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Mon Information Service




The First arrivival of Burma


A Thai-Mon ask me to post the following text.


 			THE NATIONAl COUNCIL OF MON   
			M0N INFORMATION SERVICE

Who are the Mons?

Concentrated between Burma and Thailand, there are an estimated 8 million 
Mons in the world today. Yet, their rights often go unrecognized. Like 
many indigenous peoples of this region, for the past forty years the 
central government in both Rangoon and Bangkok have ignored and attempted 
ethnocide of the Mon people -- who were the orignial inhabitants in the 
Burmese-Thai region. The Mon language is a distant relative of the Khamer 
(Cambodia) langauge group, having no similarities with Burmese and the 
Burmese alphabet is based on the Mon alphabet. 

After successive waves of Burman and Thai immigrations from the north in 
the last milenia, and after repeated attacks the kingdom of the peaceful 
Mons was defeated in 1757 and the higher culture taken as war booty to 
upper Burma by the Burmese king and many hundred thaunsand of Mon had 
been facing genocide. Meanwhile, in Thailand Mons were given special 
areas to live and found sympathetic favor under the Thai king, himself a 
descendent of the Mons, mostly in areas around Bangkok's main river.

Present Situation

Today, however, the situation is radicaly different with assimilation 
rampant on both sides of the border. Centralization and capitalism are 
working hand in hand to annihilate all indigenous peoples. A planned gas 
pipeline from Burma's Gulf of Martaban will dissect Monland on its way 
into energy-strapped Thailand, and so foriegn policy in the era of 
"constructive engagement" does not favor the Mon people (as was seen by 
the recent Halockhani attack by SLORC troops and the Thai starving out of 
the refugees to return across the border). 

The refugee situation is increasing due to forced labor on "infrastruc- 
ture" projects in the area, such as the gas pipeline and the 110 miles 
long dead Ye-Tavoy railway construction. Villages regularly undergo forced 
relocation while harrassment, violence and pillaging continue under SLORC's 
reign of terror. Also, many Mons have been targetted for arrest in the 
Sangkhlaburi area and Kanchanaburi District, which is viewed as an attempt
by the Thais to put pressure on the  New Mon State Party to sign a 
cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military junta. 

One of the biggest problems for the Mon people is recieving outside in- 
formation and spreading out inside information to international communities. 

Approximately 50-60% of the Mon people cannot read or write in Burmese, 
and less are able to use English. Thus access to much information is 
prohibitive, especially about health care, politics and international 
news. This is in addition to strict censorship controls and added ethnic 
suppression by the Burmese junta. 

Although some publications have been issued in English,  there is only a 
news letter by Committee for Publicity of people Struggle in Mon Land 
(CPPSM) have come out regularly   and  others  Rehmonnya Bulletin by New 
Mon State Party (NMSP) and etc -- they haven't come out in over a year. 
We are looking for is to post on net to solve the  above problems.  

For  more information on the Mon, Please contact    

MIS   (NCM)
GPO Box. 375
Bangkok 10501
Thailand.

********************************************************


			Searching for Monland

The Nation 26 January 1995

(Photos; 1.Female Troops on parade, 2.A female solider poses in front of 
the Mon flag with golden drake in flying, 3, Nai Shwe kyin, the leader of 
the Mon resistance, 4.Women in traditional Mon dress listen to speeches, 
5. Young Mon soldiers stand at attention during the National Day 
ceremony, 6. A Mon family reunite in the ceremony, 7. A Mon man with 
jacket, Monland is very cold.)  

James Fahn went to observe Mon National Day celebration, Burma's Tavoy 
district last week and got a lesson in History

Throughout the whole length of its history, the kingdom of Burma has 
suffered from one chronic draw back: the heterogeneous nature of its 
population ........... Several times  Burmese leaders have unified the 
country by force, but they have always shown themselves incapable of 
going on from there to organize the country in an effective manner.

Historian Gorges Coedes, The Making of Southeast Asia, 1962.   

Unity through force never lasts. Slorc think it can control the country 
through force, but unless it solves the political problems, peace will 
not be permanent. If we are beaten, the next generation will  carry on. 

Mon resistance leader Nai Shwe Kyin, 1995.


"MONLAND is cold!" The Thai reporter's mock shivers evoked laughter, both 
because the cool, mountain air came as a welcome change to the heat and 
clamour of Bangkok, and because Monland itself is such a tenuous place.
	
Throughout history, the Mon have managed to rule themselves many times, 
only to be conquered and subjugated again by neighbouring armies. 

In the long-running game of musical chairs that makes up Southeast Asian 
politics, the Mon nation-like the Champa, the East-Timorese, and the 
Karen, to name a few - was left without a state.
	
	Today Monland is a figment of ambiguity. It does not exist on any 
official maps, but only in patches where the New Mon State Party (NMSP) 
and its military wing the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), hold sway. 
	
	The NMSP has its headquarters, for instance, deep in the jungle 
in Burma's Tavoy District, just over the border from Kanchanaburi 
province. It's isolated from the rest of Burma by mountains with forests 
so thick their life in Thailand can only be found in the national park. 
Nobody will say exactly where the HQ is - some say it's mobile. 
	
	There doesn't even seem to be agreement about what to call this 
area. It is alternatively referred to as Monland. Mon State the 
headquarters' area. Tavoy District or "Burma side" if you're in Thailand.

	It's certainly not typical Mon country. The Mon people have 
traditionally preferred to live as farmers and fishermen along the 
coastal plain, and today remain concentrated along the Martaban coast in 
Burma, according to Nai Hong Sa, an NMSP official.  In this they are 
different from the Karen, who mostly inhabit mountainous forests.
	
	And yet many Mon do live in a small valley not far from the 
party's headquarters. Most are displaced villagers. They have fled both 
the inflict in Burma proper and continued harassment by Thai authorities 
who now look with impatience upon the arrival of more refugees from Burma.
	
	It is a place without a name for a people without a home. And 
more are coming. About 200 new arrivals have come to the Pa Yaw refugee 
camp just over the border in Thailand, having fled the forced labour 
camps building the Ye-Tavoy railroad.
	
	On Feb. 15th, however, a warm spirit mingled with the valley's 
cool mountain breezes. A patch of ground was cleared and labelled the 
"celebration area". for this was where party dignitaries, local villagers 
and Mon soldiers met to hold festivities to celebrate the 48th Mon 
National Day.
	
	There was a small military ceremony marking the occasion. Mon 
troops brandishing weapons marched in front of party leaders, then 
patiently stood to attention while speeches were uttered. Banners were 
unfurled. Flags were raised. Drums were beaten.
	
	But the celebration was hardly a military spectacle. It had more 
the air of a typical country temple fair, a bit smaller and poorer than 
the one taking place simultaneously in Sangkhlaburi to mark Makha Bucha 
Day, but no less festive.
	
	The official ceremony itself lasted only an hour or two.  There 
were no more than a few score troops, and the were joined in parade by 
students and various civilians affiliated with the party.
	
	Most of the day was taken up by visiting rickety stalls selling 
snacks and spices whose scent seemed to waft all the way from India.  
Off-duty soldiers took shelter from the midday sun. Women sporting yellow 
powder drawn in elaborate designs on their faces milled around and showed 
off their toddlers.
	
	Once the sun had set, the stage shows began, lasting throughout 
the night. Traditional songs and theatre tunes rang out over jerry-rigged 
amplifiers. Those seeking more modern entertainment huddled in front of a 
small TV to watch an impossibly corny Burmese drama.
	
	But most all, Mon National Day was an occasion to meet family and 
friends who had been separated by circumstances. Men and women wearing 
traditional longyi, many of them visiting from the Thai side, posed for 
pictures and swapped stories.
	
	Ot was a familiar face from Sangkhlaburi, many hard hours of 
driving away.  He had come to visit his sister, who had decided to live 
here rather than move to Halockhani when the Loh Loe refugee camp was 
closed a year ago.
	
	"We live our lives on both sides of the border," he explained 
with a smile. "Even though it is farther away from Sangkhlaburi, at least 
there is more land here. People can grow crops."
	
	Similar festivities were probably going on throughout Burma 
because the Mon are allowed to celebrate their National Day there. "even 
in Rangoon". said Nai Hong Sa.
	
	This raises the enticing question how do the Mon live in Burma 
proper? But with exception of Moulmein, foreigners are not allowed to 
visit Mon areas.
	
	"Ben" (a pseudonym) is an NMSP official who has lived in 
Thailand  for the last six years but recently travelled back into Burma 
to supervise Mon medics working there and check on the political situation.
	
	"There is not much change from before, but the economic situation 
is generally worse in rural areas," he explained, adding that it is not 
safe for him to go to the cities. " People can't work regularly because 
of the fighting.
	
	"Their main problem is being forced to work on the railroad. They 
know about the pipeline which will be built to transport gas from 
Monland/Burma to Thailand , and they understand that the railway 
construction is related.
	
	There is certainly more prostitution than before, because it is 
hard to find work. And fishermen complain they can't fish as before. Most 
of them don't know it's because of the foreign trawlers which have been 
given concessions to fish along the coast.
	
	" Many people are going abroad to look for work. A lot of men go 
to Singapore to work in the port."
	
	But to rally visit Monland, you are best off travelling back in 
time. And Nai Shwe Kyin is an excellent guide to take you there.
	
	Officially chairman of the NMSP's central committee, the 81 
year-old Nai Shwe Kyin is the leader of Mon resistance. People call him 
Ajaan, and before he will talk to reporters about current events-dire as 
they may be-he insists on giving them a history lesson.
	
	"The Mon are an old nation." he begins. "Legend has it that the 
Buddha himself predicted its rise. On a visit to the region, he came 
across a promontory at the mouth of the Sittang River. There he saw two 
golden drakes, the female resting on the back of the male. and he smiled.
	
	His disciple Ananda asked why.' This area will silt up," the 
Buddha answered, pointing to the river mouth, There my doctrine will 
survive'.
	
	"In the third century BC, during the reign of Emperor Ashoka in 
India, Mon seafarers brought Buddhism to the area, which at that time was 
called Suwannaphum. Nearly a thousand year later, in 825 AD, the delta at 
the mouth of the Sittang had silted up. There, in what is today called 
Pegu, two brothers Samala and Vimala formed the first Mon Kingdom called 
Hongsawatoi.
	
	"The Mon national day marks this event and is celebrated on the 
first day of the waning moon in the 11th month of the Mon's lunar 
calendar. The Mon flag, meanwhile. contains a golden dark in flight."
	
	Very interesting.  But Ajaan, what about the pipeline? What about 
the reports that the Burmese army is sending in reinforcements, perhaps 
to attack you?
	
	The resistance leader, however, will not be hurried. And soon we 
understand why. For Nai Shwe Kyin takes the long view of national struggle.
	
	He recounts how time and again the Mon rose up, often gaining 
their own state for  hundreds of years, but eventually being beaten by 
the Burmese.
	
	The Mon were finally conquered in 1757, just 10 years before the 
Burmese went on to sack Ayutthaya. Following their defeat, many Mon fled 
to Siam where they settled in Pathum Thani. Three more times the Mon rose 
up, losing and fleeing to Siam each time; the first group went to 
Phrapadaeng where the Mon New Year is still celebrated at Songkran: the 
second group went to Samut Sakhon; and finally in 1814, just before the 
British came, Mon rebels fled to Putaram in Ratchburi.
	
	"Former Thai Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun is a descendant of 
that group," Nai Shwe Kyin proudly noted. "The Mon who went to Thailand 
were the elite. They've done well."
	
	But here is the moral of the story: " They Burmese army thrives 
on civil war. They don't want peace. But the lesson from Burmese history 
is, unity through force never lasts.  Slorc thinks it can control the 
country  through force, but unless it solves the political problems, 
peace will not be permanent."
	
	Perhaps. But Nai Shwe Kyin must admit that things are now looking 
grim for apposition groups in Burma. With the fall of Manerplaw and the 
KNU in disarray, the Mon forces- with far fewer troops than the Karen, 
not to mention Slorc- seem extremely vulnerable.
	
	Once again, however, the Mon leader insists on putting current 
events in context. This time he delves into his personal history.
	
	"I was a government officer before the war, and then I joined the 
anti fascist forces. My brother was tortures to death by the Japanese.
	
	In 1947  the year Mon leaders first established the Mon National 
Day there was an election. But is was rigged and the Mon politicians lost.
	
	"Six of us then made seven demands to the government led by U Nu. 
We did not call for our own state. We asked for the establishment of ' 
Mon Affairs Council', our own army battalion under the control of the 
central government , and for parliamentary representation in accord with 
the size of our population.
	
	"But the Burmese were intoxicated by independence and rejected 
our demands."
	
	In 1948, he said, the Mon Freedom League occupied Moulmein and 
Thaton. Nai Shwe Kyin was arrested, but he rejoined the Mon resistance in 
1952 after being released.
	
	In 1958, the leaders of the Mon United Front got disheartened and 
legalized themselves, surrendering their weapons to the government. But 
the organization was later abolished anyway by Ne Win.
	
	"I was left to rebuild from scratch. We started with farmers. But 
now we have graduates with a higher standard of knowledge. They will 
carry on the struggle.
	
	"In my younger days, no one dared to speak Mon in Moulmein. But 
now there are signboards in Mon, even in Rangoon. Our struggle has not 
been wasted. The Mon have regained consciousness."
	
	Confirming such claims is impossible, since travel within Mon 
areas in Burma is forbidden. Nai Hong Sa says there are 4 million Mon in 
Burma, but only 2 million of them speak the language well.
	
	But just how much do the Mon leaders listen to their people? It's 
a timely question, given that the KNU's recent schism and military 
setback is being blamed on leaders who failed to pay attention to the 
grass roots.
	
	Unlike Karen chief Bo Mya, Nai Shwe Kyin is clearly a politician 
by nature. He is frail with age, but obviously still lucid. An avid 
reader  of newspapers, he clearly keeps up with current events.
	
	Some analysts say he does not command the military respect of the 
former Mon leader No La, whose death in 1990 led to the capture of Three 
Pagodas Pass by Slorc. But perhaps, Nai Shwe Kyin's political skills can 
help keep the Mon more unified than the Karen.
	
	The NMSP's decisions are made a central committee meeting, which 
are last for weeks, much to the annoyance of impatient observers. " We 
are a democracy." Nai Shwe Kyin claim. " We listen to reports from the 
townships and then decide by consensus."
	
	He suggested the next such meeting would take place next month. 
They will  have to decide whether to restart negotiations with Slorc.
	
	Ben, the political scout, claims the Mon in Burma are of two 
opinion. "Some are tired of war and want us to put down our arms. But 
others remember what happened in 1959, when Burma still had a democratic 
government. They want us to negotiate with Slorc but not to surrender out 
weapons. Military regimes never keep their promises.'
	
	"The best solution is the one suggested by the UN General 
Assembly.  Slorc should sit down with the democratic opposition and the 
ethnic groups and talk." says Nai Shwe Kyin. " If Slorc does not offer 
concessions there will be no agreement. Otherwise, what's the use of 
fighting for 46 years?"
	
	And if Slorc decides to continue its military offensive until 
even the current confined version of Monland is no more?
	
	Nai Shwe Kyin offers a simple response: " If we are beaten, the 
next generation will carry on."
	
	On a personal level, he adds, he has no regret. " I have never 
felt disheartened. Even now, with the fall of Manerplaw I don't feel 
disheartened. By hook or by crook, we must get political power. The 
Burmanized Mon will then return to their roots.
	
	" You must sacrifice your lit fighting for freedom. We are 
fighting for a just cause. We have to show it world the Mon are worth 
saving."




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