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BurmaNet News: December 27, 1994



Reply-To: Tormod Lien <tormod.lien@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>


************************** BurmaNet ************************** 
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
************************************************************** 
BurmaNet News:  Tuesday, December 27 1994
Issue #89

************************************************************** 
Contents:

ABSDF: ABSDF ATTACKS SLORC TROOPS AT PAPUN
NATION: CHINESE PREMIER READY FOR LANDMARK BURMA VISIT
BKK POST: CHINESE PREMIER TO SEAL FRIENDSHIP WITH BURMA
VOA: (CORRESPONDENT REPORT ON CHINA & BURMA)
NATION: (EDITORIAL) THE GREAT GAME FOR BURMA
VOA: BURMA'S UNCERTAIN FUTURE
NCGUB: STATEMENT ON THE FOURTH ANNIVERSARY OF ITS 
     ESTABLISHMENT
BKK POST: FAMILY TO SPEND XMAS WITH AUNG SAN SUU KYI
NATION: YULE REUNION FOR SUU KYI, HUSBAND
SCB: JUST BACK FROM BURMA / MYANMAR
SCB: RE: JUST BACK FROM BURMA / MYANMAR

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ABSDF: ABSDF ATTACKS SLORC TROOPS AT PAPUN
Monday, December 26, 1994

Press Release
For Immediate Release

26 December 1994


	        ABSDF ATTACKS SLORC TROOPS AT PAPUN

On 25 December 1994, at 00:30 hours, the special military column of the
Student Army of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front attacked the
State Law and Order Restoration Council at three points; the
No (1) Headquarters of the Military Strategy of the South-eastern
Command of the SLORC, the Headquarters of the No (19) Light Infantry
Regiment of the SLORC in the town Papun, located in the eastern part of
the Karen State, and the Security Military Post at the Iron Bridge on the
Yun-Salin Stream.

All three locations came under a coordinated attack simultaneously. The
battle continued for some 25 minutes, before the military columns of the
Student Army systematically withdrew after achieving its objectives.

Meanwhile, SLORC troops had unsuccessfully fired 60mm, 81mm and
120mm artillery shells in the vicinity of the attacking Student Army, but
no casualties occurred except for the destruction by the heavy artillery of
a house owned by U Pe War Par and a local Buddhist monastery in the
middle part of the village, Mae Nang Nwe. The number of dead and
wounded personnel of the SLORC is still undetermined.

The Student Army were caused to attack the military base of the SLORC
under the following circumstances:

1) SLORC attacked and attempted to occupy Dawn Gwin, ABSDF
Headquarters, and Manerplaw; thereby SLORC broke its 2-year ceasefire
announcement by its own volition, and was not provoked in any manner,
except to take advantage of the temporary situation recently in the KNU-
controlled area in an attempt to physically crush the democratic forces
instead of through peaceful dialogue;

2) SLORC intends to build a dam in the Dawn Gwin area, where
ABSDF Central Headquarters is located, not only threatening the
students but villagers and the delicate river ecosystem, all for the need
for monetary funds to prolong power; and

3) the Dawn Gwin-Manerplaw area has gained national and
international political importance as the focal point of the democratic
resistance against the ruling military regime, and therefore ABSDF has
acted in order to safeguard ourselves against aggression by the military
regime.

As a result of SLORCs unwillingness to stop its human rights violations
and suppression of the peoples of Burma, ABSDF were forced to defend
ourselves in 1988 in pursuit of the principles of freedom and democracy
that the military dictatorship fears. ABSDFs goals are not and have
never been to solve political questions by military means; but by peaceful
political means, as was witnessed during the 8888 Uprising and in the
May 1990 elections. The military dictatorship has been attacking and
killing students, whether on the streets, in their beds, or in the jungle.
Still, despite mounting pressures, SLORC continues with these brutal
and deportee tactics, even as they stand before the world and talk about
national reconciliation and use meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi for
photo ops at the UN.

As long as SLORC does not hand over power to the rightfully elected
representatives chosen by the people, as long as SLORC continues its
wanton abuse and destruction of the countrys natural resources for their
own personal political and material wealth, and as long as SLORC
arrogantly pretends that Burma is on the path to peace and prosperity
while treating its citizenry inhumanely; ABSDF will continue to bravely
and without hesitation oppose SLORC by all means necessary and at any
place necessary to repel their pungency and, united with all the peoples
of Burma, rid the country of the scourge of suppression once and for all.

We beseech the SLORC to do the following immediately, for the sake of
the country:

1) Declare a nation-wide, unconditional cease-fire TODAY,

2) Release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners
NOW,

3) Transfer power to the legitimate representatives elected in 1990
DIRECTLY,

4) Sponsor genuine political meetings with ALL groups - ethnic and
democratic - with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.



Central Committee
ABSDF                                           26 December 1994

************************************************************** 
NATION: CHINESE PREMIER READY FOR LANDMARK BURMA VISIT
Monday, December 26, 1994
Agence France-Presse, Rangoon

LONG-STANDING Sino-Burmese relations are expected to be given a huge 
lift with Chinese Premier Li Peng's visit here, described as "an important 
event" in relations between China and Burma.

Premier Li Peng, accompanied by his wife Zu Lin, is scheduled to arrive in 
the Burmese capital today at the head of a delegation of some 100 officials 
for a three-day visit during which he will meet top leaders of the ruling 
military junta, official sources here said.

Li is the third head of state and the fourth high-ranking foreign official to 
visit Burma since the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council 
(SLORC) took power in September 1988, observers here said.

He has been preceded by leaders from Laos, Singapore, and Vietnam.

Li's trip followed a flurry of exchanges between Burma and China, its 
biggest neighbour and the first country to recognize SLORC.

China continued to give Burma economic aid when Western nations and 
Japan suspended assistance in protest against the military's harsh quelling 
of a popular democracy uprising.

The two countries have since nurtured bilateral relations, with special 
emphasis on military ties that have helped boost Burma's air force and navy, 
which are now using mainly Chinese military equipment, analysts said.

A Chinese spokesman in Beijing earlier referred to Li's visit as "an important 
event aimed at promoting good neighbourly relations and bilateral 
cooperation."

The Chinese spokesman said China also wished to see political stability, 
economic development, and ethnic harmony in Burma.

China had maintained fraternal relations with the outlawed Burma 
Communist Party (BCP) based in northeastern Burma until the early 1980s 
and provided it with both moral and material support, including arms.

An ethnic rebellion in 1989 ended BCP dominance in the region and nine 
of the armed groups formerly under the communists, including the Kokang 
and the Wa, have since signed ceasefire agreements with the military in 
exchange for regional development.

China to the is day has continued to provide political asylum to 14 leading 
member of the former politburo and central committee on humanitarian 
grounds, informed sources said.

China's Yunnan territory, which shares a common border with Burma to 
the north, has become its major trading partner. 

Li's visit appears to have taken precedence over reconciliation efforts being 
made with the leading political dissident Aung San Suu Kyi, observers here 
said.

U Rewata Dhamma, the British-based revered Buddhist monk who acted as 
an interlocutor between the SLORC and the Nobel peace laureate, arrived 
here on Dec 18 to continue with the process he initiated last August.

Reliable sources where said, however, he has been marking his time since 
his arrival, waiting to be allowed to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

**************************************************************
BKK POST: CHINESE PREMIER TO SEAL FRIENDSHIP WITH BURMA
Monday, December 26, 1994

CHINESE Premier Li Peng arrives in Rangoon today for an official visit that 
will seal the warm relationship between isolated army-ruled Burma and its 
best foreign friend, Rangoon-based diplomats said yesterday.

But while the visit is confirmation of China's continued strong support, 
Burma's neighbours in south and southeast Asia will be keeping a keen eye 
on China's growing influence there, they said.

"This visit will cement the importance of the relationship for both sides," 
one envoy said.

"China is Burma's most important foreign relationship. Politically, it's a big 
brother giving its support in places like the United Nations, which is very 
important for Burma."

Burma has been largely shunned by the West since the bloody suppression 
of nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988 and the detention 
of hundreds of the military government's opponents, including the 1991 
Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.

China, which put down its own pro-democracy uprising in 1989, has 
remained a steadfast supporter of Burma and the main supplier of its 
military hardware as well as its main trading partner. 

Li's December 26-28 visit follows a September trip to Beijing by Burma's 
most powerful general, military intelligence chief Lieutenant-General Khin 
Nyunt, and a subsequent visit by another senior member of the Rangoon 
junta, Lieutenant-General Tin Oo.

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman said in Beijing earlier this month 
that Li's visit was an important event aimed at promoting good neighbourly 
relations and bilateral cooperation.

Much of the dealings between China and Burma were conducted at 
provincial level, in particular the booming trade with southern China's 
Yunnan province estimated at hundreds of millions of dollars a year, and 
regular visits to Burma by military delegations from Yunnan.

Li's visit is confirmation of close ties at the national level, one diplomat said. 
"It's very important for Burma, it represents Chinese commitment to 
Burma," he said.

But some of Burma's neighbours are becoming increasingly anxious about 
China's economic and military influence there, the diplomats said. 

"Regional powers will be watching all of this closely," one diplomat said. 
"It's understandable when you see the extent that Chinese influence 
permeates in central and upper Burma, in commerce in particular."

"Certainly the Indians are concerned," said another.

There are fears among some of Burma's neighbours that Burma will allow 
China access to its Indian Ocean naval facilities, some of which are near 
major international shipping lanes.

But the diplomats said the independent-minded Burmese were unlikely to 
do that and, on the contrary, Rangoon itself might be a little wary of its 
over-reliance on China.

"It's unlikely the Burmese themselves would agree to naval bases but it's 
possible the Chinese would give them some sort of assistance," said one.

"There seems to be technical cooperation but in terms of Chinese military 
cooperation we doubt it," said another.

"All the instincts of the Burmese would be against it. The Burmese are 
naturally non-aligned and at present the relationship with China is 
probably even stronger, than the Burmese would wish," he said.

"I think they feel uneasy about having to rely so strongly on such a big and 
important neighbour."

China had maintained fraternal relations with the outlawed Burma 
Communist Party (BCP) based in northeastern Burma until the early eighties 
and provided it with both moral and material support, including arms.

An ethnic rebellion in 1989 ended BCP dominance in the region and nine 
of the armed groups formerly under the communists, including the Kokang 
and the Wa, have since signed ceasefire agreements with the military in 
exchange for regional development.

China to this day has continued to provide political asylum to 14 leading 
members of the former BCP politburo and central committee on 
humanitarian grounds, informed sources said.

China's Yunnan territory, which shares a common border with Burma to 
the north, has become its major trading partner and Chinese products 
started to flood the country from the time border trade was made official 
six years ago.

Li's visit appears to have taken precedence over reconciliation efforts being 
made with the leading political dissident Aung San Suu Kyi, observers here 
said.

U Rewatta Dhamma, the British-based revered Buddhist monk who acted as 
an interlocutor between the SLORC and the Nobel peace laureate, arrived 
here on December 18 to continue with the process he initiated last August.

Reliable sources here said, however, he has been marking time since his 
arrival, waiting to be allowed to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been 
under house-arrest since July 1989.

The 66-year-old monk's mediating endeabours are expected to be kept on 
hold until the Chinese premier concludes his visit here, they said.

************************************************************** 
VOA: (CORRESPONDENT REPORT ON CHINA & BURMA)
Friday, December 23, 1994

------------------- burmavoa.c24 follows --------------------

DATE=12/23/94
TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT
NUMBER=2-171299
TITLE=BURMA / DEMO (S-O)

BYLINE=DAN ROBINSON

DATELINE=BANGKOK
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:

INTRO:  PRO-DEMOCRACY FORCES OUTSIDE BURMA ARE TRYING TO DRAW
ATTENTION TO WHAT THEY CALL CHINA'S CONTINUING SUPPORT FOR
POLITICAL REPRESSION BY BURMA'S MILITARY GOVERNMENT.  V-O-A'S DAN
ROBINSON REPORTS CHINESE PREMIER, LI PENG, IS SCHEDULED TO PAY A
VISIT TO BURMA SOON (EDS:  DEC 26), AMID INCREASING ECONOMIC AND
MILITARY LINKS BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES.

TEXT:  LI PENG'S VISIT TO RANGOON NEXT MONDAY IS IN RESPONSE TO A
VISIT TO BEIJING LAST SEPTEMBER BY A POWERFUL MEMBER OF BURMA'S
MILITARY JUNTA -- LIEUTENANT GENERAL KHIN NYUNT.

CHINA'S MILITARY AND ECONOMIC INVOLVEMENT IN BURMA HAS BEEN
INCREASING FOR SEVERAL YEARS.

ANOTHER AGREEMENT FOR MILITARY EQUIPMENT AND WEAPONS WAS SIGNED
RECENTLY.  CROSS-BORDER TRADE -- NOTABLY WITH YUNNAN PROVINCE --
HAS FLOODED BURMA WITH CHINESE CONSUMER GOODS.

CHINA HAS BEEN THE BIGGEST SUPPORTER OF THE RANGOON JUNTA SINCE
BURMA'S MILITARY CRUSHED PRO-DEMOCRACY DEMONSTRATIONS IN RANGOON
AND OTHER CITIES IN 1988.

IN BANGKOK FRIDAY, ABOUT A DOZEN BURMESE STUDENTS DEMONSTRATED
OUTSIDE THE CHINESE EMBASSY, SHOUTING SLOGANS, AND RAISING
BANNERS CONDEMNING CHINESE MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO BURMA.

A STATEMENT GIVEN TO REPORTERS URGED THE CHINESE PREMIER TO
CANCEL HIS VISIT, AND SAID CHINESE POLICIES IN BURMA ARE
PROLONGING MILITARY CONTROL AND ENDANGERING SECURITY IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA.   (SIGNED)

NEB/DR/TMS/RAE

23-Dec-94 6:48 AM EST (1148 UTC)

**************************************************************
NATION: (EDITORIAL) THE GREAT GAME FOR BURMA
Monday, December 26, 1994

FOR all the noise and heat generated by advocates of the boycott-Burma 
lobby, their argument is ultimately futile.

Not because they are campaigning from a position of morals versus money 
or even from a stand of principles against pragmatism but simply because 
China, Burma's huge neighbour to the north, will have nothing to do with 
it. Everything Burma needs in terms of basic material goods, China can 
provide. And with the arrival of Li Peng on an official visit today, Beijing is 
also extending to the SLORC leaders something they crave more than 
anything else -- some heavyweight international recognition.

Since the leaders of both countries rolled out their armies to crush pro-
democracy uprisings in the late '80s, the two ruling regimes have 
experienced the chill of international isolation and condemnation. China 
has managed to buy its way back into favour because nobody could resist 
its huge burgeoning market. Poor little Burma, mismanaged for decades, 
has found friends harder to come by -- except for China.

>From a country seen as the nation's No. 1 ideological foe only a few years 
ago, China has quickly become the Burmese government's biggest backer 
and has provided the country with both military and non-lethal assistance. 
Chinese goods now flood Burmese markets and Rangoon has allowed the 
Chinese to set up military listening posts on islands near the strategic 
Malacca Straits. There is even talk in Beijing of Burma becoming a land 
bridge for China to project its strategic interests in the Indian Ocean as well 
as a gateway to the Middle Kingdom's industrial heartland.

Worries in Asean

While Southeast Asian countries have been reluctant to say so in public, it is 
this growing Chinese influence over Burmese affairs as much as anything 
that is driving their "constructive engagement" policy with Rangoon. 

With the end of the Cold War, the strategic balance in Southeast Asia has 
shifted dramatically. Vietnam, once the focus of defensive efforts is now 
poised to become a member of Asean. Meanwhile, China, an erstwhile ally 
in the campaign to contain Vietnam has become the main source of 
concern.

That anxiety is becoming particularly acute as the question of who will 
success paramount leader Den Xiao-ping intensifies. The present drop so 
pretenders to Deng's throne have apparently resolved that the current 
uncertain times allow no room to be seen as soft. Thus at home, dissidents 
are being rounded and given unjustifiably long sentences for the most 
meagre acts of defiance and abroad Beijing is increasingly resorting to 
bluster and alright [sic] bullying when it can't gets its own way. It is taking 
a harder line on the disputed Spratly islands, threatening to subvert the new 
World Trade Organization, aggressively enforcing what it claims are 
territorial waters and flouting nuclear non-proliferation agreements.

In Burma too, China seems determined to go its own way despite what the 
rest of the global community may think. Instead of using China's 
considerable international clout to push Rangoon down a more democratic 
path, Li Peng will no doubt offer more fraternal words about solidarity and 
friendship with Burma's illegitimate military government.

Sphere of Influence

The Chinese premier is also expected to follow up on the work of a high-
level delegation which visited Rangoon earlier this month on the idea of a 
railway to link the two countries. Should the line go ahead -- the first rail 
link between the two countries -- it will give China's heavily industrialized 
central provinces direct access to the sea and drag Burma closer to Beijing's 
circle of influence.

But while the Burmese junta can expect support from China they will find 
no relief in Beijing from the constant pressure for democracy simmering up 
beneath them. The reason is that both leaderships are bedevilled by the 
same problem -- a lack of legitimacy.

Along with Deng there are only three party leaders left alive from the days 
of the Long March. Since China abandoned socialism for capitalism the 
party has effectively lost its mandate to rule. The communists can no longer 
justify their hold on government and the economic reform's Deng 
unleashed 15 years ago are rapidly whittling away their power. The SLORC, 
which refused to hand over power after losing a general election, is 
suffering similarity and must use the same iron-fisted means to stay in 
power.

ASEAN, has offered to open the door for Burma to return to the 
international community with the stated proviso that they do so as a more 
democratic entity. The SLORC meetings with opposition leader Aung San 
Suu Kyi suggest that the constructive engagement approach is finally 
yielding some results. But much, much more needs to be done.

In its competition for Burma's allegiance, Asean can chose to butter up the 
SLORC with loose and fast business deals or it can let the junta know that 
true friendship is based on principles. The latter course may take much 
more painstaking diplomatic work but it is the only one that can ultimately 
succeed. In the end, all illegitimate governments come tumbling down 
because they don't have the support of the only side in this game that really 
matters -- their own citizens.

************************************************************** 
VOA: BURMA'S UNCERTAIN FUTURE
Monday, December 26, 1994

------------------- burmavoa.c23 follows --------------------

DATE=        DECEMBER 26, 1994
TYPE=        EDITORIAL
NUMBER=      0-06194
TITLE=       BURMA'S UNCERTAIN FUTURE

CONTENT =THIS IS THE ONLY EDITORIAL BEING RELEASED FOR

BROADCAST DECEMBER 26, 1994.

THE VOICE OF AMERICA PRESENTS DIFFERING POINTS OF VIEW ON A WIDE
VARIETY

OF ISSUES.  NEXT, AN EDITORIAL EXPRESSING THE POLICIES OF THE
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT.

VOICE:

    IN A REPORT TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY, SPECIAL
REPRESENTATIVE YOZO YOKOTA CALLED THE WORLD'S ATTENTION TO THE
BURMESE MILITARY REGIME'S VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS.  THE REPORT
DETAILS CHARGES OF SUMMARY EXECUTIONS, TORTURE, FORCED LABOR,
ABUSE OF WOMEN, PERSECUTION OF MINORITY GROUPS, POLITICALLY
MOTIVATED ARRESTS AND DETENTIONS, AND ABRIDGMENT OF BASIC RIGHTS
OF FREE SPEECH, PRESS, ASSEMBLY, AND MOVEMENT.

    THE REPORT CITES "NUMEROUS COMMUNICATIONS FROM
NON-GOVERNMENTAL SOURCES" ACCUSING THE BURMESE MILITARY OF THE
WANTON MURDER OF CIVILIANS, INCLUDING MANY MINORITIES.  THE
VICTIMS ARE REPORTED TO INCLUDE A THIRTEEN-YEAR-OLD BOY ARRESTED
IN MARCH 1994 IN PA'AN TOWNSHIP AND TWO SCHOOLBOYS FROM THE
VILLAGE OF KYINT KYO SHOT BY BURMESE TROOPS IN MAY 1993.  THERE
ARE MANY REPORTS OF BURMESE TROOPS FIRING ON UNARMED CIVILIANS
WITHOUT PROVOCATION.  OTHERS HAVE BEEN SHOT FOR REFUSING TO
RELOCATE FROM THEIR HOMES OR PERFORM FORCED LABOR.

    THOUGH SOME POLITICAL PRISONERS HAVE BEEN RELEASED, ARBITRARY
ARREST AND DETENTION CONTINUE IN BURMA.  WITHOUT TRIAL OR ANY
PROCESS OF LAW, THE REGIME CONTINUES TO HOLD UNDER HOUSE ARREST
AUNG SAN SUU KYI, LEADER OF THE NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY.

    MILITARY RULE AND THE SUPPRESSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BURMA
REMAIN A GRAVE CONCERN OF THE U.S. AND OTHER DEMOCRATIC NATIONS.
U.S. DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE THOMAS HUBBARD ME IH
OFFICIALS OF THE BURMESE MILITARY REGIME IN NOVEMBER.  HE MADE
CLEAR THE DESIRE OF THE U.S. TO ASSIST BURMA IN A TRANSITION TO
DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT.  HE STRESSED THAT COOPERATION DEPENDS ON
WHETHER BURMA MAKES PROGRESS IN RESPECTING HUMAN RIGHTS, ALLOWING
DEMOCRATIZATION, AND COUNTERING NARCOTICS TRAFFICKING.

    THE U.S. URGES THE BURMESE REGIME TO FREE AUNG SAN SUU KYI
AND ALL OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS IMMEDIATELY AND
UNCONDITIONALLY.  THE U.S. CALLS ON THE REGIME TO RESPECT THE
RIGHTS OF THE BURMESE PEOPLE.  THIS IS THE BEST WAY TO ENCOURAGE
THE POLITICAL RECONCILIATION WHICH THE MILITARY REGIME CLAIMS IT
SEEKS.

ANNCR:

    THAT WAS AN EDITORIAL EXPRESSING THE POLICIES OF THE UNITED
STATES GOVERNMENT.  IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO BE HEARD ON THIS ISSUE,
PLEASE WRITE TO EDITORIALS, VOICE OF AMERICA, WASHINGTON, D-C,
20547, U-S-A.  YOU MAY ALSO SEND US A FAX AT (202) 619-1043.
YOUR COMMENTS MAY BE USED ON THE AIR.

**************************************************************
NCGUB: STATEMENT ON THE FOURTH ANNIVERSARY OF ITS 
ESTABLISHMENT
December 18, 1994 

1. Today, December 18, 1994 is the Fourth Anniversary of the 
establishment of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma 
(NCGUB).

2. The NCGUB was established with the overwhelming support of the 
Burmese population to carry out its responsibilities entrusted under the 
mandate of the May 27, 1990 elections.

3. During the past four years, the NCGUB has consistently struggled for the 
elimination of the military dictatorship, for democratic and human rights, 
and for self-determination and equality of all ethnic peoples in Burma.

4. The NCGUB has accomplished deep and effective success in its struggle 
against the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) by working 
hand-in-hand with the allied pro-democracy forces in political and 
diplomatic fields.

5. The NCGUB has been able to lay down an excellent foundation for close 
cooperation, unity and mutual respect among the resistance forces, who 
have been utilizing various means in their struggle against the SLORC.

6. Signing of the Manerplaw Agreement, Participation in the National 
Council of the Union of Burma and Passage of the 1991, 1992 1993 
Resolutions at the United Nations General Assembly are some of the 
NCGUBs remarkable efforts to obtain international cooperation in the 
struggle for democracy in Burma.

7. The NCGUB wishes to express its profound gratitude to all allied 
organizations and other pro-democracy forces, and all other individuals 
who have been assisting the NCGUB by all means since the formation in its 
struggle for democracy.

8. Although more than four years have passed since the 1990 May 27 
elections, the SLORC is still clinging to power against the expressed wishes 
of the Burmese people.  Democracy is still not prevalent in Burma and 
flagrant violation of basic human rights is continuing unabated.  There is 
no progress at all in the social, political and economical areas, and the 
peoples are still suffering under the repressive rule of the military 
dictatorship.

9. Under the present circumstances, a sham national convention, which is 
against all basic principles of democracy and will not in any way fulfill 
Burma's national interests, is being convened. To prolong the military 
dictatorship and to hold on to power, the SLORC has been organizing the 
United Solidarity and Development Association and has pressured the 
ethnic armed resistance forces to agree to a temporary cease-fire. In 
addition, despite two meetings with the National Leader Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi, there are no signs of any significant progress towards genuine 
democracy and it is difficult to presume that the SLORC has any sincere 
desire or interest for it.

10.  Despite all the difficulties, the NCGUB will steadfastedly carry on its 
three national responsibilities that were formulated since its inception:

	(1) To eliminate the military dictatorship;
	(2) To convene a genuine national convention, and
	(3) To establish a genuine democratic government.

11. On the Fourth Anniversary of the establishment, the NCGUB reaffirms 
its determination with undiminished will and hardened zeal, to struggle 
for:

	(1) unconditional and immediate release of Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi and other political prisoners;
	(2) complete implementation of the results of the 1990 elections;
	(3) abolish the SLORC's sham national convention; and 
	(4) a comprehensive political dialogue between the SLORC and 
Democracy forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic 
representatives, with a view to finding a genuine political solution.

					NCGUB Headquarters
December 18, 1994			Manerplaw
  	   
**************************************************************
BKK POST: FAMILY TO SPEND XMAS WITH AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Monday, December 26, 1994
AP, Rangoon

OPPOSITION leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the world's most prominent political 
prisoner, will be seeing her husband and younger son as she marks her 
sixth Christmas under house arrest.

Her husband, Oxford academic Michael Aris, arrived in Rangoon Saturday 
for a holiday reunion, officials said. Her son Kim arrived here a week ago.

It will be the tenth family reunion for the 49-year old Suu Kyi since she was 
detained in July 1989 for allegedly endangering national security. She has 
not been formally charged or tried. 

As founder and leader of the National League for Democracy, Suu Kyi had 
challenged the junta that rules Burma to return the country to democratic 
rule.

Her active campaigning for nonviolent change earned her the 1991 Noble 
Peace Prize, but failed to persuade the military to give up power. Her party 
won a landslide victory in a 1990 general election, but the junta refused to 
let the winners take their seats. 

According to her detention order, only immediate family members are 
allowed to visit Suu Kyi at her lakeside home.

**************************************************************
NATION: YULE REUNION FOR SUU KYI, HUSBAND
Monday, December 26, 1994
Kyodo, Rangoon

DETAINED opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's British husband Michael 
Aris arrived here on Saturday for a Christmas reunion.

Her younger son Kim Aris arrived in Rangoon last Sunday. It is the 10th 
reunion for the family in Rangoon since Suu Kyi was placed under house 
arrest in July 1989. Her husband and son Kim last visited her in August.

Only immediate family members are permitted to visit the opposition 
leader, but others have been given special permission to meet her in the 
recent past.

In February, US congressman Bill Richardson, a representative of the UN 
Development Programme, an American diplomat from the Rangoon 
embassy and a New York Times correspondent were allowed to meet her 
for the first time.

In August, Rev Rewata Dhamma, a Myanmar Buddhist missionary monk 
from Britain, visited Suu Kyi and persuaded leaders of the ruling military 
junta to meet her to discuss ways of settling the political stalemate that has 
kept her under house arrest for the last five and a half years.

***************************************************************
SCB: JUST BACK FROM BURMA / MYANMAR
Tuesday, December 27, 1994

Tue, 27 Dec 1994 09:20:01      soc.culture.burma            Thread   10 of   11
Lines 309              just back from Burma / Myanmar       1 Response
jessen@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx              Jesse Newcomb at Silicon Graphics, Inc.

I have just returned from a few weeks in Burma. This is some
late-breaking information not covered in the guidebooks...


==== Government ====

Keep this in mind while reading:

The burmese government clearly amounts to nothing more than organized
criminals who hold the population at gunpoint while they strip bare the
country's resources. Automatic weapons are everywhere.Tenwppris
strictyapoaad sheet for the military. Endless fieds o re
                                                        tmps testify to the plun
der. One goernmn ivsment" brochure
even uses the ords epoeadextract" when talking about harvesting
timber, gas, gems, and other resources. Much of this is against the will
or knowledge of the average populace.

But tourists are also being robbed. Tourists are an important source of
hard currency for the government, which can not trade it's own currency
for outside goods (such as guns and bullets).

==== Synopsis ====

In all, I'd say that you should only go to Burma if you have family
there or have already been to both Thailand and India. It's expensive,
depressing, and not very spectacular. I did have a great time there,
but I had reasons not covered herein. It's possible to enjoy it, but
many tourists I met there didn't seem particularly happy.

==== Facade ====

Burma lives behind a thin facade painted for the tourists. Don't be
fooled. Burma is in a very, very grim situation. Guns are everywhere.
Barbed wire is everywhere. This is the same government that killed
thousands after loosing the elections just a few years ago. The tension
is so thick you can cut it with a knife. I spoke _some_ Burmese, and in
three solid weeks of meeting people and talking to them, I only found
one person who was not anti-government (except for the government
workers themselves). It's common to see the police shut down traffic
while military "VIPs" race through the streets with truckloads of
soldiers guarding them. Guns peak out through slits in high walls.
People are terrorized.

I had some Burmese people there tell me to give a message to their
friends here in the US. They left a 3 year old girl there with family
and haven't seen her since. Their friends in Burma said - forget the
girl, just don't come back.

==== Border crossing ====

I have not heard of anyone being allowed to cross by land and then
travel into the country. The Burmese may _say_ that this can be done,
but it can't be. All accurate information indicates that entry _into_
the body of the country is allowed only via the Yangon airport. Two
people I met had been told by the Burmese embassies in Thailand and USA
that they could travel in by land, but then this was later not the
truth.

==== Dual economies ====

The _current_ scheme is that all foreigners are required to buy 300 US$
worth of Foreign Exchange Certificates. The FECs can be spent anywhere
in Burma. This has recently changed, so disregard what the tour books
tell you. It is now virtually impossible to avoid.

Foreigners must pay approximately ten times as much as Burmese people
for the same train, air, and hotel services. These are paid either in
FECs or straight US$.

The resultant situation is that you, the foreigner, are robbed. The
hotels average 20 - 50 US$ but are hardly worth that on a true Western
scale. To Burmese people the same rooms are apx 2 - 5 US$, which is
about what they're worth if you consider places like Thailand or India
and judge by Western hotel standards. The same applies to rail and air
transit, but generally not to private entities such as bus transit and
food.

It is now apparently legal to spend US$ on the streets. It used to be
that the gvt would change money for you and thus make a ton of hard
currency in the ripoff margins, where now what they do is sell you this
Monopoly Money for face value. The FECs have almost the same black
market value as US$, which indicates that the government doesn't make
much or anything on them. So now they simply charge you an exchange fee
(2 US$) to sell you the 300 pack at the airport.

I don't really see the point of the FECs. The gvt doesn't make much on
them like they used to on compulsory exchanges to chyats. You can spend
US$ just as easily, and the two are practically interchangeable.
Supposedly there's even a way to change them back in when you leave the
country, though the mechanism to do that seems rather vague when you
get to the airport.

--> TIP <--
Keep in mind that they _say_ you are required to buy 300 US$ of FECs,
but I'm pretty sure you can just walk right past that counter in the
airport and ignore the whole thing entirely. Seems like a better idea
in hindsight. Take dollars and spend them directly.

==== Black market ====

I don't know what the official exchange rate is now, though I suspect it
hasn't changed much from the 6-something that it has been for some time.
The black market rate is 100 outside of Yangon and maybe 115 in Yangon.
(You get 100 chyats for 1 US$.)

Don't be afraid of the black market for money. First, it appears to be
relatively safe if you're careful. There are worthless notes cirulating
in Burma and it's possible that you'd wind up with some if you didn't
pay attention (these are 75, 25, and some others). But everyone will
change money for you, so if you make friends with somebody like your
driver or somebody you see on a regular basis, they're not going to rip
you off when you know who they are. But keep in mind that it is
illegal. Don't ask a cop to change money for you!

Second, I fully endorse the principle of the black money market in
Burma. The government is robbing the people and robbing the tourists.
If you follow the normal tourism guidelines (that is, change money at
banks and haggle with rickshaw drivers), you will only help to polarize
the already brutal situation in Burma. There are countless traders in
Burma who need hard currency to keep goods flowing in. These goods
include things like food, soap, clothing, handtools, etc. Burmese law
restricts the movement of capital even for legitimate corporations
doing perfectly respectible business. This creates a valid need for
hard currency which is fed by the black money market.

--> TIP <--
Take in a bunch of US$ to spend on the streets / blk mkt. A good supply
would consist of 5 notes and 1 notes. They _must_ be crisp new notes. To
really _change_ money on the blk mkt, you'd do best with 20's and
higher. Again, crisp new notes.

--> TIP <--
Don't let them stiff you! The condition of US$ notes is very important.
MTT offices and hotels have been known to unload grungy dollars on
tourists and then not take them back!

==== Spending money ====

For a while I thought it was a good idea to behave as in India or
Thailand, where you do things like haggling and avoiding touts. But
then I began to realize that the Burmese situation is a bit different.
The Burmese are being robbed unfairly by a government they didn't ask
for and it is very, very grim.

One day I found myself arguing over the cost of a rickshaw ride, when I
suddenly realized I that what I was squabbling over was only 30 cents.
That 30 cents pays the daily rental on the average rickshaw to it's
driver. And when I saw the rickshaw driver as someone with no other
income who might only see a few customers in a whole day in his
Orwellian prison hell, I simply said "OK, let's go", and gave him the
full fare.

The average tourist in Burma might spend about 150 US$ in
transportation and maybe another 200 US$ on lodging. Chances are, this
money will go straight to the government, at a whopping 900 % raw
profit! That translates to over 300 US$ they can spend on bullets. What
little else you spend there goes to the people - the ones who need the
money.

Try to avoid giving the government money. Example: Private overnight
tourist bus from Mandalay to Yangon instead of the [government]
overnight train. (cheaper too!)

Try to inject some hard currency into the "real" economy. Example:
Change money on the black market, then spend it. Don't haggle with a
poor man over 20 or 30 cents. Tell him his price is high, and then pay
it with a smile. The Burmese see so few tourists that they are not
[yet] corrupted, and they will often understand such gestures and
accept them with dignity.

There's a fine line between kindess and flamboyance. Be creative. I saw
schools with little chaulk or paper - perfect for small donations. I
saw people living under the floorboards of a monestary who lost their
homes during the military assaults in 1990 - monestaries can use
donations. Things like bedding and clothes cost only what we might
spend on fast food in the West. There are all kinds of creative things
you can do and Burma is one place that can justifiably use the help.

==== Lodging ====

Foreigners are not allowed to stay in non-approved hotels. There are
very few approved hotels (relatively speaking). Only about 4 in Bagan,
maybe another 6 or 7 in both Yangon and Mandalay. As a result, the
hotels that can take foreigners will charge approximately ten times the
true rate for a room that they charge Burmese people. As far as I can
tell, it's still illegal for Burmese people to let you stay overnight in
a private home.

The recent arrival of private and "co-operative" hotels means that not
all of your lodging money goes to the government if you're careful.

Hotels tend to be really bad no matter how much you pay. The Strand can
cost more than 200 US$ a night, but I heard bad things about that place
too. There's no such thing as "splurging on a good hotel" in Burma, so
forget about it.

The wonderful government is building a new hotel at the bottom of
Mandalay Hill. Not only does it pollute the view from the hill, but
they also dozed over a graveyard to make the place. It's haunted from
day one. This is typical.

One description I will offer is of a hotel called "Best" in Yangon.
It's in the city center, has a small lobby, an average restaurant, a
few couches to read the newspaper on, and maybe ten rooms. The rooms
are average hotel size, though few have outside windows. There is no
hot water. My room had a terribly stinking bathroom, a noisy air
conditioner, a hollow-core door to the lobby, a western toilet with a
broken seat, a sink, and a cold shower. The cost was 48 US$ per night -
pure ripoff. I've paid only slightly more than that for a very nice,
well-furnished, quiet room with a full bath and decent window view in
downtown Tokyo JAPAN.  The hotel situation in Burma is perverse and to
be treated with disdain.

The YMCA in Yangon still costs 10 US$ for a single with common-sex
toilet and shower room. Thante in Bagan is 20 US$ for single with
shower air con, or 18 US$ for same without air-con. Thiripitsiya is apx
45 US$, and government-run. Taung Ze Lat in Mandalay is 10 US$ with
shower and air-con, and is the best [legitimate] value I know of. These
are somewhat lower-than-average rates for Burma.

==== Bagan ====

Almost all temples in Bagan are now closed to climbers. Within the past
few months, the temple authorities closed and locked all access to the
upper parts of the temples and admission is only granted to the lower,
walk-in chambers.

People needing Japanese language assistance can contact Mr Khin Maung Nu
at the Thante Hotel in Old Bagan.

Admission to the area known as Bagan costs 10 US$ for all foreigners.

==== Transit ====

There's a new airline now, called Mandalay Air, which is a joint venture
(sugar-coated term for "government ripping off an outside company").
They offer better service but the same fares as the gvt airline.

The gvt VIPs still bump people off airplanes and shove traffic out of
the way. Watch out, and give them the finger when you get the chance.

There are new bus services that are privately run - alternatives to the
gvt train service. Ask about options with hotel staff or rickshaw
drivers.

==== Admission rates ====

The dual economy so prevalent in Burma now also applies to the major
Buddhist attractions. Admission _must_ be paid by all foreigners for
Mandalay Hill (4 US$), Mahamouni (4 US$ (hardly worth it unless you're
a Burmese Buddhist)), Shwedagon (3 US$), Bagan (10 US$), and another
six or seven sights (which average 4 US$) throughout the country.
Almost all of the monestaries are free.

==== Interactions with people ====

The Burmese don't have anywhere near the tourist volume needed to
corrupt them. They remain _very_ hospitable.

Most money changers and rickshaw drivers turn out to be decent people.
At first you might be reminded of their more hardened counterparts in
India, but even some of the most agressive touts will soften after just
a smile and kind words.

The usual Asian rules of conduct apply. CHECK WESTERN ATTITUDES AT THE
DOOR. I saw some tourists who were in agony, but they brought it upon
themselves by failing to deal in the accepted calm, Eastern manner.

The exception to this is dealing with MTT. They will do things like
stiff you with grungy dollars that they won't take back. They're part
of the governement there, and their job is to rip you off. If you loose
your temper with the MTT or any of the other gvt arms, I'll probably
cheer you on from the sidelines. You might not win, but you have a
power that the Burmese don't - hard currency. In hindsight, I'm tempted
to take the attitude that you should wave it like a club with those
bastards.

==== ====

If you have any specific questions on things WHICH ARE NOT COVERED IN
THE GUIDEBOOKS then write to me...

- Jesse
  jessen@xxxxxxx

***************************************************************
SCB: RE: JUST BACK FROM BURMA / MYANMAR
Wednesday, December 28, 1994 

Wed, 28 Dec 1994 02:07:17      soc.culture.burma            Thread   10 of   11
Lines 38             Re: just back from Burma / Myanmar     Respno   1 of   1
karenm@xxxxxxxx                                        Karen Miller at SPSS Inc

jessen@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx (Jesse Newcomb) writes:

>I have just returned from a few weeks in Burma. This is some
>late-breaking information not covered in the guidebooks...


[much stuff deleted]

I was in Burma in October and was able to make arrangements
with a travel agency in the US Embassy in Rangoon. It's called
Journey or Journeys (can't remember if it was singular or
plural) and is based in Ann Arbor, MI.

They were able to book us into a very nice (not luxurious,
but clean and friendly), non-government-owned hotel at Inle
Lake and also on a non-MTT tourist bus from Mandalay to Rangoon.
We were able to pay for most meals in kyat rather than FECs,
but we did have to pay for all our hotels in FECs. You're right
that local people pay much less for the same hotel room because
they pay in kyat, but what seems like a miniscule amount of kyat
to us is a lot to most Burmese. We only saw obviously rich Burmese
staying at the hotels we were at. In Meiktila our driver slept in
the van because he couldn't afford a room; when one of my friends
offered to pay for a room for him, the hotel manager said the hotel
was full. It may have been; there was a tourist bus full of Chinese
there, but my suspicious was otherwise.

Also, I was told by a US Embassy officer that the black market is
indeed legal, but only recently so. If you travel to Burma and
want to get up-to-date travel information you might consider stopping
by the US Embassy and speaking with the general consul there. Embassy
personnel are very sympathetic to tourists' wishes not to line the
pockets of SLORC and may have some suggestions to help you get
around it.

karenm@xxxxxxxx
Karen D. Miller
SPSS Inc. Technical Support

************************************************************** 

end part one