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Columbia Students' Action day
- Subject: Columbia Students' Action day
- From: ncgub@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Sun, 29 Oct 1995 16:39:00
INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS ACTION DAY ON
BURMA,
ROUND TABLE MEETING, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
27TH OCTOBER , 1995.
Presentation made by Dr. Thaung Htun, Central
Executive Committe Member of
the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF)
Dear Friends,
It is a great pleasure for me to talk to you
about the situation in Burma and why US
investments should be withdrawn on this day of
International Students Action for Burma. I am so
encouraged to know that more than 50 Universities
around the United States have organized similar
meetings on this day. It is the university campus
activism that led to US Economic Sanction against
the apartheid regime in South Africa. It is the
economic sanction that led to the apartheid
regime having dialogue with Nelson Mandela.
Today South African people can enjoy peace and
freedom in a non-racial, democratic society. It
is a victory for international solidarity. It is
the victory of human beings that admire peace and
freedom. Today, the US Administration's policy on
Burma is, as yet, not clear cut. Regarding
investment, the Administration said it would not
encourage or discourage investment. In reality,
the commerce section of the US Embassy in Rangoon
has been providing information to US businessmen
in regard to business potential in Burma and US
investment has been increasing. This is propping
up the Burmese military regime. The US has
consistently been among Burma's SLORC regime's
top five foreign investors during the last few
years. The activity we are undertaking today is
the starting point and I believe that it will
create the momentum capable of changing the
present US policy on Burma.
Why should we impose sanction on Burma ? Let me
explain to you the situation in Burma briefly.
After the Nobel Peace Laureate and leader of the
democracy movement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was
released from house arrest, the international
community looked at the situation with the hope
that it might lead to democratic change. As soon
as she was released, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called
for dialogue to resolve the political and
economic crises in Burma. However, the regime has
yet to respond to her offer. We were very
disappointed to hear last Tuesday that SLORC's
Election Commission has declared illegal the
reinstatement of Daw San Suu Kyi as the
Secretary-General and U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung as
Vice-Chairmen of the NLD. It is an obvious
attempt by the SLORC to interfere with the
internal affairs of the NLD and we cannot accept
it. It is the first signal of a confrontational
stance chosen by the SLORC in response to the
offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for national
reconciliation.
When we look at the human rights situation, we
can see that it is actually getting worse. There
are still one thousand political prisoners
including 16 elected MPs. Political prisoners are
subjected to various forms of torture such as
beating, electric shock, half drowning, solitary
confinement, sleep deprivation and other forms of
inhumane and degrading punishment. Prison
conditions are terrible. Prison Cells are crowded
and enough food and medical care are not
provided. The recent report of Amnesty
International exposed cases of death in prisons
because of torture, disease and malnutrition. In
order to cover up the atrocities SLORC denied
access to the International Committee of Red
Cross (ICRC). Finally, ICRC decided to close its
office in Burma in stating that they could not
work with the SLORC.
The worst abuse is the establishment of Labor
Camps where prisoners are forced to work on the
construction of roads, railway lines and bridges.
Hundreds of prisoners are dying because of
exhaustion, accidents on work sites, malnutrition
and diseases such as malaria and dysentery.
At this point, I would like to make a request to
you. Min Ko Naing, Chairman of the All Burma
Federation of Students' Union (ABSFU), outlawed
by the regime after the coup in 1988, was
arrested in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years
imprisonment for his non-violent political
activities. According to the information of UN
Human Rights Special Rapporteur, Yozo Yokota, he
is in bad Psychological condition because of
torture and long solitary confinement. He should
not be forgotten. We request that you launch a
campaign urgently for the release of Min Ko
Naing.
Fundamental freedom of people such as freedom of
expression, freedom of association and freedom of
assembly are severely restricted by unjust laws
and orders. SLORC's order 2/88 that prohibits the
gathering of more than 5 persons still exists.
Seven students including three female students
were arrested and sentenced for seven years
imprisonment just because of singing a popular
democratic song Ka-ba-ma-kyae-bu ('the world
won't not forgive') at the funeral procession of
U Nu, first Prime Minister of Independent Burma
on February, 20. That is just one example of the
regime's intolerance to any kind of dissent and
it's readiness to crush by any means.
All media, television, newspapers are totally
controlled by SLORC. Today, Burmese people have
to rely on Foreign radio services such as Voice
of America (VOA), British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC) and Democratic Voice of Burma
(DVB), which is run by the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma from Oslo
(Norway), for uncensored news. After 1988, the
military expanded its intelligence apparatus to
ensure thorough monitoring of the political
situation and any political activities. Criticism
of the SLORC or Tatmadaw (Burmese Army) is
regarded as crime and leads to harsh punishment.
In such conditions, 44 million people of Burma
have to live. They live in a constant state of
terror.
Intellectuals and students are mostly suppressed
and restrictions are imposed on academic freedom.
Whenever a political movement led by students
arises in university campuses, the military
responds with brute force, killing, arresting,
torturing and closing down universities for
unlimited periods.
After the 1988 massacre, thousands of students
and intellectuals ended up in prisons or in
exile. Thousands of students were dismissed from
their institutes of learning while thousands of
teaching staff were dismissed from their jobs for
their involvement in the democracy movement.
When universities were reopened in 1991, teachers
and professors were made to wear military
uniforms and to take refresher courses. SLORC
policies, security measures and surveillance
methods to control possible student activities,
were taught to the teachers. Universities in
Burma today resemble concentration camps with
military informers watching day to day
activities.
Students' unions and educational workers' unions
which re-emerged on the eve of the pro-democracy
movement in the summer of 1988 have been outlawed
since the military coup of that same year.
Since 1988, there has been an exodus of qualified
teachers, and the educational standard in
universities has declined noticeably. The
situation has been made worse by the
establishment of new regional colleges and the
introduction of a "long-distance learning system"
for higher education designed to avoid the
concentration of students in major cities.
The departure for foreign countries of other
professionals, such as doctors, engineers and
economists is also depleting human resources.
Restrictions on the freedom of academic
expression; freedom of association of
professional organizations; and the lack of
research facilities and seminars, exchange
programs, further studies, and free access to
information on advanced technology have also
hindered the emergence of a new generation of
intellectuals.
Another cause of human rights violations is the
regime's discrimination against ethnic
minorities. SLORC is pursuing a policy of armed
confrontation against ethnic minorities. In the
course of the military campaign against ethnic
resistance groups demanding equality and autonomy
within the Federal Union, the Tatmadaw commits
various forms of human rights violations.
Arbitrary arrests, summary executions, torture,
rape, forced porterage for the military and
forced reallocations. These violations are well
known to and recorded by Human Rights watch and
UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur.
In order to resolve the present political and
economic crises in Burma, we believe that the
best means is substantive political dialogue
between democratic forces, led by Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, ethic leaders and SLORC. This is where
the role of the international community becomes
critical if it is serious about bringing about
genuine changes and improvements in Burma. It
needs to be realised that SLORC will not enter
into a dialogue unless the cost of not doing so
increases significantly. How can we increase the
cost for SLORC of not entering into such
dialogue? Obviously, economic sanction.
Whenever we raise the issue of economic
sanctions, the counter argument from some
political circles is that unilateral sanctions by
the United States won't work without cooperation
from other countries. I would like to say that
this idea is wrong. Why ? US investment in Burma
is a substantial amount. US Oil Company, UNOCAL,
invested in a natural gas pipe line project which
is the SLORC's largest current and potential
income generating scheme. Other US Oil & Gas
Companies, TEXACO and ARCO, are also huge
investors, having paid millions of dollars to the
SLORC.
The SLORC has great hopes for investment projects
and "Visit Myanmar Year 1996", however, little
has come of it. SLORC remains deeply in debt
with low currency reserves and high inflation.
They are, however, convinced that they will get a
steady income, US, $400 million a year, if the
gas pipeline is finished in 1998 as scheduled. US
sanctions would end these investments and it
would probably not be worthwhile for other oil
companies such as France's Total, Britain's
Premier and Japan's Nippon Oil to continue their
Burmese oil & gas investment without US
companies. Hence, US unilateral sanctions
would be an effective tool that can have an
impact on the SLORC.
The other argument used by many who oppose
sanctions is that "sanctions might hurt the
general public". In the case of Burma, it is
wrong. Income from US investment (Oil & Gas
companies) usually goes directly to the SLORC or
to various cronies of the military regime for
example; Pepsico and Garment Manufacturing. As
foreign investment increases the military elite
and their cronies get richer and richer while
ordinary people get poorer and poorer, further,
the instance of slavery and porterage has
increased dramatically. US Companies have
employed few people in Burma and those employees
usually must have the approval of the regime.
The majority of the population cannot enjoy those
job opportunities. The cancellation of US imports
to Burma through sanctions would have little
impact on Burmese consumers as consumer goods are
largely imported to Burma through neighbours on
an informal basis. Most people in Burma are
living in a subsistence agricultural economy, and
are not now using American goods.
In conclusion, we need your support in order to
achieve that goal of "Economic Sanction" against
Burmese Military Regime. On behalf of students
and people of Burma, I would like to request that
you extend your solidarity by:
Writing letters to President Bill Clinton to
impose sanction on Burma,
Writing letters to Congressmen in your
constituency to support the bill of "Free
Burma Act" initiated by Senator Mitch
McConnell,
Writing letters to Chairman of Senate/House
Foreign Affairs Committee to support above
mentioned Bill,
Writing letters to CEO of companies investing
in Burma requesting that they withdraw their
investment and
Writing letters to New York City Council
members to support the "Selective Purchasing
Law" which would place a boycott products of
companies doing investment in Burma.
There is a Burmese Proverb "tayout-arr-nae-you-
thaw-maya, ta-thaung-arr-nae-you-thaw-ya-ee" (If
the power of one fails, achieve it by the power
of ten thousand).I hope that all of you will
agree to join in that ten thousands.
Thank you.