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BurmaNet News Aug 1st 1995
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The BurmaNet News: Aug 1, 1995
SUU KYI FACES PROBABLE BAN FROM BURMA POLITICS
DISSIDENT RELEASE PROMPTS JAPAN TO CONSIDER RESUMPTION OF AID
PEOPLE ARE MORE IMPORTANT
BLANK CHEQUE FOR AUNG SAN SUU KYI
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===== item =====
SUU KYI FACES PROBABLE BAN FROM BURMA POLITICS
Bandar Seri Begawan, Reuter
Bkk post/31.7.95
BURMESE democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's marriage to a
foreigner is likely to preclude her from ever participating in
politics, a Burmese minister said yesterday.
Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw repeated the Rangoon military
government's accusation that Suu Kyi's independence hero Gen Aung
San, was a pawn of Communists when she emerged as a leader of the
democracy movement in 1988.
Suu Kyi, released from a most six years of house arrest on July
10, is marries to British academic Michael Aris.
She denied news reports yesterday that she had accepted a post as
UNESCO adviser on human rights in Paris but said she would be
willing to act as an adviser based in Rangoon.
A construction being drawn up by a military-appointed body
contains a clause barring anyone married to a foreigner from
taking part in politics. It also guarantees the military a
"leading role" in politics.
"You must note she has been married to a foreigner and she in
understood to have received some form of foreign assistance," Ohn
Gyaw said in an interview.
He said Burma's 1947 pre-independence constitution drawn up under
Gen Aung San's leadership, also had clauses preventing anyone
married to a foreigner taking part in politics.
"You must therefore remember that it is not something new in
Myanmar (Burmese) politics," he said.
Suu Kyi was living in Oxford with her husband when, in April
1988, she returned to Burma to care for her ailing mother just as
frustration with 26 years of rigid military rule exploded in a
nationwide up-rising.
In August that year she took an active role in the democracy
movement and soon emerged as a charismatic leader.
"That happened to be a crucial time when law and order was
breaking down," Ohn Gyaw said, referring to the events of 1988.
"Some undesirable elements, particularly the Communists, made use
of her," he said.
the 1988 uprising was finally suppressed after hundreds of
people, or even thousands according to some diplomats there at
the time, were shot dead in Rangoon and other towns and cities.
Suu Kyi, released a statement to reporters yesterday including
extracts form the letter she wrote to the Paris based UN
organisation in response to an earlier offer.
"I am much honoured by the invitation. I must, however, point out
that I am wholly committed to an active participation in the
democratic movement in my country," she said in the letter,
addressed to director-general Frederico Mayor of Unesco.
"It is with great letter that she would be willing to help UNESCO
as a special adviser based in Burma "in anticipation of the time
when it will be possible to initiate projects in my country".
===== item =====
DISSIDENT RELEASE PROMPTS JAPAN TO CONSIDER RESUMPTION OF AID
TO RANGOON
The Nation/1.8.95
Japan will send an official team to Burma this month to look into
eight suspended Japanese-supported projects as it found the
recent release of Aung San Suu Kyi "encouraging", Japanese
Foreign Minister Yohei Kono said yesterday.
Burmese Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw was told that Japan would
resume its Overseas Development Aid programme to Burma on a step-
by-step basis with regard to its process on democratization and
human rights.
Tokyo suspended yen loans to Rangoon in 1988 when the military
junta suppressed a pro-democracy movement, killing or imprisoning
thousands of people. However Tokyo did continue financial
assistance on a humanitarian basis.
One of the projects is construction of facilities at Rangoon
airport, including a control tower, terminal lounge and run-way.
" A team of officials will go to Rangoon in August to visit eight
projects under the ODA to see what are the possibilities of
resuming assistance to the Burmese government," Kono was quoted
as saying.
The first project to be considered for aid could be renovation of
a nursing school, he said.
Kono and Ohn Gyaw met yesterday at Bandar Seri Begawan Airport,
as Kono was just arriving to attend the Asean meeting as a
dialogue partner. The Burmese minister was about to leave after
completing his visit as guest of host, Brunei.
Japan is one of seven dialogue partners of Asean which groups
Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam.
The same official quoted Kono as saying that Japan regarded the
recent release of Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi as
"encouraging".
Japan earlier announced that it would offer aid worth Y1.5
million(Bt420,000) to Burma to mark what it saw as a positive
moves towards democratization by the military government.
However Japan's Foreign Ministry Spokesman Hiroshi Fukuda told
reporters that the discussion did not go into details about the
aid.
The official said that the Burmese minister informed his Japanese
counterpart that his country wanted to discuss the issue further
with Japan to see whether it could extend aid.
The official quoted Kono as saying that Japan expected to see
more democratization and an improved human rights record by the
Burmese government before more aid could be guaranteed.
Kono said that he believed Burmese leaders would start pushing
the country in the right direction. Once Burma resolved its
international misunderstandings, it would gain respect and
confidence world-wide," the Japanese official said.
Ohn Gyaw replied that Burma, itself wanted to improve its
international relations and its development in social and
economic fields.
===== item =====
PEOPLE ARE MORE IMPORTANT
The Nation/1.8.95
The Nation Editor-in-Chief Suthichai Yoon and Editor Thepchai
Yong talked to Aung San Suu Kyi last weekend at her heavily-
guarded residence in Rangoon where she was put under house
arrest for six years. Following is the first part of the
edited text of the interview which will be broadcast on
Nation News Talk on Channel 9 starting at 9 pm tonight.
Q. Will you travel to Bangkok to receive the honorary doctorate
in political science that Thammasat University has conferred on
you in recognition of your peaceful democratic struggle?
A. I would very much to come but I cannot say at this moment when
I shall be able to come.
Q. So you have no plans to travel outside Burma at the moment?
A. Not at the moment because there is lot of work to be done here
and also lots of organisation to take care of.
Q. Didn't you say earlier that you would go to Oslo to pick up
the Nobel Peace Prize Award?
A. Actually, the Norwegian ambassador invited me to come to Oslo
to receive the award and I said personally the first foreign
country I would like to visit is Norway because they have
supported us so staunchly. But it was a promise. It was that I
would try to visit Norway at the first opportunity.
Q.How about stopping by in Bangkok on your way to Norway?
A.I could stop over on the way back as well. I promised Norway
that it would be the first country I would visit.
Q. How does Thailand relate to you? Your father founded the
Burmese Independence Army in Bangkok in 1941 and you must have
travelled through Thailand a number of times and have friends
there.
A. I must admit that for the last six years through reading
newspapers like The Nation and other publications in Bangkok
which have been very supportive, there are many people in
Thailand who really understand our situation and really want to
help us. This, for me, has been a tremendous encouragement that
there's so much support for our cause in Thailand. You have been
so strong in many of the things you have written. And I heard
that there is sometimes pressure on you to tone down your
articles and yet you remain very strong. Newspapers in Thailand
always keep an interest on Burma. For me, Thailand in general is
a friendly and supportive country. there have been problems, of
course. Our democratic forces have complained about the official
Thai policy. And I know that there has been trouble with refugees
camps. But this is something natural and normal because when
there are refugees, there must be spats with the local people.
But on the whole, the people of Thailand are very sympathetic and
supportive.
Q. What about the government of Thailand?
A. We have had complains in the past about official Thai policy.
I would like to ask the government of Thailand to put the people
of Burma first. The people are more important than the
government. And even the government itself would not say it is
more important than the people. Certainly, it's the people who
are more important.
Q. What do you mean when you say people are more important than
the government?
A. Their aspirations, their hopes, their situation. When you
think of investment and aid you should really look at how far
they help the common people, the really poor people. We are not
really interested in investment that will help the rich to get
richer. I hope you understand that such a situation can snowball
and the rich get richer and richer all the time while the poor
hardly find any change in their conditions.
Q. Some of the Thai officials believe that your release was due
partly to the success of Thailand's constructive engagement
policy toward Burma?
A. I frankly do not know how successful the constructive
engagement policy and international pressure were. But of course,
officially, nobody would ever admit that they have given in to
pressure. We'll have to wait a few years more to know what
happened within inner government circles in order to evaluate how
successful the constructive engagement policy was.
Q. Did you hear about constructive engagement policy while you
were under house arrest?
A. Yes, all the time.
Q. What was your first reaction?
A. I was rather surprised. My first reaction was that it was
something to be expected. It did worry me that they might carry
it too far and would adversely affect the progress of democracy.
Q. How constructive has the constructive engagement policy been?
A. The question is for whom has it been constructive. That we
have yet to find out. Was it constructive for the forces of
democracy? Was it constructive for the Burmese people in general?
Was it constructive for a limited business community? Or it
constructive for Slorc? This is the question: for whom was it
constructive?
Q. Was it constructive for the forces of democracy or NLD at all?
A. I have yet to find any hard evidence that it affected us
directly although some have said that because of the constructive
engagement policy I have been released. But nobody has said
exactly why I have been released. So we can't take that for
granted.
Q. Burma is being admitted by Asean into the family of nations.
What kind of change do you want to see in Asean policy toward
Burma?
A. I would like the Asean nations to look closely at conditions
among the ordinary Burmese people and not just to look at place
like Mandalay and Rangoon. And even in Rangoon there are certain
parts which seem more prosperous and yet there are other parts
which have not changed the last 10-15 years. I can recognize
those parts which remain exactly the same as they were a number
of years ago. I would like Asean to think of our long-term
relationship and long-term development of Burma and to consider
the fact that you cannot have economic progress without peace and
stability.
Q. What kind of advice would you give to the government as Burma
moves toward joining Asean?
A. It is in our NLD booklet that we hope one day Burma will be a
member of Asean because I do believe in this regional community
of nations which is very good for the region and very good on the
whole for the world to have such community. so one day I very
much hope that Burma will be a member of Asean. But I understand
that (former Singaporean prime minister) Lee Kuan Yew said a few
months ago that it's going to be a number years before Burma is
ready to be in a condition to join Asean.
Q. Would Burma integration into the regional community accelerate
the move toward democracy in Burma?
A. I am not certain about that. I do not know just how effective
the persuasive parts of the Asean nations are when it comes to
internal change. I do notice that while promoting the policy of
constructive engagement some Asean nations are careful to say
that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of another
country. If they do not interfere in the internal affairs of
another country then how far can they help us achieve change.
Q.Would you consider it and interference if an Asean country
starts commenting about the pace of democratic change in Burma?
A. I don't think so because the world is getting smaller all the
time. We have to accept that no country is really free from some
degree to international opinions and external influence. There
is, of course, a limit as to how far people can be allowed to
interfere in the internal affairs of a nation. One does not
expect them to come marching in or to introduce measures that
would interfere with our sovereignty. But if we care about our
regional peace and stability we should care about the kind of
governments that are in place in those countries.
Q. Do you agree with sanctions?
A. I have one reservation about sanctions alone. I do want to
make sure that it does not hurt the ordinary people. Whoever
thinks of sanctions should study the situation carefully to make
certain that whatever sanctions to be implemented. As I
understand it the economic change that has taken place in Burma
the last six years has not really filtered down to the question
whether sanctions in any way will affect the general public
either.
Q. How responsive is the military regime in Burma to outside
pressure?
A. They are not unaware of outside pressure. They are not
completely oblivious to it. And I hope as they have more dealings
with the international community and as they get more mature they
will have a greater respect for international opinions.
Q. Are they getting more mature?
A. That I cannot say. Apparently some of them said I have they
become more mature. I hope when they say that they are comparing
me with themselves.
Q. Are there signs that the military will transfer power to a
civilian government?
A. It's too early to talk about such a thing. There are some
things that we prefer to do quietly at the moment. And when the
time is right and we think that we should comment on the rate of
progress and on our efforts to achieve dialogue, we shall speak
out then.
Q. Does that mean you will have talks with the government without
making public statements until the time comes when you have some
concrete outcome?
A. I just mean that at this time I don't want to speculate openly
on when we think they might be talks and how the talks might
develop. If we have too many prior expectations it's difficult
for us to get down to a working relationship. If one side lays
down conditions the other side will also want to lay down
conditions. So to get dialogue going smoothly a period of quiet
discussion is necessary.
Q. Does that mean you don't have a specific objective at the
moment and you would let the talks continue and find out whether
you can be satisfied with a certain level of compromise from the
regime?
A. I am not going as far as that. I am just saying that at this
moment we don't even yet have a specific target when we hope to
start dialogue.
Q. You mentioned Nelson Mandela in some of your interviews. Do
you foresee a South Africa solution for Burma?
A. Not exactly a South Africa solution because we are not South
Africa. I was just using South Africa as a model for the way in
which you can achieve settlement through dialogue. There was a
time when nobody would have believed that such a thing could be
possible. I would like to use South Africa as an example as
opposed to the Yugoslavian situation where people just would not
consider sitting down talking with the result that everything is
in ruins and nobody has gained from it. In South Africa, Mandela
and others who at one time were very active and rigid in some of
their views over the apartheid problem became very flexible over
the years and decided in the end that negotiation was the only
way.
Q. How do you see your role in the next step of the political
solution in this country?
A. Now I feel that my role is once more to unite the democratic
forces and to revive those parts of our movement which have been
intimidated in the last six years.
Q. Will you demand the release of political prisoners as a
condition?
A. We have urged in my first statement the authorities to release
political prisoners as soon as possible. But we are not starting
out with conditions. We are starting with a clear objective of
getting people to sit around the table so we can start talking
about conditions.
Q. Is that happening?
A. No. As you can see at the table we are sitting around like
this one, it's just you and me.
Q. Are there signs that they are willing to talk?
A. I am not able to say whether they are unwilling or willing.
Let me say that the moment the positions seem very neutral. I
have not seen overt signs of unwillingness nor willingness. But
it is still a little too early in the day.
Q. Is there any open line of communication at the moment?
A. There is a line of communication. I have kept my military
intelligence personnel at the gate. So I am not out touch with
the authorities.
Q. You have told your supporters not to expect too much, too
quickly. What are their expectations now?
A. I think they understand what I mean. One of the saddest things
about Burma is that a lot of my supporters do not trust the
authorities. There is a climate of suspicion in Burma. Everybody
is afraid that somebody else is an informer. To build up a
climate of trust is going to be one of the most difficult jobs.
And the people understand perfectly well when I say don't raise
your expectations too high, don't be in such a hurry. A lot of
them, in fact, have told me to be careful because they can't
really believe that I have been released.
Q. If your supporters can't trust the authorities do you trust
the authorities?
A. They will have to show that they are trustworthy. We would
need indications of their trustworthiness before we can trust
them. It's a mutual process.
Q. Do they trust you?
A. You must ask them the question. I would like to know the
answer too. They have dealt with me for six years and they know a
lot about me. I would be grateful if you ask them: Do you trust
her?
Q. You have surprised a lot of people by saying that you have no
ill feeling or resentments toward your former captors.
A. Has that come as a surprise? Most of our people who have lived
under far worse conditions than I in In Sein jail and other jails
have no ill feelings either. It's fortunate that my colleagues
are all very fine and honourable people and they always look
forward to the future and not the past. And because they are so
strong in themselves and so committed, they have been able to
bear all the troubles of the last six years and yet have to no
sediment of ill will.
===== item =====
BLANK CHEQUE FOR AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Bkk Post/Perspective/30.7.95
History is repeating itself in Burma.
Burma's national leader Daw Aung San Suu kyi is asking the
Burmese people to support her campaign for democracy,
unconditionally. She said she really needs unified support of the
Burmese people.
I will march towards the goal and I want 100 percent of you
behind me. I need 100 percent of your support, and after we have
achieved our goal, then you can criticise me", she said.
About 50 years ago, in April 1947, U Aung San, the national
leader, asked the nation to support him unconditionally. "Elect
the candidates that we name," he said at a public meeting, "For
they are trusted and true. We do not need educated persons. We
want revolutionaries."
His request to the nation was to give his leadership complete
support to obtain freedom from the British.
Since the beginning of the struggle for freedom, U Aung San faced
a bitter experience of disunity of political leaders in Burma.
His political front, the Anti-fascist People Freedom
league(AFPFL) was founded under the Japanese occupation in
August, 1994.
When the Japanese were driven out, the AFPFL began a battle with
the British for freedom, and it started a split with communists
who argued for an arms struggle. U Aung San embraced the
democratic way.
In December 1946, the British Government invited Burmese
political leaders to talk about Burma's future. U Aung San led
the AFPFL delegation and U Saw and Thakhin Ba Sein represented
their parties to take with Mr. Clement Attlee, then prime
ministers of his majesty's Government.
And Aung San- Attlee agreement was signed on January 17, 1947. U
Saw and Thakhin Ba Sein refused to sign the document and declared
that U Aung San had sold the nation to the British.
"We will obtained our freedom within one year," declared U Aung
San and began his campaign for election on his return to Burma.
As the agreement called for general elections to the constituent
Assembly, U Aung San prepared for the contest.
The first called of the leader to his nation was a rather
strange. U Aung San said he did not want educated candidates in
the assembly, because they talk too much, but would use educated
persons later when Burma obtained freedom.
His celebrated words, "I only want candidates who only know how
to raise his hand to vote" was the response by the media with
rowdy, stormy criticisms. But the nation assented to their
leader's freakish solicitation.
Accordingly, U Aung San, with committee members U Nu and U Tin,
selected 182 candidates from the proposed 2,000 names. U Aung San
requested the nation to vote for his front's candidates claiming
the nation faced two roads_ freedom of a longer life of slavery.
People gave their mandate to U Aung San at the 1947 April
election. The AFPFL won with landslide majorities. The communist
Party won seven out of 255 seats. Many ethnic representatives
were elected too_ the Karens, the Shans, the Chins, the Karennis
and the Anglo-Burmans.
U Aung San moved his basic points for the new constitution at the
Constituent Assembly on June 16 and the Assembly, continuously
pushed for Union and States powers; The Judiciary; fundamental
Rights and other clauses. Eventually the Constitution was drawn.
The outcome was that the British transferred power to the Burmese
parliament, peacefully.
U Aung San asked the nation for 100 percent support for his fight
for freedom and as the nation heeded his demand, Burma became an
independent nation peacefully. The trust in U Aung San was
vindicated.
Today, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is demanding 100 percent support for
her goal to achieve true democracy. There was no doubt the entire
Burmese nation's response is solid support to their national
leader. Most people inside Burma and exiles abroad have pledged
absolute support to the lady.
However, one or two dissident voices came from stray politicians
abroad. They are demanding a conference with the Burmese generals
and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi which includes ethnic leaders.
It is obvious that as almost all ethnic groups signed ceasefire
agreements, what they want is nothing but a chair at the meeting
table for themselves. It was suspected that they want to delay
the process of democracy just to continue their enjoyment of
lavish assistance provided by friendly nations abroad.
To priorities the ethnic problem ahead of the democratic process
would certainly delay the main goal.
U Aung San faced a similar question of ethnic endorsement. He
sincerely promised their rights at the Panlong Conference and
skillfully asked them to be united behind him.
His succeeded in building a harmonious nation. It should be noted
that even a leader like U Saw, who later staged the bloody
assassination, supported for racial policy in building a new
nation at that time.
Today's, struggle for Democracy led by Saw Aung San Suu Kyi is
for all people of Burma, that includes ethnic groups. The ethnic
people fighting minority rights, understand that they can enjoy
their rights only on a Democratic Unions, and are supporting Aung
San Suu Kyi solidly. Priority one is democracy. It is simple and
easy to settle differences in a democratic union.
Thus, the greedy political line would be fainted in due course
and the full support of the Burmese for their national leader
would become louder and clearer up until to the end of their
national leader would become louder and clearer up until to the
end of the goal.
The road to democracy in Burma is solidly paved by the Burmese
people and their leader and the future now rests with the Burmese
generals. The Burmese as well as civilized nations of the world
are watching the Burmese military government step.
Will they sincerely cooperate with Aung San Suu Kyi? Will they
join the people in building a democratic rule? Beyond any doubt,
there is still hope for a peaceful pace towards this goal.
Otherwise the consequences would be a dangerous ending for the
generals.
To priorities the ethnic problem ahead of the democratic process
would certainly delay the march toward that goal.
U Thaung is former editor/Owner of the Mirror Daily. He now edits
New Era journal, and is base in Pompano Beach Florida.
==================================================================
<<End>>