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The BurmaNet News: August 6, 1995


THE NATION: SLORC OPENS A DOOR BUT THE THICK WALL REMAINS IN PLACE 
THE NATION: THAILAND'S POLICY ON BURMA MUST BE GIVEN NEW DIRECTION 
THE NATION: BURMESE TROOPS AND KARENNI FIGHTERS SAID TO HAVE CLASHED 
THE NATION: A NEW DAWN
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SLORC OPENS A DOOR BUT THE THICK WALL REMAINS IN PLACE 
6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation  

By Don Pathan  The release of Aung San Suu Kyi from her six-years
house arrest came as a surprise to the international community, not
to mention the people of Burma.  But while foreign governments
welcomed the good news, Western nations were saying that they would
like to see further political progress in the country.  

"It is impossible to think that Slorc was not aware that freeing Suu
Kyi would become a source of instability for them," said a
Rangoon-based foreign diplomat.  At present, the State Law and Order
Restoration Council's, as the Burmese government is known, next task
was to look for a way to turn Suu Kyi's release, which was a
well-publicized event, into something personally beneficial. The
process seems to have started already when Rangoon decided to allow
a large group of foreign press, including some journalists who were
previously black-listed, to cover the release.  Slorc's decision to
allow such a large group of foreign press to cover the event was
supposed to show the world that Burma was ready to put up with such
coverage that was an integral part of a modern political state.  In
other words, it was a way of saying to the international media that
Burma had nothing to hide, and that the country was ready to
follow_to a certain extent_the international norm from which it had
isolated itself from the last two decades.  

What is even more surprising was that just before midnight on the
day of Suu Kyi's release, Burmese television aired the first footage
from Suu Kyi's residence on University Avenue.  The unedited report
filmed by a Japanese TV crew showed two prominent National League
for Democracy leaders, U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung, leaving her
residence.  

Ironically, the same footage was taped and shown at the Burmese
embassy in Bangkok a few days after her release. Suu Kyi's picture
on TV came as a surprised to just about everybody who were waiting
for a visa to Burma.  For a country that has been holding out
against international condemnation over the last six years, it was
important for Slorc that the world saw them as having complete
control over the new political landscape that they had created by
releasing Suu Kyi.  

Also, it was just as important that the international community
acknowledged that Slorc was dealing with the whole situation from a
position of power.  

Aside from the release itself, one of Slorc's first major schemes
was to invite Suu Kyi, who they previously referred to as "the
lady", to attend this year Martyrs' Day ceremony to commemorate
Burma's assassinated national heroes who liberated Burma from
British rule.  

Although the invitation came as a surprise to some_her presence was
appropriate because one of the hero being commemorated was her
father, Gen Aung San_Slorc had to make sure that her appearance
would be low-key.  

Most importantly, they had to make sure that  her entrance into
Burma's political arena took a direction that would not in any way
jeapordize their existence.  As a result, Suu Kyi first public
appearance in six years had to be isolated from the thousands of
spectator who waited patiently outside the park where the official
ceremony was being conducted.  

Moreover, extra precautions were taken on the day to prevent any
possible disturbance from the public, with armed guards posted
throughout the city.  

Foreign journalists were also invited to attend, although they were
kept away from Suu Kyi and all the Rangoon-based foreign diplomats. 
And on the next day the government newspaper, The New Light of
Myanmar, showed on its front page a picture of Suu Kyi's laying a
wreath, but the caption and the story failed to elaborte on her
presence. 

 "It is logical for Slorc to play such an event [Suu Kyi at the
Martyrs' Day ceremony] up because it would show that they were ready
to participate in the new era they had created by releasing Suu
Kyi," said the Rangoon-based foreign diplomat.  

Moreover, a picture of her husband and son, Dr Michael Aris and Kim,
taken on the day of their arrival in Rangoon, appeared on the paper
the next day.  For the Japanese business community, who were eagerly
waiting the green light from Tokyo to invest in earnest, Slorc's
handling of whole situation came as a blessing.  

At the recent Asean ministerial meeting in Brunei, a senior Japanese
official hinted that the Japanese government was considering
resuming official aid to Burma.  

"We have been encouraged by the recent development there," said
Japan's Deputy Foreign Minister Hiroshi Fukyda after meeting with
his Burmese counterpart U Ohn Gyaw.  

Earlier this year, Japan gave humanitarian aid, to the sum of one
billion yen, to minority groups in Burma in an attempt to convey a
message to Slorc that it had to improve its human rights record, as
well as its democratic reform.  

But to dismiss all these recent developments_Suu Kyi's release, the
acceptance of foreign press and the Martyrs Day ceremony_as
something incidental is to undermine Slorc's power of manipulation
in Burma, as well as the junta's rigid control over its people.  It
is worth nothing that the Burmese press is still heavily censored,
people are prohibited from holding group meetings without permission
and some human rights activists and political prisoners are still in
prison.  

Moreover, Rangoon University, once a centre for the democracy
movement, is strategically fenced off in certain areas to prevent
students from gathering [to unite and protest]. The campus grounds
has been off-limits to foreign visitors since the 1988 uprising and
a sign at the entrance threatened legal action against any
unauthorized person found on the campus. Nevertheless, Slorc knows
only too well that removing their protective wall, separating them
from the outside world has its price.  

Soliciting much needed foreign capital will always come with
conditions. After all, there is a fine line drawn between foreign
policy and foreign interests.  Slorc is well aware that taking money
from donor countries comes with a list of conditions. This is not to
say that these conditions would force them to turn into angles
overnight.  

If anything, it means that, for the first time, they would be held
accountable to outside powers_the people that they had isolated
themselves from for the last two decades.  How the military junta
handles the external pressure remains to be seen. Nevertheless, it
will be interesting to see how this group of military generals, who
are not use to taking orders, behave themselves.  Suu Kyi's release
was also much welcomed by Burma's neighbouring countries,
particularly Thailand and Singapore, who had hoped that such action
would some how elevate the Association of Southeast Asian Nation's
(Asean) profile as an organization that can actually accomplish
things. 

In this case through their so-called constructive engagement with
Slorc.  But while Asean was quick to take credit for her release,
representatives from the member countries were very cautious about
making any contact with Suu Kyi's camp fearing retaliation from
Slorc, as seen when Asean invited her to attend a luncheon but later
did a U-turn because of objections from Slorc.  Furthermore,
supporters of the constructive engagement policy had hoped that her
release would at least quietened some of the critics of the policy.
It was often criticized as a thinly disguised agreement aimed at
protecting business interests in Burma.  

Nevertheless, with or without the presence of the foreign press,
Burma is still a very restricted country. The local press is
censored and there is no freedom of speech.  Arbitrary arrests, as
well as other from abuses, were still being reported by human rights
groups. At the moment, it remain to be seen whether Slorc can adjust
when its protective wall finally comes down.  Though Slorc has
acknowledged that engaging in an international arena requires them
to behave a certain way.  Nevertheless, it remain to be seen whether
the country continues along this line or retreats back into
isolation. And if it does go forward, will the rest of the world
continue to ignore the injustice and suffering that has become any
everyday occurrence in Burma, and go on with its business-as-usual
attitude? (TN)   

THAILAND'S POLICY ON BURMA MUST BE GIVEN NEW DIRECTION 
6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation  

Thailand's controversial policy of "constructive engagement" has
been criticized not only by the West but also by Thai academics and
opposition politicians. Rita Patiyasevi gives the low-down on the
domestic criticism of the policy.  Thailand's tow-track policy
towards Burma has often landed the country in deep water.
Inconsistency among Thai policy-makers has destabilished conditions
along the Thai-Burmese border and subsequently deteriorated the
government's relationship with the ruling State Law and Order
Restoration Council.  Time and again, academics, opposition
politicians and non-government organizations have strongly
criticized Bangkok's policy of "constructive engagement", giving
rise to the question of who actually benefits from the policy.  

As such, Thailand has been urged by many to seriously review its
controversial policy with Burma and to clarify the direction of its
future relationship with its western neighbour.  The futility of
maintaining a policy that establishes positive relations with Slorc
while at the same time forging shady relations with minority groups
fighting for greater autonomy from Rangoon was underlined almost
immediately after the junta seized power in a coup in 1988.  

Thailand gained the dubious distinction of being the first country
to recognize Slorc's illegal rule when the then army chief Gen
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh visited Burma in December 1988.  That same
time, Gen Chavalit came in for strong criticism from Thai student
leaders and NGOs for arranging the repatriations of several hundred
Burmese students without any guarantee of their safety back home.  

In all, more than 100 students were sent back to an unknown future
in exchange for access to Burma's natural resources, according to
several academics and human rights agencies.  In 1990, when Slorc
refused to acknowledge the victory of the opposition National League
for Democracy in the May 1990 general elections, the Thai military
sent a soccer team for a friendly match in Rangoon with Gen Chavalit
as the guest of honour.  

After the unexpected release of Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi from nearly six years of house arrest, it is perhaps the
right time for a change in Thailand's approach towards its western
neighbour. The Thai policy is badly in need of reform and a sense of
unity and direction.  The Foreign Ministry should be in control of
the direction of the new policy towards Burma and should not leave
it in the hands of the military and the National Security Council,
several members of which have either developed a completely
distorted picture of Burma or have cultivated vested interests in
the country.  

Critics and academics have often debated and tried to formulate a
new approach to replace the "constructive engagement" policy.  In
many forums, like one held over a week ago at Thammasat University,
panel speakers agree the "constructive engagement" policy only
benefits selective groups of people.  

"The [constructive engagement] policy might have contributed to some
positive economic changes in Burma, but economic gains should not be
the sole rationale for the policy," said Palang Dharma MP Suthin
Noppakhet.  

"No doubt every country wants to progress but the practise of
obtaining benefits in complete disregard of the rights of the
Burmese people should be discouraged."  Suthin, the former chairman
of House committee on foreign affairs and human rights, over the
last two years has called on the government to revise its policy,
arguing it would be more effective to deal with Slorc through
dialogue.  "Dialogue does not constitute interference and it should
be something that both sides can accept," he said.   

He disagreed with previous governments' stance of non-interference
in other country's internal matters, saying it was time for Thailand
to reconsider the idea for the sake of a more peaceful co-existence
between the two countries.  

"The Foreign Ministry must take the lead and adopt a pro-active
stance and not wait to tackle problems when they occur," he said. 
Suthin called for a transparent foreign policy and changes in the
attitude of Thai politicians and authorities.  He also urged law
enforcement officers to stop sexually harassing young Burmese girls,
many of whom are forced into prostitution and later arrested by Thai
police. "How can we call this constructive engagement," he said.  

Foreign Minister MR Kasem S Kasemsri, while rejecting accusations
that the is trying to pursue a "double-edged policy" towards Burma,
last week instructed the Thai Ambassador to Rangoon Poksak Nillubon
to pay a visit on Suu Kyi.  The visit, which took place only after
Kasem cleared the matter with his Burmese counterpart U Ohn Gyaw,
was a positive step and can be seen as a indicating gradual progress
in Thailand's attempt to establish contacts with Burmese  opposition
or pro-democracy groups.  In the past, Thailand as well as other
Asean members, avoided any such contacts for fear of antagonizing
Slorc, which considers the activities of Suu Kyi and other the
domestic affair of Burma.  Kraisak Chonhavan, a personal adviser top
former prime minister Chatichai Choonhavan, criticized Slorc, saying
Suu Kyi's freedom was a publicity stunt which would allow Burma a
smooth entry into Asean.  

Although resource-rich Burma is attractive economically, the Thai
government should integrate it into the regional grouping only when
Burma makes significant improvement in human rights and democracy
issues.  "There remain some 50 well-known political prisoners and
hundreds of others who are still locked in jail," he said, quoting
figures from the London-based Amnesty International.  Kraisak has
urged the government to adopt a more humanitarian attitude towards
Burmese refugees, citing the Indian policy towards the Burmese
fugitives there.  In India, exiled Burmese are provided access to
academic studies and enjoy a certain freedom in conducing peaceful
political activities.  

"Over 30 temporary refugee camps along the border should be
transformed into permanent ones with possible access to the
International Committee of the Red Cross, the UN High Commissioner
for Refugees and other private relief agencies," he said.  "Over
thousands of Burmese students here should be given the right to
pursue higher education, to freely travel and work," he added.   Suu
Kyi's release was only the first-step in democratic reform in Burma.
Slorc, in fact, has not taken any other steps since it began its
rule in 1988 to show that it is serious in bringing about political,
it not democratic, reform, in Burma.  Slorc, from the very
beginning, neither had the public mandate nor the right to rule and
it should be told so. Thailand as well as the other members of the
international community has to prove its commitment to democratic
changes in Burma and continue to provide strong moral and political
support to the Burmese opposition. (TN)  

BURMESE TROOPS AND KARENNI FIGHTERS SAID TO HAVE CLASHED 

6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation  

Burmese troops and Karenni fighters have traded attacks in Burma's
eastern Kayah state 10 kilometres from Mae Hong Son, it was reported
on Friday.  A number of Burmese troops from Sop Huay Mae Yu launched
a surprise attack on a Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP)
frontline base and were met with fierce resistance, Channel 7 said. 
Seven Karenni were killed and four wounded in the hour-long clash.
Casualties on the Burmese side were not known, the report said. 

The KNPP fighters struck back at Burmese troops at Sop Huay Mae Yu,
killing 12 soldiers and wounding several. The Karenni suffered no
losses in the two-hour encounter ands seized food supplies and arms,
it said. (TN)  

A NEW DAWN 
6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation  
The ruling Burmese junta is slowly projecting the country as an
economically attractive destination. Don Pathan reports on the
changes and the public mood towards the changing environment after a
two-week visit to the country. 

After two decades of self-imposed isolation, signs are beginning to
emerge throughout Rangoon suggesting the ruling State Law and Order
restoration Council would like to crawl out of its shell to join the
post-Cold War global trend towards privatization and pursuing a
market-led economy.  Throughout the city, billboards and
constructions are becoming increasingly prominent. Many hotels and
shopping centres are being constructed and they are expected to be
completed within the next few months.  

A Rangoon-based foreign diplomat pointed out Slorc is not building
these hotels and shopping plazas for the 1996 "Visit Myanmar Year."
He said Slorc is looking 20 years ahead and is currently taking
advantage of cheap labour and low construction costs.  

While no one is disputing the rate economic growth, critics are
quick to point out that the economic growth id benefiting only an
elite. Indeed, with an inflation rate of 32 per cent annually and a
sense of uncertainty, many Burmese are finding it increasingly
difficult to move up the social ladder.  Burmese democracy leader
Aung San Suu Kyi herself has questioned whether the economic growth
of the past six years has reached a few of the privileged or Burma
as a whole. Moreover, she said the numerous constructions are quite
worrisome.  

"When we think about development, we should think of the broader
human development of the country rather than economic development in
the narrow terms of more investment, tourists and hotels," said Suu
Kyi.  Furthermore, she added that despite the growth, the people of
Burma still have a strong desire for political reform.  

"The overt demand for democracy has quietened down but this has
nothing to do with what the people fear inside," said Suu Kyi. 
Nevertheless, the military junta has given strong indications it is
ready to rejoin the outside world and follow in the footsteps of
some of its wealthier neighbours, namely Thailand and Singapore.  

"The Burmese authorities, particularly the finance and commerce
ministries, have been making trips abroad to meet with potential
investors," said Siam City Bank representative in Rangoon, Aroon
Buranatanyarat.  One of the first indications of their intention of
joining the international bandwagon came at the recent annual Asean
Ministerial Meeting in Brunei. Slorc  took the world by surprise
when they acceded to the association's founding treaty.  Indeed, the
accession to the 1976 Asean Treaty of Amity and Cooperation would
bring the region one step closer to its ultimate goal of "one
Southeast Asia".  

Among other sceptics, however, Burma's accession would allow Slorc
an arena, namely the Asean Regional Forum (ARF), to present their
arguments to their Western counterparts who have consistently over
the past six years condemned Rangoon's human rights records.  But
whether Asean will allow Burma to use the grouping in such a way
remains to be seen. Judging from Slorc's behaviour over the past six
years when international pressure did not seems to trouble it, Asean
might be seeing some difficult days ahead.  

While a tradition of frankness among Asean members has yet to be
developed, it would be interesting to see how long the association
will remains silent if Rangoon decides to take advantage of the
opportunities made available by becoming a member of Asean. 
Currently, Rangoon is being comforted by Asean and the Japanese
pledge of a 1 billion yen in "humanitarian assistance" earlier this
year and a 4 billion yen debt-relief grant just two months later.  

Rangoon is likely to sustain this positive momentum by completing
the new constitution they have been sitting on since 1993.  Among
other things, the constitution will definitely provide a clause
ensuring Slorc's reign continues. But as it stands, several major
points are being contested by Suu Kyi's supporters.  

For one thing, the requires that the head of state be "familiar"
with military affairs. Moreover, it specifically bars anyone married
to a foreign citizen or who has lived outside of Burma for a number
of years. Both of these provisions, needless to say, apply to Suu
Kyi.  While the idea of transforming the Burmese political system is
still far from the minds of the Slorc generals, they know very well
that acceding to Asean's founding treaty will mean Rangoon can no
longer enjoy the business-as-usual attitude of the old days.  

And as the country opens itself up politically and economically,
sooner or later Burma will see that its people will discover new
aspirations and inevitably, develop new expections of their leaders. 


However, this is not to say that with an open economy, Burma will
immediately put an end to its oppressive ways. If anything, it would
make Slorc more accountable to accepted international standards.  

Meanwhile, Washington's threats of economic sanctions will most
likely be toned down, despite the rhetoric of some congressman
calling for a punitive economic embargo.  But regardless of what the
United States may do, plenty of investors in the region are ready
and able to take advantage of Burma's vast resources in case
American firms pull out.  

To be consistent with other Western countries who previously called
on Asean to go beyond constructive engagement, Washington will adopt
a more precautionary stance towards Rangoon and play the waiting
game.  Furthermore, the presence of foreign journalists in recent
weeks suggest the authorities may have begun to ease up their firm
rule over the people.  Nevertheless, the press is still strictly
censored, the law still prohibits people from meeting in groups and
forced labour is still being reported by international human rights
groups.  

Many investors have complained of corruption and red-tape, while
some Thais are suggesting they are steadily falling behind
Singaporeans in getting lucrative business contracts.  Aroon stated
that Burma's conservation laws may seem too rigid to some foreign
investors but insisted the government must be firm because they
"don't want to make the same mistake their more-developed neighbours
have made with regard to natural resources."  

The official exchange rate for the Burmese currency is six kyats for
one US dollar. However, one greenback can easily attract as much as
100-110 kyats on the black-market.  Moreover, gasoline is rationed
at four gallons a week per car. But throughout the city, one can
find easily find illegal stations where gas is sold from a bottle or
a plastic container.  

The black-market activities do not go unnoticed. The government
tolerates it because it has no choice. But for foreign investors who
are not used to this type of uncertainty, doing business in Burma
can be a different kind of challenge. (TN)