh air.  

The Buddhist people always observe religious duties in the weekend. The 
most interesting time for Buddhists is Lent from July to October. During 
Lent, the Fourteen Pagodas Festival is celebrated every full moon day and 
on the day of the New Moon or the last day of the lunar month. That day, 
people walk around the town with dancing, and go to the pagoda with 
meritorious things to be given to the monks, such as monk's robes, 
umbrellas or slippers. The people enjoy it.  

On the last full moon day, people set afloat the candle with lights and 
they decorate the home compound. The young people pay homage to the 
older people, particularly their relatives, that day. The people observe 
religious duties on full moon day and new moon day. They are satisfied to 
stay in that kind of life.  

But on one day, that tranquil town was destroyed by the cruelty of the 
military. My beautiful and tranquil town was wounded and tortured. The 
sound of the sermon disappeared. The children cried for their mothers, 
and the parents waited and cried for their sons. They are still waiting for 
their sons until now, but they do not know that their sons will never come 
back home to the bosom of their families.  

The deep black point will now always remain in my tranquil town. I cried 
because of the hurting and hatred inside me. My avarice and hatred 
reappear deeply inside my mind. But some of the military who wore 
green sunglasses were satisfied. The people were despondent and looked 
like they lost their future. I will never forget that happening all my life. It 
was 9th September 1988, the day people were involved in the pro-
democracy movement and 328 people were killed by police.  

Now, I wish that my town might be peaceful and tranquil again. We may 
again hear the sound of the sermon. 

__________________________________________________

13  Hope never dies for many refugees. For some, it is spiritual faith 
which keeps them going. For others, political activism and personal 
courage. It is well expressed by this anonymous poem written in English 
for this publication by a student who remains anonymous, as his situation 
is at risk in Bangkok. He wrote it to encourage friends in prison at the 
time in Burma. 


FOR FRIENDS IN PRISON 

My body lay semi-conscious and silent 
In the narrow iron-barred prison. 
Food.... 
Water.... 
Starvation.... 
Day and night. 
In the darkness. 

If you think that this dark net of prison 
Is depression for me, 
Let me tell you it is not so. 
On the contrary, 
Whenever a slight ray of light from the blue sky 
Is seen through the iron window of prison, 
To live and confront the uphill battle-for justice 
And for a new motherland at peace, 
I know I have the will to survive 
The journey and the struggle. 
I will not complain. 
In my heart I have the courage to continue.