ONE FREE, 45 MILLION TO GO

[darnott@xxxxxxxxxxx]

                   ONE FREE, FORTY-FIVE MILLION TO GO
                                    
       (An open letter to supporters of FREE SUU KYI, FREE BURMA)
 
 
Dear Friends,
                              
I would like to thank you, as supporters of the FREE SUU KYI,
FREE BURMA campaign, for your work over the past years which in
combination with the efforts of countless others, has brought
about the liberation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
                              
In the struggle between Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese
generals, the first round goes to the Lady. The next round is now
beginning. Specifically it is about negotiating a peaceful
transition of power to the elected representatives of the people,
and a just political solution to the civil war (at least, this is
what Suu Kyi thinks it is about, according to her recent
statements. The generals may possibly have other ideas). The
transition may involve a period of power-sharing between the
military and elected representatives. Longer-term goals are the
rebuilding of Burmese civil society and an economy which provides
for the needs of all Burma's peoples, and which is culturally,
socially and ecologically sustainable.
                              
The generals released Suu Kyi for a number of reasons, not least
of which was to remove a major obstacle to international aid and
investment.
                              
 
FREE SUU KYI, FREE BURMA BELIEVES THAT LARGE-SCALE INVESTMENT AND
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE IN BURMA SHOULD WAIT UNTIL A
GENUINE CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT IS IN PLACE. Some of the factors are:
                              
1) Social and cultural: The decisions to be made about the nature
of development in Burma are socially and culturally profound and
far-reaching. The Burmese people and their elected
representatives may choose not to follow the path of consumerism
and rapid industrial growth that Thailand and other countries in
the region have taken. The social and cultural costs of rapid
economic expansion are well known, and the Burmese people may
prefer a specifically Burmese Buddhist form of development. (Let
us not forget that E.F. Schumacher's influential description of
Buddhist Economics (in "Small is Beautiful") was based on his
experience of Burmese society.)
                            
2) Economic: The disastrous economic policies of the Burmese
military, in power  since 1962, have turned this resource-rich
and highly literate nation into one of the ten poorest countries
in the world. Though these policies have been somewhat modified
since 1989, Burma is still run as a command economy, with the
major levers in the hands of the military, which has no technical
expertise in economic and financial matters. With her enormous
resources and 45 million population, Burma is potentially a major
economy, and decisions on the long-term future of the country
must not be left to people who lack the necessary skills or
popular support. The Burmese people may decide, for instance, to
preserve their natural resources for the future well-being and
sustainablity of the country rather than selling them off quick
in ruinous neo-colonial contracts to the neighbours.
 
3) Political: Decisions on international economic and financial
inputs will influence Burma for generations to come. Such
decisions should only be made by the legitimate representatives
of the people. At a tactical level, with the liberation of Aung
San Suu Kyi the struggle between the Burmese democracy movement
and the generals has entered a new phase. Any international
agreement made with the military over the heads of the elected
representatives will weaken the latter and reduce the possibility
of a genuine civilian government in the future. On the other
hand, if investors and donors acknowledge the authority of Aung
San Suu Kyi and her colleagues and negotiate with them, this will
increase the leverage of the democracy movement in its struggle
with the generals, and accelerate the process towards
representative government. 
 
Until last week, it was not possible to ask the people's
representatives inside the country what they thought about
economic and diplomatic links between Burma and the world.
Countries anxious to help Burma move towards democracy were
therefore obliged to devise a number of economic and political
carrot-and-stick tactics - "benchmark diplomacy" (Australia),
"critical dialogue" (European Union), "constructive engagement"
(ASEAN, Japan and India) and "two vision" diplomacy (USA)
designed to lure or coerce the generals into handing over power.
The problem was that these countries, well-meaning as they were,
had different strategies, so the various tactics were not
coordinated, to say the least.
 
Now Aung San Suu Kyi and many of the people to whom power should
be handed over are accessible (though others are still in prison,
let us not forget) and can be consulted by these countries on the
best way to help them achieve power. The General's Daughter is
now in a position to coordinate tactics. In other words, the
Cup and Sword (of benchmark diplomacy, constructive engagement,
etc.) can be laid at the feet of the Lady who, if the image
holds, will hand them back, aligned to her will.
 
Aung San Suu Kyi and the rest of the Burmese democracy movement
have not been able to communicate with each other for the past
six years and have a lot of strategising to do. It will be
some time before they have a detailed set of policies on 
bilateral and multilateral assistance, investment and other
economic activities. Suu Kyi has made it clear, however, that she
wants the continuation of pressure and has asked for a moritorium
on investment, trade etc.  
 
FREE SUU KYI, FREE BURMA therefore requests you to use your
influence to discourage corporations, governments and
multilateral agencies such as the IMF, World Bank and Asian
Development Bank from making economic and political agreements
with the de facto government. They should now negotiate with Suu
Kyi and her colleagues and coordinate strategy with them. Please
continue to press for corporate withdrawal and sanctions,
including US Senator McConnell's sanctions bill, until such time
as the chosen representatives of the Burmese people request
otherwise.   
 
Yours sincerely,
 
David Arnott  (Coordinator, Free Suu Kyi, Free Burma)   
 
21 July 1995
 
 
              LIST OF SUPPORTING GROUPS AND INDIVIDUALS OF 
                        FREE SUU KYI, FREE BURMA
 
Free Suu Kyi, Free Burma, was founded in 1991. The 90 or so
groups supporting the campaign have a total membership of several
hundred million. 
 
Supporters include: [Nobel Peace Laureates: Mairead Maguire,
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Linus Pauling, Bernard Lown, MD
(International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War),
Elie Wiesel, Adolfo Perez Esquival, International Peace
Bureau, The American Friends Service Committee], Ven. Dr Rewata
Dhamma, Congressman Gilman, Congressman Solarz, Congressman
Solomon, Prof. Robert Thurman, Achaan Sulak Sivaraksa, Robin
Morgan, Jim Lester MP, Kumar Rupasinghe, Rene Wadlow, Vimala
Thakar, Bishop Trevor Huddleston CR, Cora Weiss,  Aye Aye Thant,
Joan Baez, Jakob Von Uexkull, Peter Matthiessen, Chandra
Muzaffar, Joanna Macy, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Frank Ortega.
Organizations: Burma Peace Foundation, National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma,  Karuna Center, Buddhist Peace
Fellowship, Fellowship of Reconciliation, International
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Amnesty International USA,  Pax
Christi, Synapses, Canadian Friends of Burma, International Human
Rights Law  Group, Nonviolence International, International
Center (Washington DC), Institute for Asian Democracy, Burma
Review, United Methodist Office for the UN, Committee for the
Restoration of Democracy in Burma, Congressional Human Rights
Foundation, Campaign for Peace and Democracy, Baptist Peace
Fellowship, Orthodox Peace Fellowship, Disciples Peace
Fellowship, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,
USA, Burmese Relief Center-Japan, Buddhist Relief Mission,
International Network of Engaged Buddhists, International
Network of Engaged Buddhists-Japan, Episcopal Peace Fellowship,
Burma Action Group-UK, National Council of the  Churches of
Christ in the USA (Human Rights Office, Southern Asia Office,
Ecumenical Networks),  World Conference on Religion and Peace,
Brethren Peace Fellowship, World Peacemakers, Foundation for
Democracy in Burma, Burma Project (USA), International Women's
Tribune Centre,Transnational Perspectives, International Network
for Burma Relief, International Organisation for the Elimination
of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, International Campaign for
Tibet, International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Burma
Project (Thailand), Action Committee for Democracy in Burma,
Overseas National Students' Organisation of Burma, Sojourners,
Gray Panthers, Article 19, Association France-Birmanie, War
Resisters League, PEN American Center, Associates to Develop
Democratic Burma (Burma Alert), International League for Human
Rights, Humanitas International, Amnesty International (Japan),
International Women's Network for the Freedom of Aung San Suu
Kyi, International Union of Food and Allied Workers'
Associations, Church Women United,  International Network of
Engaged Buddhists, Postal, Telegraph and Telephone International,
United Church Board for World Ministries (Southern Asia Office),
International Federation of Journalists, International Peace
Research Institute, Oslo, Public Services International,
International Centre for Law in Development, Gujrat Biradari,
Abhinav Bharat Foundation, Gujrat, South East Asia Fraternity,
Asia Resource Center (Washington DC), US Committee for Refugees,
Anti-Slavery International, Peace Action, Servants of the People
Society (India), International Transport Workers' Federation,
Association of World Citizens, Bombay Sarvodaya Friendship
Centre, Professor Thorolf Rafto Foundation for Human Rights, 
World Conference on Religion and Peace, Pakistan, Tribal Refugee
Welfare in South East Asia, Asian Students' Association,
Asia-Pacific Peoples' Forum on Peace and Development, Burmese 
Association in Japan, Asian Cultural Forum on Development,
Mennonite Central Committee, Burma Issues,  (formerly B.U.R.M.A),
The Australian Foundation for Democracy, The Australia Burma
Council, The Burma NGO Forum (Australia). (INCLUSION IN THIS LIST
DOES NOT INVOLVE ANY FINANCIAL OR LEGAL LIABILITY FOR THE
CAMPAIGN OR INDICATE ANY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE OTHER GROUPS OR
INDIVIDUALS BEYOND SUPPORT OF THE SAME CAMPAIGN GOAL)