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Mon Information Service
- Subject: Mon Information Service
- From: ojasti@xxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Sun, 02 Apr 1995 08:38:00
The First arrivival of Burma
A Thai-Mon ask me to post the following text.
THE NATIONAl COUNCIL OF MON
M0N INFORMATION SERVICE
Who are the Mons?
Concentrated between Burma and Thailand, there are an estimated 8 million
Mons in the world today. Yet, their rights often go unrecognized. Like
many indigenous peoples of this region, for the past forty years the
central government in both Rangoon and Bangkok have ignored and attempted
ethnocide of the Mon people -- who were the orignial inhabitants in the
Burmese-Thai region. The Mon language is a distant relative of the Khamer
(Cambodia) langauge group, having no similarities with Burmese and the
Burmese alphabet is based on the Mon alphabet.
After successive waves of Burman and Thai immigrations from the north in
the last milenia, and after repeated attacks the kingdom of the peaceful
Mons was defeated in 1757 and the higher culture taken as war booty to
upper Burma by the Burmese king and many hundred thaunsand of Mon had
been facing genocide. Meanwhile, in Thailand Mons were given special
areas to live and found sympathetic favor under the Thai king, himself a
descendent of the Mons, mostly in areas around Bangkok's main river.
Present Situation
Today, however, the situation is radicaly different with assimilation
rampant on both sides of the border. Centralization and capitalism are
working hand in hand to annihilate all indigenous peoples. A planned gas
pipeline from Burma's Gulf of Martaban will dissect Monland on its way
into energy-strapped Thailand, and so foriegn policy in the era of
"constructive engagement" does not favor the Mon people (as was seen by
the recent Halockhani attack by SLORC troops and the Thai starving out of
the refugees to return across the border).
The refugee situation is increasing due to forced labor on "infrastruc-
ture" projects in the area, such as the gas pipeline and the 110 miles
long dead Ye-Tavoy railway construction. Villages regularly undergo forced
relocation while harrassment, violence and pillaging continue under SLORC's
reign of terror. Also, many Mons have been targetted for arrest in the
Sangkhlaburi area and Kanchanaburi District, which is viewed as an attempt
by the Thais to put pressure on the New Mon State Party to sign a
cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military junta.
One of the biggest problems for the Mon people is recieving outside in-
formation and spreading out inside information to international communities.
Approximately 50-60% of the Mon people cannot read or write in Burmese,
and less are able to use English. Thus access to much information is
prohibitive, especially about health care, politics and international
news. This is in addition to strict censorship controls and added ethnic
suppression by the Burmese junta.
Although some publications have been issued in English, there is only a
news letter by Committee for Publicity of people Struggle in Mon Land
(CPPSM) have come out regularly and others Rehmonnya Bulletin by New
Mon State Party (NMSP) and etc -- they haven't come out in over a year.
We are looking for is to post on net to solve the above problems.
For more information on the Mon, Please contact
MIS (NCM)
GPO Box. 375
Bangkok 10501
Thailand.
********************************************************
Searching for Monland
The Nation 26 January 1995
(Photos; 1.Female Troops on parade, 2.A female solider poses in front of
the Mon flag with golden drake in flying, 3, Nai Shwe kyin, the leader of
the Mon resistance, 4.Women in traditional Mon dress listen to speeches,
5. Young Mon soldiers stand at attention during the National Day
ceremony, 6. A Mon family reunite in the ceremony, 7. A Mon man with
jacket, Monland is very cold.)
James Fahn went to observe Mon National Day celebration, Burma's Tavoy
district last week and got a lesson in History
Throughout the whole length of its history, the kingdom of Burma has
suffered from one chronic draw back: the heterogeneous nature of its
population ........... Several times Burmese leaders have unified the
country by force, but they have always shown themselves incapable of
going on from there to organize the country in an effective manner.
Historian Gorges Coedes, The Making of Southeast Asia, 1962.
Unity through force never lasts. Slorc think it can control the country
through force, but unless it solves the political problems, peace will
not be permanent. If we are beaten, the next generation will carry on.
Mon resistance leader Nai Shwe Kyin, 1995.
"MONLAND is cold!" The Thai reporter's mock shivers evoked laughter, both
because the cool, mountain air came as a welcome change to the heat and
clamour of Bangkok, and because Monland itself is such a tenuous place.
Throughout history, the Mon have managed to rule themselves many times,
only to be conquered and subjugated again by neighbouring armies.
In the long-running game of musical chairs that makes up Southeast Asian
politics, the Mon nation-like the Champa, the East-Timorese, and the
Karen, to name a few - was left without a state.
Today Monland is a figment of ambiguity. It does not exist on any
official maps, but only in patches where the New Mon State Party (NMSP)
and its military wing the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), hold sway.
The NMSP has its headquarters, for instance, deep in the jungle
in Burma's Tavoy District, just over the border from Kanchanaburi
province. It's isolated from the rest of Burma by mountains with forests
so thick their life in Thailand can only be found in the national park.
Nobody will say exactly where the HQ is - some say it's mobile.
There doesn't even seem to be agreement about what to call this
area. It is alternatively referred to as Monland. Mon State the
headquarters' area. Tavoy District or "Burma side" if you're in Thailand.
It's certainly not typical Mon country. The Mon people have
traditionally preferred to live as farmers and fishermen along the
coastal plain, and today remain concentrated along the Martaban coast in
Burma, according to Nai Hong Sa, an NMSP official. In this they are
different from the Karen, who mostly inhabit mountainous forests.
And yet many Mon do live in a small valley not far from the
party's headquarters. Most are displaced villagers. They have fled both
the inflict in Burma proper and continued harassment by Thai authorities
who now look with impatience upon the arrival of more refugees from Burma.
It is a place without a name for a people without a home. And
more are coming. About 200 new arrivals have come to the Pa Yaw refugee
camp just over the border in Thailand, having fled the forced labour
camps building the Ye-Tavoy railroad.
On Feb. 15th, however, a warm spirit mingled with the valley's
cool mountain breezes. A patch of ground was cleared and labelled the
"celebration area". for this was where party dignitaries, local villagers
and Mon soldiers met to hold festivities to celebrate the 48th Mon
National Day.
There was a small military ceremony marking the occasion. Mon
troops brandishing weapons marched in front of party leaders, then
patiently stood to attention while speeches were uttered. Banners were
unfurled. Flags were raised. Drums were beaten.
But the celebration was hardly a military spectacle. It had more
the air of a typical country temple fair, a bit smaller and poorer than
the one taking place simultaneously in Sangkhlaburi to mark Makha Bucha
Day, but no less festive.
The official ceremony itself lasted only an hour or two. There
were no more than a few score troops, and the were joined in parade by
students and various civilians affiliated with the party.
Most of the day was taken up by visiting rickety stalls selling
snacks and spices whose scent seemed to waft all the way from India.
Off-duty soldiers took shelter from the midday sun. Women sporting yellow
powder drawn in elaborate designs on their faces milled around and showed
off their toddlers.
Once the sun had set, the stage shows began, lasting throughout
the night. Traditional songs and theatre tunes rang out over jerry-rigged
amplifiers. Those seeking more modern entertainment huddled in front of a
small TV to watch an impossibly corny Burmese drama.
But most all, Mon National Day was an occasion to meet family and
friends who had been separated by circumstances. Men and women wearing
traditional longyi, many of them visiting from the Thai side, posed for
pictures and swapped stories.
Ot was a familiar face from Sangkhlaburi, many hard hours of
driving away. He had come to visit his sister, who had decided to live
here rather than move to Halockhani when the Loh Loe refugee camp was
closed a year ago.
"We live our lives on both sides of the border," he explained
with a smile. "Even though it is farther away from Sangkhlaburi, at least
there is more land here. People can grow crops."
Similar festivities were probably going on throughout Burma
because the Mon are allowed to celebrate their National Day there. "even
in Rangoon". said Nai Hong Sa.
This raises the enticing question how do the Mon live in Burma
proper? But with exception of Moulmein, foreigners are not allowed to
visit Mon areas.
"Ben" (a pseudonym) is an NMSP official who has lived in
Thailand for the last six years but recently travelled back into Burma
to supervise Mon medics working there and check on the political situation.
"There is not much change from before, but the economic situation
is generally worse in rural areas," he explained, adding that it is not
safe for him to go to the cities. " People can't work regularly because
of the fighting.
"Their main problem is being forced to work on the railroad. They
know about the pipeline which will be built to transport gas from
Monland/Burma to Thailand , and they understand that the railway
construction is related.
There is certainly more prostitution than before, because it is
hard to find work. And fishermen complain they can't fish as before. Most
of them don't know it's because of the foreign trawlers which have been
given concessions to fish along the coast.
" Many people are going abroad to look for work. A lot of men go
to Singapore to work in the port."
But to rally visit Monland, you are best off travelling back in
time. And Nai Shwe Kyin is an excellent guide to take you there.
Officially chairman of the NMSP's central committee, the 81
year-old Nai Shwe Kyin is the leader of Mon resistance. People call him
Ajaan, and before he will talk to reporters about current events-dire as
they may be-he insists on giving them a history lesson.
"The Mon are an old nation." he begins. "Legend has it that the
Buddha himself predicted its rise. On a visit to the region, he came
across a promontory at the mouth of the Sittang River. There he saw two
golden drakes, the female resting on the back of the male. and he smiled.
His disciple Ananda asked why.' This area will silt up," the
Buddha answered, pointing to the river mouth, There my doctrine will
survive'.
"In the third century BC, during the reign of Emperor Ashoka in
India, Mon seafarers brought Buddhism to the area, which at that time was
called Suwannaphum. Nearly a thousand year later, in 825 AD, the delta at
the mouth of the Sittang had silted up. There, in what is today called
Pegu, two brothers Samala and Vimala formed the first Mon Kingdom called
Hongsawatoi.
"The Mon national day marks this event and is celebrated on the
first day of the waning moon in the 11th month of the Mon's lunar
calendar. The Mon flag, meanwhile. contains a golden dark in flight."
Very interesting. But Ajaan, what about the pipeline? What about
the reports that the Burmese army is sending in reinforcements, perhaps
to attack you?
The resistance leader, however, will not be hurried. And soon we
understand why. For Nai Shwe Kyin takes the long view of national struggle.
He recounts how time and again the Mon rose up, often gaining
their own state for hundreds of years, but eventually being beaten by
the Burmese.
The Mon were finally conquered in 1757, just 10 years before the
Burmese went on to sack Ayutthaya. Following their defeat, many Mon fled
to Siam where they settled in Pathum Thani. Three more times the Mon rose
up, losing and fleeing to Siam each time; the first group went to
Phrapadaeng where the Mon New Year is still celebrated at Songkran: the
second group went to Samut Sakhon; and finally in 1814, just before the
British came, Mon rebels fled to Putaram in Ratchburi.
"Former Thai Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun is a descendant of
that group," Nai Shwe Kyin proudly noted. "The Mon who went to Thailand
were the elite. They've done well."
But here is the moral of the story: " They Burmese army thrives
on civil war. They don't want peace. But the lesson from Burmese history
is, unity through force never lasts. Slorc thinks it can control the
country through force, but unless it solves the political problems,
peace will not be permanent."
Perhaps. But Nai Shwe Kyin must admit that things are now looking
grim for apposition groups in Burma. With the fall of Manerplaw and the
KNU in disarray, the Mon forces- with far fewer troops than the Karen,
not to mention Slorc- seem extremely vulnerable.
Once again, however, the Mon leader insists on putting current
events in context. This time he delves into his personal history.
"I was a government officer before the war, and then I joined the
anti fascist forces. My brother was tortures to death by the Japanese.
In 1947 the year Mon leaders first established the Mon National
Day there was an election. But is was rigged and the Mon politicians lost.
"Six of us then made seven demands to the government led by U Nu.
We did not call for our own state. We asked for the establishment of '
Mon Affairs Council', our own army battalion under the control of the
central government , and for parliamentary representation in accord with
the size of our population.
"But the Burmese were intoxicated by independence and rejected
our demands."
In 1948, he said, the Mon Freedom League occupied Moulmein and
Thaton. Nai Shwe Kyin was arrested, but he rejoined the Mon resistance in
1952 after being released.
In 1958, the leaders of the Mon United Front got disheartened and
legalized themselves, surrendering their weapons to the government. But
the organization was later abolished anyway by Ne Win.
"I was left to rebuild from scratch. We started with farmers. But
now we have graduates with a higher standard of knowledge. They will
carry on the struggle.
"In my younger days, no one dared to speak Mon in Moulmein. But
now there are signboards in Mon, even in Rangoon. Our struggle has not
been wasted. The Mon have regained consciousness."
Confirming such claims is impossible, since travel within Mon
areas in Burma is forbidden. Nai Hong Sa says there are 4 million Mon in
Burma, but only 2 million of them speak the language well.
But just how much do the Mon leaders listen to their people? It's
a timely question, given that the KNU's recent schism and military
setback is being blamed on leaders who failed to pay attention to the
grass roots.
Unlike Karen chief Bo Mya, Nai Shwe Kyin is clearly a politician
by nature. He is frail with age, but obviously still lucid. An avid
reader of newspapers, he clearly keeps up with current events.
Some analysts say he does not command the military respect of the
former Mon leader No La, whose death in 1990 led to the capture of Three
Pagodas Pass by Slorc. But perhaps, Nai Shwe Kyin's political skills can
help keep the Mon more unified than the Karen.
The NMSP's decisions are made a central committee meeting, which
are last for weeks, much to the annoyance of impatient observers. " We
are a democracy." Nai Shwe Kyin claim. " We listen to reports from the
townships and then decide by consensus."
He suggested the next such meeting would take place next month.
They will have to decide whether to restart negotiations with Slorc.
Ben, the political scout, claims the Mon in Burma are of two
opinion. "Some are tired of war and want us to put down our arms. But
others remember what happened in 1959, when Burma still had a democratic
government. They want us to negotiate with Slorc but not to surrender out
weapons. Military regimes never keep their promises.'
"The best solution is the one suggested by the UN General
Assembly. Slorc should sit down with the democratic opposition and the
ethnic groups and talk." says Nai Shwe Kyin. " If Slorc does not offer
concessions there will be no agreement. Otherwise, what's the use of
fighting for 46 years?"
And if Slorc decides to continue its military offensive until
even the current confined version of Monland is no more?
Nai Shwe Kyin offers a simple response: " If we are beaten, the
next generation will carry on."
On a personal level, he adds, he has no regret. " I have never
felt disheartened. Even now, with the fall of Manerplaw I don't feel
disheartened. By hook or by crook, we must get political power. The
Burmanized Mon will then return to their roots.
" You must sacrifice your lit fighting for freedom. We are
fighting for a just cause. We have to show it world the Mon are worth
saving."
.