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BurmaNet News: October 14, 1995




------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: October 14, 1995
Issue# 250

Noted in Passing:
Burma has unfortunately become the frontline in a global battle between 
those who advocate efficient wealth making at any cost and those who 
advocate capitalism in an open and democratic society. - Dr. Sein Win,
NCGUB Prime Minister (quoted in NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH 
TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE)


HEADLINES:
==========
NANDO TIMES: SUBJECT: SUU KYI URGES MORE OVERSEAS PRESSURE
NCGUB: STATEMENT TO THE INTERNATIONAL FREE TRADE UNIONS 
NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE
BKK POST: RENEGADE KAREN BLOCK RIVER TO CHARGE FEES 
BKK POST: RANGOON RETICENT ON RED CROSS ACCESS AGREEMENT 
BKK POST: FIGHTING FLARES AS 300 WA JOIN KHUN SA FORCE
NATION: SUU KYI EXTENDS OLIVE BRANCH AS CONVENTION DELAYED
NATION: MAUNG AYE'S STAR RISES OVER BURMA
NATION: LETTER - A SISTER'S APPEAL (FOR YE HTUT)
NATION: LETTER - AMNESTY APPEAL		
----------------------------------------------------------

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NANDO TIMES: SUBJECT: SUU KYI URGES MORE OVERSEAS PRESSURE
Oct 10, 1995 (excepts from <maykha-l@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>)

MANILA - Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has called for further
international pressure on the ruling military government to grant greater
democratic rights to the Burmese people.

In a videotaped message to a human rights conference aired in Manila on
Tuesday, Suu Kyi said foreign governments and non-government organisations
should pressure the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to
respect the will of the people.

"There should be many, many organisations (and) non-government
organisations to offset the authority of the central government," Suu Kyi said.

She said the international community had a major role to play in shaping
the future of the country.

"I would like to thank all the international organisations which have done
what they can to help us achieve what to us is not just a question of political 
rights, but a question of survival and social development," she said.

*****************************

NCGUB: STATEMENT TO THE INTERNATIONAL FREE TRADE UNIONS 
October 6, 1995

------------------------------------------------------------------
National Coalition Government Of The Union of Burma
Office of the Prime Minister
 815 Fifteenth, NW, Suite 910, Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 393 7342  (202) 393 4312,  Fax: (202) 393 7343
------------------------------------------------------------------

The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) was 
formed with representatives elected from the National League for 
Democracy (NLD) and NLD affiliated parties during the free and fair 
elections of 1990. The military-run State Law Order and Restoration 
Council (SLORC), which arranged those elections, refused to honor the 
results and instead imprisoned and persecuted many of our elected 
Members of Parliament and our supporters.  We were therefore forced to 
form the NCGUB in exile and have continued to work with many like-minded 
groups, such as the Federation of the Trade Unions - Burma (FTUB) and 
others, to fight for the restoration of democracy in our homeland.  Led 
by our leader, Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we are confident 
that we will ultimately prevail.

As leaders of a future democratic government in Burma, we are 
continually shocked and outraged by the rampant and widespread human and 
labor rights abuses against individuals from all of Burma's ethnic 
groups. SLORC's widespread use of forced labor on infrastructure 
projects and use of innocent civilians as porters of military supplies 
in war zones, in complete contravention of Burma's treaty commitments as 
a state that has ratified ILO Convention #29, has resulted in the death, 
injury and impoverishment of countless persons.

Under the SLORC, Burma has become one of the most egregious users of 
forced labor in the world, leaving a stain on Burma's international 
reputation. As the leaders of a future democratic government in Burma, 
we pledge to erase that stain and fully comply with requirements of ILO 
Convention #29.  Let me add that we greatly appreciate the hard work of 
the ICFTU/ITSs and the international trade union movement in exposing 
these abuses at the ILO and in other forums and hope it will continue. 

Furthermore, to give the workers of Burma the rights to which they are 
certainly entitled, we wish to inform you that we have made the 
following policy determination as the rightful government of Burma. When 
democracy is restored, it will be the policy of the new democratic 
government to move immediately to ratify and enforce the following key 
ILO Conventions:

(1)No. 87--Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize
(2)	No. 98 --  Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention
(3)	No. 105 -- Abolition of Forced Labor Convention
(4)	No. 135 -- Workers Representatives Convention
(5)	No. 138 -- Minimum Age Convention

Until democratic rule is restored, we will continue to work with the 
Burmese trade union movement and our friends in the international trade 
union movement to educate Burmese workers at home and abroad about these 
important conventions.  We greatly appreciate the support that the 
democratic movement in Burma has received from the ICFTU, the ITSs and 
many national labor federations and we look forward to continuing to 
work with you towards the day when democratic rule is returned to Burma 
and the rights of all the workers in our country are guaranteed.

************************************

NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE
October 10, 1995  Manila, Philippines

B U R M A     &     T H E     F U T U R E
by Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma


STRATEGIES FOR DEMOCRATIC TRADE UNIONS - BURMA

Mr Chairman, distinguished guests, respected delegates, ladies and gentlemen.  Thank 
you for this opportunity to address you at this very important conference. I am confident 
that what will be discussed here will help to lay the foundation for the kind of Burma we 
want in the future.

The venue for this conference is very appropriate, being the home of the people's power 
revolution that shook the confidence of authoritarian governments everywhere.  Since 
then the Philippines has been at the forefront of the fight for democracy in the region 
and in Burma. President Corazon Aquino was the only ASEAN leader to officially speak 
out while still in office on behalf of our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.  The Philippines 
was also the first ASEAN nation to officially welcome the Burmese democratic move- 
ment when I was invited here in July 1994.  For that very significant step, we have to 
thank President Fidel Ramos and the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party headed by 
Norberto Gonzales.  I feel very warmly welcomed here and (with strong supporters like 
Senator Blas Ople present,) I look forward to the discussions we will be having.

But since I am addressing labour leaders who are known more for their action than their 
words, I will try to keep my remarks short and to the point.

First, I have to clarify that the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma 
which I head is a provisional government.  Based on the results of the 1990 general 
elections, we are working on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma 
to end military rule and restore democracy in Burma.  When our job is done, Daw Aung 
San Suu Kyi and the people will decide what kind of future they want for Burma.  
Therefore, what I say today cannot be taken as the final blueprint for Burma.  It is, 
however, a strong indication of the direction in which I and my colleagues would like to 
see Burma take in the future.  It will be the task of organizations like the Federation of 
Trade Unions, Burma, to ensure that what we would like to see happen in the future 
actually takes place.  That is another reason why I am very encouraged by this 
conference and the strong support from the international trade union movement.

Second, I am aware that Burma has unfortunately become the frontline in a global 
battle between those who advocate efficient wealth making at any cost and those who 
advocate capitalism in an open and democratic society.  On one side we have 
authoritarian governments who are aligned with powerful transnational economic actors 
who see democracy as an obstacle to profit-making.  They prefer a controlled 
democracy where the economic actors can make profits efficiently with a minimum of 
fuss.  In turn, the profits are shared with those in government to maintain their power 
and control. On the other side, we have the democratic countries and the dispossessed 
who believe that every individual should be able to have a say in how he wants to live 
and who he wants to rule over him.  Given this new global conflict, we, the Burmese 
people, must carefully choose what we want and make sure we get it.
But before I talk about the future. let us look at some recent events which have a 
direct bearing on our discussions. As you know, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was 
released from house arrest on 10 July. At that time many hoped that her release would 
be followed by a dialogue between her and SLORC which would in turn facilitate the 
process of national reconciliation and a peaceful transition to democracy. Three months 
have passed and no dialogue has been started. The special envoy of the United Nations 
Secretary General, Mr Alvaro de Soto, who went to Burma in August to encourage 
a dialogue, was ignored. Last week, speaking at the UN General Assembly, SLORC's 
Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw. did not even bother to pay lip service to democratization 
and national reconciliation as he has always done in the past. Instead, he spoke about 
SLORC's agenda for a militarized unitary state and its program of national 
reconsolidation. From these indicators, it is clear that the release of Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi was only a tactical move on the part of the generals. After her release earned SLORC 
acceptance into ASEAN and Japan re-initiated aid programs. SLORC has switched back 
to a hard line position. It has no intention of deviating from its plan to establish an 
Indonesia model of government where the military will have a central political role in 
Burma's future. It is not interested in reconciliation or a transition to democracy. 
Therefore, in our discussions, we should not hope for any short cut or quick fix solution to 
the problems we face in Burma. We must be prepared for a long struggle and we must 
be prepared to work hard to put into place all the building blocks necessary to achieve the 
kind of society we want. 
 
What then, is the future society we want? Let us start by looking at what is happening in 
Burma today. Multinational corporations are being invited to exploit Burma's resources. 
These include oil and gas, minerals, timber, and fish. Tourism is being promoted in 
a big way. Industrial Parks and Free Export Zones are on the way  The export of 
labourers is also becoming a big business. What does all this mean for Burma? As 
labour leaders you are all very familiar with what it means but let me list for you some 
of the worse results in Burma. The generals who are also co-owners in many of the 
new ventures are becoming increasingly rich and powerful. Forced labour, child labour, 
unemployment and prostitution are on the rise. Basic commodities such as rice are 
becoming scarce as they are diverted for export.  Farmers are becoming landless as 
farms are confiscated to be transformed into military agro-businesses for export. Worse 
still, the freehold farmer is being forced to become a slave labourer as the need for 
agro-business labourers increases.  In other words, the number of people benefitting 
from the economy is becoming smaller and the gap between the haves and the have nots is 
becoming greater. It means that the generals are in the process of transforming Burma 
into an efficient profit-making machine for global entrepreneurs. If left unhindered, the 
generals and their economic partners could continue ruling Burma for at least the next 
30 years. 
 
If this SLORC-version of a future Burma is not what we want, what can we do about it? 
In the past, the people of Burma have resisted military domination by taking up arms. 
We have been at war with each other for 47 years. The option to change the system 
by force which was questionable at best, is becoming increasingly unviable. SLORC 
has purchased from China alone almost US$2 billion worth of modern arms and it is 
in the process of expanding the armed forces to a full strength of half-a-million men. 
In 1962, 1974 and 1988, the people of Burma tried to change the system through 
demonstrations. These were brutally crushed. In 1990, we tried again to change the 
system through the ballot box. We won 82% of the parliamentary seats but the election 
results were ignored by the military, More recently, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has tried 
to change the system by offering to negotiate. to begin a dialogue with the generals. 
Again, they have fallen on deaf ears. What options do we have left? Although the 
situation looks bleak, it is not hopeless. We can still influence events. This is because, 
while SLORC wants to transform Burma into its own private club, it does not yet have 
the means to do so. In spite of the investments that seem to be pouring in, SLORC 
does not have enough to really make a difference. This is borne out by the most recent 
World Bank and Asian Development Bank Reports. 
 
We must, therefore, concentrate on certain key areas. The armed democracy forces on 
Burma's borders have tried to slow down SLORC's military advances but we have not 
been very successful. Therefore, since 1993, the NCGUB and its allies have embarked 
on a program to rekindle political activity inside Burma through the Democratic Voice 
of Burma Radio and by providing training on democratic principles and non-violent but 
relatively safe ways to defy the military. I believe our program in this area needs to be 
expanded beyond the border areas deeper into Burma. Another way it can be expanded 
is to include in the training, more information about trade unions and the skills required 
to organize one. Our program has reached the major cities in Burma and I would like 
to suggest that you look at how we can step up our program, in your discussions, 
 
Since 1990, my government has been concentrating on denying political legitimacy to 
SLORC in the international arena. We have been quite successful and this has had the 
effect of denying SLORC the foreign aid it needs to really transform Burma's economy. 
This political campaign combined with grassroots activists worldwide have also slowed 
down SLORC campaign to attract foreign investment and tourists. This is another 
major area in which I believe we will need more help. As SLORC gets desperate, it 
will intensify its campaign to gain legitimacy and aid.  We have to be able to not 
only counter their efforts but to take the political initiative. We really appreciate the 
help labour unions have already given to my government, to the National League for 
Democracy in the Liberated Area and to the Federation of Trade Unions, Burma. But 
we are still very short of personnel and resources. I would like to request that in this 
meeting you seriously look at ways how you might be able to help us to continue denying 
SLORC the resources it needs to survive. 
 
Another important point is that if we do not want the kind of Burma SLORC has in mind, 
we will need a very strong trade union movement. Some educated and talented Burmese 
will be seduced by SLORC's authoritarian free market economy and the opportunity to 
become rich but the vast majority of Burmese workers who will not benefit from the 
system will not be co-opted. That is where our strength lies and I believe that is where 
we need to concentrate our attention.  Here I am not only talking about trade unions 
on the borders or in exile. As SLORC opens up more to foreign investments, I believe 
we should ensure that independent trade unions are allowed to be set up. I strongly 
urge that some mechanism be set up not only to coordinate with us and to liaise with 
the business community but also to be a resource centre for Burmese workers in the 
new industries and services being encouraged by SLORC. 
 
Finally, in the short-term, I would like to suggest that the unions consider some type 
of strike action to send a signal to investors who are supporting slave labour in Burma 
that their actions will not be tolerated and to give notice to SLORC that releasing 
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ignoring her is not acceptable. At the very least it should 
officially begin a dialogue with her as a prelude to a transition to democracy. SLORC 
has to learn that it cannot just make deals with investors and governments and ignore 
its workers. 
 
Thank you once again for this opportunity and I look forward to further discussions with 
you.

**************************

BKK POST: RENEGADE KAREN BLOCK RIVER TO CHARGE FEES
October 13, 1995     Mae Hong Son

Renegade Karen Buddhist soldiers have blocked the Salween
River in Sob Moei District to demand fees from boat operators and passengers.

Informed border sources said members of the Democratic Karen Buddhist 
Army are charging 20 baht from each boat and 50 baht from each passenger 
at the checkpoint.

The sources said the DKBA a breakaway group from the Karen
National Union _ resorted to demanding the fees because they were
not allowed to move beyond the Thai-Burmese border by Rangoon
troops. They also face a shortage of supplies.

The DKBA has been assigned to protect Manerplaw camp captured
from the KNU early this year.

Several DKBA members became disillusioned with the Burmese and
defected back to the KNU, said the sources.

The KNU, one of the world's oldest rebel groups, is set to sign a
ceasefire agreement with Burma's generals before taking part in a
national convention, Thai military and Karen sources in Mae Sot said.

The ceasefire was prepared when three delegates from Rangoon led
by former minister of Karen State, Soe Myint, and KNU leaders
including president Gen Bo Mya met on the Thai border on Monday,
a Thai army source said.

"The KNU leaders are set to sign the ceasefire agreement with the
State Law and Order Restoration Council representative in Pa-an
(the Karen State capital) later this month or early November at
the latest," a senior KNU source said.

After the ceasefire agreement the KNU will discuss how it will
take part in the SLORC-organised national convention due to
resume meeting on November 28 to draw up the guidelines of a new
constitution.

Sixteen armed rebel organisations have reached ceasefire
agreements with the SLORC.

In Rangoon, Burma's army chief-of-staff has reiterated military
plans to continue to play a role in the country's political life,
official newspapers reported yesterday.

Lt-Gen Tin Oo, second secretary of the State Law and Order
Restoration Council, made the remarks at a preparatory meeting
where "objectives" for the next Armed Forces Day celebrations
were being laid down.

One objective spelled out by Tin Oo was for the military to modernise so that
 it would be more effective in protecting the "new emerging nation."

"Another objective is to unswervingly accomplish the aim of the military to be 
able to participate in the leadership of the future state," Tin Oo was quoted as saying.

He said the military had overcome both external and internal
machinations and had managed to bring about "national
consolidation" with 15 former anti-government ethnic rebel groups.

"The military will not let the result achieved be lost," he declared.

He repeated allegations that "certain big nations" were meddling
in Burma's internal affairs, saying: "These nations employ all available
 means and resort to guile and wiles ... On the pretext of human rights."

In another development, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, SLORC first secretary,
has called for an elaborate ceremony to commemorate the United
Nations' 50th anniversary.

Burma has regularly observed UN Day on October 24 but plans to do
it "on a grand scale" this year in order to "significantly
express the country's fine tradition of active cooperation with
the organisation," official newspapers quoted Khin Nyunt as saying.

UN rapporteur Yozo Yokota is currently in Burma to collect facts
for an annual human rights report on the country.

On October 10, he met Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Yokota concludes his fact-finding mission on October 17.

Meanwhile, diplomats said that by retaking the helm of the party
she helped found seven years ago, Suu Kyi has given the generals
notice they will have to deal with her eventually.

Suu Kyi has been reappointed secretary-general of the National
League for Democracy. "It's provocative, it raises the political
temperature," one Rangoon-based diplomat said of the move.

Though she has been de facto leader the party stripped her of the
post of secretary-general in March 1991 after it came under
intense pressure from the military. She was expelled from the
party altogether that December.

After she and other leaders lost their posts, the SLORC passed an
edict banning changes to party central executive committees.

"The appointments are against the spirit of the SLORC's
instructions but it remains to be seen what they will do," the
diplomat said. "The NLD is legally allowed to' make the changes
but they have to be approved by the election commissions and they
are unlikely to look very kindly on it," another diplomat said.
"It's a .clever move. I think the SLORC is not going to recognise
her as NLD secretary-general but it remains to be seen how they
ignore that," he said.

The diplomats said that by retaking the leadership, Suu Kyi had
dispelled any doubts about the party's unity and any ambiguity
about the loyalty of NLD members. "The main purpose is to put the
Government on notice that even if it chooses to ignore her calls
for dialogue it will have to deal with her, at least indirectly,
in the national convention," one of the diplomats said.

"They're aware of the importance of showing themselves as a unit,
they needed to formalise the leadership structure,' another
diplomat said. "Now she's not just an ordinary citizen among 45
million people. Now she's the secretary-general of the largest
political party in the country." _ Bangkok Post/Agencies

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: RANGOON RETICENT ON RED CROSS ACCESS AGREEMENT
October 13, 1995

BURMA has remained silent on the signing of a memorandum of
understanding with the International Committee of the Red Cross
to allow the latter free access to political prisoners, a
Bangkok-based ICRC senior official said yesterday.

"The regional delegation in Delhi which is responsible for Burma
is ready and waiting to enter into discussions anytime there are
new developments. But the situation is still the same," said the
acting head of the ICRC Regional Delegation Eric Aellen.

The ICRC decided to close its Rangoon office in July after failing to 
persuade the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council to sign the 
MoU. The draft was originally presented in June 1994 and stipulates that 
Burma agrees to allow the ICRC free access to prisoners.

The MoU contains principles and procedures under the UN
International Humanitarian 1949 Geneva Convention which Burma
acceded to in August 1992. The ICRC plays a role in trying to
make the countries it operates in adhere to the principles of the convention.

"The memorandum of understanding is the legal aspect of the whole
agreement. Without the signing of the MoU, nothing can happen," he said.

Mr Aellen responded to a report that the Burmese government had
made visits conditional on a companion from the government side
being present. He said: "This is not possible because our
criteria for prison visits is that we like to see prisoners of
our choice and without the press or somebody else being present
during the interview. "

He said despite the closure of the Rangoon office, the ICRC
delegation in Delhi has been keeping in regular contact with the
Burmese authorities. But until now there has been no further developments.

There is still one local ICRC liaison officer who is continuing
to look after the orthopedics projects in Rangoon through
cooperating with the Myanmar Red Cross.

Meanwhile, Foreign Ministry Deputy Permanent Secretary Saroj
Chavanaviraj on behalf of the Thai government yesterday donated
$30,000 in humanitarian aid via the ICRC to the government of
Bosnia-Herzegovina, as requested by the latter.

The donation will be used for the hospital in the Bosnian city of
Bihac to stockpile food and bring in essentials like medical
equipment as well as for field operations.

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: FIGHTING FLARES AS 300 WA JOIN KHUN SA FORCE
October 13, 1995                      Mae-ai, Chiang Mai

THE defection of 300 fighters from the Rangoon-backed United Wa
State Army to Khun Sa's camp sparked intense fighting yesterday.
Col Khun Duen, the Mong Tai Army spokesman, said the Wa defectors
were led by Mar La.

"They decided to defect while engaged in an offensive against our
forces," he said. "They sent representatives to say they wanted to join us."

A Thai source reported fierce fighting between Wa and MTA forces
near this border district.

"Fighting erupted after the rains held off since last Monday," he
said. "There have been reports of heavy troop deployments in the
area by both sides over the past few weeks."

Elements of the Naresuan Task Force have been sent to the Ban
Pang Tong Duea and Pang Ton Koh areas near Doi Lang to prevent
any incursions.

*****************************************************************

NATION: SUU KYI EXTENDS OLIVE BRANCH AS CONVENTION DELAYED 
ONCE AGAIN              October 13, 1995   by Aung Zaw

On Oct 5, 1995, the State Law and Order restoration Council
(Slorc) announced it was postponing the national convention,
which was supposed to have resumed in the last week of the month.
The state-owned media said the delay would help ensure the attendance 
of the convention's 700 delegates and that this would prevent any disruption 
in their livelihood and observance of religious holiday.

A Burmese ambassador in Europe told the BBC World Service that
representatives of farmers associations had proposed the delay so
as not to disturb the planting season for a second rice crop.

Some Burmese residents said the reason had more to do with the
total solar eclipse, which will be visible in several parts of
Burma on Oct 24, the day when the national convention was
supposed to resume. Many Asian countries, including Burma,
generally consider the eclipse to be inauspicious.

Burmese and regional analysts, however, suggested that the timing
may have more to do with the coming annual UN resolution on
Burma. Burmese dissidents speculated that this year's resolution
would be more strongly-worded than previous ones. The UN special
human rights investigator is currently in Rangoon and is expected
to meet with top Slorc leaders and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Further, they noted the recent changes at the leading opposition
party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi resumed her position last week
as general secretary of the party two months after being released
from six years of house arrest. Leading dissidents Kyi Maung and
Tin Oo were appointed vice chairmen. Associated Press reported
that the list of central executive committee members was then
submitted to the government's election committee.

The latest moves at the NLD prompt the question as to whether
Slorc will accept the leadership changes. Up until now, current NLD 
chairman U Aung Shwe, a former army officer, has attended the conference.

During the time she was under house arrest, Suu Kyi criticized
the convention, saying it was just a sham but sources said the
NLD was now divided on the merits of the convention.

"While one group has no faith in this process, another group is
willing to give it a try," said one Burmese close to the NLD. As
things stand at the moment, Suu Kyi cannot become a head of state
since the Slorc-run convention guarantees that the armed forces
will play a "leading role" in politics. It has also introduced
measures that would effectively bar Suu Kyi from ever becoming
Burma's prime minister or president because of her marriage to a
foreigner and her life overseas.

Extending the olive branch 

On Oct 4, Suu Kyi went to Karen state and met a famous Sayadaw, U
Wi-Naya, who is better known as Thama-nya Sayadaw because he
lives near Thama-nya mountain. The monk, who is revered by top
government officials and the opposition, came to Mae Sot a few
months ago and hundreds of Burmese went to see him.

Sources in Karen state say the monk supports Suu Kyi and would
like to see reconciliation between the two sides. But
villagers near Thama-nya said the monk welcomes everyone whether
they are from the military, opposition or Karen rebels who are
active in areas close to his monastery.

Sources in Rangoon said Suu Kyi's trip was not solely due to religious 
reasons. Some even speculated she met some high-ranking military officials 
at the Thamanya mountain in preparation for a future dialogue.

Soon after she came back from visiting the monk on Sunday Suu Kyi
held a religious ceremony to mark Buddhist Lent day. Among the
guests invited by Suu Kyi, were former strongman Gen Ne Win, 84,
and current military leaders, although they failed to show up.

Student sources in Rangoon said the military informed them that
it was "too early" to attend such a ceremony.

"We created a peaceful atmosphere so that if they want the can
come and sit and talk," said one student. "If they truly believe
in national reconciliation they will have to come one day.

Among the guests at the party was Bohme Aung, one of the famed
Thirty Comrades and a close friend of independence hero Aung San.
It was also revealed that Suu Kyi recently went to pay respects
to a former politician who was close to her father, Gen Aung San,
the founder of the Burmese Army. The former politician- suggested
that she see Ne Win and pay her respects. Many still believe that
one of the reasons why Suu Kyi was arrested was because she vehemently 
attacked and criticized Gen Ne Win, officially retired in July 1988.

"This is the Burmese way to pay respect," said a Burmese in
Rangoon. He said people outside Burma should not expect a formal
dialogue between Suu Kyi and current military leaders. But he
quickly added that at a religious ceremony or reception, the two
sides can meet and talk informally. "Then if the two think they
can go a step further, they should begin proper political dialogue," he said.

Rangoon residents also speculated that Suu Kyi made an
appointment with Ne Win, widely believed to still wield the power
behind the throne. If it is so, the question is will Gen Ne Win
forgive and reconcile with Suu Kyi, the daughter of Gen Aung San
who happened to be one of his former colleagues.

*****************************************************************

NATION: MAUNG AYE'S STAR RISES OVER BURMA
October 13, 1995 by Aung Zaw

As generals line up to succeed Than Shwe, speculation is focusing
on the No. 2 spot in Slorc. Aung Zaw writes.

Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary No.1 of the ruling State Law and
Order Restoration Council has long been considered Burma's most
powerful military officer.

After a meeting with him last year, US Congressman Bill
Richardson declared, "I think the future of Burma will be
determined by two people: Khin Nyunt and [opposition leader] Aung
San Suu Kyi."

More recently, however, there has been a growing belief among
Burma watchers that the military chief, often portrayed as former
strongman Ne Win's protégé, is losing his grip on power. His
rivals, including senior army officers, are said to be gaining
more control through the build-up of personal power bases. Khin
Nyunt, they argue, is lagging far behind.

Asiaweek magazine reported in a recent issue that "a military
shake-up over the past months, indicates the influence of Lt Gen
Khin Nyunt is crumbling. The much-feared intelligence chief and
military junta member is said to have opposed the granting of
freedom to Suu Kyi. Now, four of his key supporters, including
the heads of the air force and the navy, have lost their posts."

The magazine quoted unnamed sources attributing the changes to
Gen Maung Aye, "a well-respected and professional soldier".

"The generals' new, less-hard-line view has made a political
settlement between the army, activists and ethnic rebels a more
realistic proposition," the magazine said.

While reports about maneuverings within the close-ranked Tatmadaw
are often highly speculative one thing is definite _ Slorc
chairman Senior Gen Than Shwe is due to retire in the near
future. Some Rangoon residents have suggested as soon as the end
of this year. His deputy, vice chairman of Slorc and Defence
Service deputy commander Gen Maung Aye, is expected to take over.

The question, however, is who will become vice-chairman of Slorc?
Will it be Lt Gen Khin Nyunt or Lt Gen Tin Oo, Secretary Two of
Slorc, chief of staff and Special Operations No I commander. It
is widely believed that the two do not see eye to eye.

In contrast to Asiaweek's report, a Thailand-based military
analyst said Lt Gen Khin Nyunt's position was secure.

"Only a general who is from the light infantry would be given the
top position," he said. "The military leaders always consider
seniority," he added. He declined to speculate on who would be
given the position of vice chairman, but he said Lt Gen Kyaw Ba,
Lt Gen Htun Kyi, Lt Gen Myint Aung, who were believed to be Khin
Nyunt's rivals, were out of the running as they are already SLORC ministers.

The analyst, however, said it could not be assumed that Khin
Nyunt will take over the position of Slorc chairman and army
commander in chief. He noted that Burma's previous intelligence
chiefs had never been given this position. But he cautioned that
Slorc has survived primarily because of military intelligence.
Khin Nyunt, therefore, is valuable to Slorc.

He recalled the time when Slorc chairman Gen Saw Maung was
unexpectedly retired in 1992. For more than a year the positions
of vice-chairman and army commander were left vacant until Maung
Aye took over. "This could be repeated," he said.

The military analyst, who is a retired army officer, said other
army officers promoted in the recent reshuffle should not be
underestimated. In June, the ruling junta undertook a major
reshuffle within the military and government, with some regional
commanders being given ministerial positions.

Brig Gen Khin Maung Than, who was recently appointed Rangoon
division commander, Adjutant Gen Maj Gen Win Myint, Maj Gen Ket
Sein (Southeast command head), and Brig-Gen Sein Htwar (inspector
general) are all candidates for army commander and higher
positions, he said. He added that a regional commander might be
promoted to Slorc vice chairman. Maung Aye, who was the Eastern
regional commander before his special promotion, is from the
Defence Services Academy's Batch 1.

Nevertheless, if Slorc chooses either Tin Oo or Khin Nyunt,
seniority will play an important part in the decision. There is
also the matter of who commands more respect in the Tatmadaw.

Recent reports from Burma indicate that Maung Aye has been going
around several regions and conducting inspections of many
government projects. He has also been reported to have received
diplomats and state officials. All these have been interpreted as
part of preparations for him to assume the top post. Secretary Two Tin 
Oo has also been seen as having accompanied him most of the time.

A former associate of Maung Aye, now based in Thailand, recalls:
"During our school days at DSA [Defence Services Academy], he
[Gen Maung Aye] was not an outstanding student. He was quiet and
not ambitious."

In another recent event being taken as a sign of his growing
influence, Maung Aye issued a warning to soldiers and the public
last week saying that letters urging soldiers to join democracy
forces are being sent to army officers. He said the letter
campaign is part of the Burmese communist party's methods. He
stressed that some destructive elements in the country wanted to
create chaos and disturbances in order to have a repetition of the 1988 event.

A diplomat in Rangoon commented that based on the tone of Maung
Aye's speech, it indicated that the letter campaign has succeeded. 
Sources said activists and  underground student groups have been  
writing letters to army officers to join the democratic forces. 
"They [military] have very different views on Suu Kyi," he noted.

Should Khin Nyunt, now 54, be given the position of
vice-chairman, it will clearly indicate that he will have a
chance of becoming Slorc head in the future. If that happens,
then Richardson's prediction will have been fulfilled.

Still, there are some obstacles. It has been suggested that Gen
Ne Win does not control Slorc anymore and that Khin Nyunt's links
with the former national leader will count against him. More
importantly, Khin Nyunt lacks support from the army. Some Slorc
watchers said Khin Nyunt cannot become the army commander because
his power base is limited to the intelligence services.

*****************************************************************

NATION: LETTER - A SISTER'S APPEAL (FOR YE HTUT)
October 13, 1995

I am writing to you concerning the arrest of my brother, Ye Htut
of Rangoon, by Burma's Slorc, or "Na Wa Ta". It is true that
there has been some correspondence every two or three months
between us since I fled Burma in September 1988 after Gen Saw
Maung's coup. I value very much the letters from my family,
relatives and loved ones.

At my insistence, my brother sent me copies of monthly Burmese
magazines such as Ma Hay Thi, Si Pwar Ye, Dana, Ah Pyo Ma and
other publications in Burma screened by the Press Scrutiny Board
(Sar Pe Si Sit Ye), an agency manned by Military Intelligence officers.

Ma Hay Thi is published by an ex-Burmese army major turned
publisher and is purely non-political. Si Pwar Ye and Dana are
business magazines published by pro-military lackeys, who took
advantage of their closeness with the junta by indirectly
supporting the forced development of Burma that has only served
to line the pockets of those in power. Ah Pyo Ma (Belle) is
basically a women's magazine.

Our letters focus only on family matters and we never discuss the
situation in Rangoon. They don't have to _ the BBC and the
Internet do it for me.

Two years ago while I was still with the Burma Information Group
(BIG), I asked Ye Htut to enclose some clippings from Burma's
only newspapers,-namely, the New Light of Myanmar and the Mirror.
To make it legal, I asked him to use the government postal
service. BIG had been trying to subscribe to the New Light of
Myanmar, but they never received any reply. What Ye Htut has been
doing is legal under Slorc's laws.

I heard that my brother was forced to confess his guilt. How can
sending letters to a sister be considered a crime? I have
encountered nightmares that Slorc soldiers are torturing my brother.

All I can say is that here in Canada, half a world away from
home, I feel that I am still persecuted by Slorc.

Win Win Htay 
Ottawa, Canada

***************************

NATION: LETTER - AMNESTY APPEAL
October 13, 1995

While we welcome the release of over 2,000 political prisoners in
Burma since April 1992 and the recent release of 1991 Nobel peace
prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we are appealing on behalf of
Hlaing Moe Than, a student who was arrested in December 1991.

He was one of about 900 students arrested during or after
demonstrations at Rangoon and Mandalay universities when they
were calling for the release of all political prisoners detained in Burma.

He was sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment in 1992 and was
detained in the Thi Thant section of Insein prison. In January
1993, the sentences of those serving more than 10 years were
reduced to 10 years. On June 24, 1994, Hlaing Moe Than was one of
30 political prisoners moved to either Myingyan prison in Magway
division or Taugoo prison in Bago division.

Amnesty International is concerned that he may be a prisoner of
conscience, solely imprisoned because of his non-violent
political beliefs. We urge his immediate and unconditional release.

G Voorham
The Netherlands

***************************