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BurmaNet November 7, 1995
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The BurmaNet News: November 7, 1995
Issue #272
Noted in Passing:
I would think that if Slorc falls, any company which has made a
contract with it should be aware that the democratic government
is not obliged to follow that contract. - US Congressman Dana
Rohrabacher (quoted in: BKK POST: 'HUMAN RIGHTS AND
DEMOCRACY FIRST': INTERVIEW)
HEADLINES:
==========
INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: DR. SEGAL & SLORC'S MYANMAR
S.H.A.N : THAIS DISMISS NARESUAN FROM SERVICE
NATION: KAREN REBELS URGE UNITED STAND IN TALKS WITH SLORC
BKK POST: KARENS PLAN PEACE TALKS WITH RANGOON JUNTA
NATION: BURMA ENACTS NEW LAW TO REGULATE GEMS TRADE
NATION: ANOTHER BLOW TO BURMESE HOPES
BKK POST: SIRI PLANS TO HOLD BORDER DISCUSSIONS IN RANGOON
BKK POST: SLORC SHOULD RETHINK PROPOSED CHARTER
BKK POST: 'HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY FIRST'
NATION: SINGAPORE TRADE MISSION FOR BURMA
BKK POST: TRADERS THREATEN PROTESTS AGAINST MOEI DREDGING
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***********************
INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: DR. SEGAL & SLORC'S MYANMAR
AND STRIDER'S POSTING
November 5, 1995
As a journalist, I agree with Strider. There is a major story here: Ms
Segal has swindled money from Peregrine and the Slorc, or both. Her
cerdibility as a "letter writer" on any subject, or as a witness in
Congress, is zero. What we need to know is why Peregrine fired her, and I
do believe that Peregrine owes the press this information. Over the past
years, there have been numerous rumours about Ms Segal and her
involvement in Burma, which do not seem to be confined to shrimps. In a
printed handout (of which I have got a copy) she states that Peregrine
Myanmar (when she was the person in charge in Rangoon) had unique access
to the army's pension funds. These "funds", as we all know, is a
euphemism for laundered drug money. What does Peregrine have to say about
this? We in the media are waiting for an answer, not just an apology.
In their own interest, Peregrine should respond to this, rather than have
to appear in court in Hongkong, where I believe they are registered.
Sincerely,
Bertil Lintner
Bangkok
********************************
S.H.A.N : THAIS DISMISS NARESUAN FROM SERVICE
3 November 1995
The Royal Thai Army is reported to have disbanded the Naresuan Force that had
been overseeing the border security with Burma, raising fears among the Shan
Resistance that the Thais may finally succumb to Rangoon's wishes.
Naresuan is the name of the Thai King who flourished in the late 16th century.
Taken hostage by King Bayinnaung of Pegu as a boy, he grew up in the Burmese
court. After Bayinnaung's death, he revolted and freed Siam from Burmese
domination. The date - 25 January 1593 - of his successful duel with the Burmese
crowned prince, whom he killed with his sword, is celebrated today as Thai Armed
Forces Day.
In 1600, he supported the Shan prince Khamkainoi's struggle for independence from
Burma. Being attacked by the Burmese again in 1605, Khamkainoi called for
assistance from Naresuan, who promptly led a Legion into the Shan State.
Unhappily for both the Thais and the Shans, he caught a fever and died in
Mongharn, a Shan village in today's Mongton Township, opposite Chiangmai
Province of Thailand. A Stupa was built in his memory there, His death left the
Shans under Burmese power until 1882, when Shans united to overthrow the
Burmese yoke. As a result, Shans were free from Burma for 66 years until 1948,
when they decided to join hands together to form a union.
In 1960, after reports abounded about Naresuan's spirit protecting the Shan
Resistance, the stupa was demolished by the Burmese. Fragments of the bricks
from the stupa were brought to the Thai town of Muang-ngai in Chiangmai Province
by the aggrieved members of the members of the Resistance and were received by
His Majesty the King and the then Governor of Chiangmai, Nirandorn Chaiyanarm in
a ceremony on 25 January 1965. A new stupa was finished on 19 September 1970.
The late Shan leader, Gen Kornzarng, often visited the place during his trips to
Thailand. The border security henceforth, the reports says, shall be directly
relegated to the 4th Infantry Division of the Third Regional Army.
***********************************
NATION: KAREN REBELS URGE UNITED STAND IN TALKS WITH SLORC
November 5, 1995 Reuter
Burma's Karen rebels, who have been battling the central
government for autonomy for generations, called for unity among
the Karen people while they negotiate with Rangoon to end their war.
The Karen National Union (KNU), said in a statement the
opportunity for peace could be wasted if unity were lost. "This
is the most important time for the KNU as we negotiate with the
Slorc," the statement said.
The guerrillas have met representatives of the ruling State Law
and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) several times this year,
and another round of talks is due this month in the southeastern
Burmese town of Pa-an, guerrilla sources said.
"We must be careful as we present our opinions to the Slorc and
we appeal to all Karen people to remain united and not be misled. If we
are not united we will surely lose this opportunity," the statement said.
The statement, published on Friday, was distributed among the
70,000 Karen refugees living in camps along the Thai side of the
Thai-Burmese frontier as well as inside Burma, a guerrilla source said.
A serious split developed in the KNU late last year when several
hundred Buddhist fighters mutinied against their mostly-
Christian leaders and joined forces with the government army.
The mutineers then assisted government forces in a successful
assault on the KNU's headquarters at Manerplaw in southeastern
Burma on the border with Thailand. (TN)
***************
BKK POST: KARENS PLAN PEACE TALKS WITH RANGOON JUNTA
November 11, 1995
THE Karen National Union is ready to send a delegation to Rangoon
for peace talks with the State Law and Order Restoration Council
this month a Thai security officer in Mae Sot District of Tak said yesterday.
The source, who wished to remain anonymous, said KNU president
Gen Bo Mya wanted peace to be restored in Burma.
Meanwhile, the KNU distributed leaflets to Karen people in
refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border stating their
position and framework for the negotiations.
According to the leaflets, the KNU said it encouraged Karen
people to give their opinions about the talks.
Recently, a Rangoon delegation met KNU representatives at the
Thai-Burmese border for preparatory talks.
Peace talks were previously held between the two warring sides in
1949, 1960 and 1963 but all ended in failure.
*****************************************
THE NATION: BURMA ENACTS NEW LAW TO REGULATE GEMS TRADE
November 5, 1995
The Burmese junta has enacted a new law to regulate the trade
and export of precious stones. The "Myanmar [Burmese] Gemstone
Law", introduced and signed by Mines Minister Lt Gen Kyaw Min,
requires all gem traders to register before Nov 15 for tax exemption.
Those who fail to do so face prosecution. It is viewed as an
amnesty to those who illegally possess precious gems, as many of
the stones have been smuggled out through the border for sale overseas.
The new legislation also identified areas which will be granted
for concession and the qualifications needed by private sector
investors. It also stipulated the establishment of a state organ
to assess and evaluate gems. (TN)
***************
THE NATION: ANOTHER BLOW TO BURMESE HOPES
November 5, 1995
By Mya Maung, who is a Professor of Finance, School of Management,
Boston College.
The latest illegal action of the Burmese generals to destroy the
democracy movement was the denial by the Election Commission to
reinstate Burma's focal point of democracy, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, as the General Secretary of her party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD) that won the 1990 multiparty election by a landslide.
To begin with, the expelling of Daw Suu Kyi from the roster of
NLD's executives was made arbitrarily by the Election Commission
back in 1990 after the arbitrary incarceration of the young woman in
1989. The Election Commission itself is an illegal institution created
by the Burmese generals to impose their will on the people of Burma.
There is no rule of law in Myanmar (the new name of Burma chosen
by the illegitimate government) under the governance of the
State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) that has been
ruling against wish of the Burmese people by not honouring the
result 1990 multiparty democratic elections.
In order to understand this latest illegal action of not allowing Daw
Suu Kyi to claim her rightful position of the General Secretary of
NLD, one must understand the nature and functioning of both the
domestic and international politics of Burma during the past five years.
Domestically, the Slorc made up of 21 Burmese generals has
virtually decimated the NLD and its headquarters in central Burma by
passing arbitrary orders and laws, arresting and sentencing to jail terms
the leaders, elected candidates, and hundreds of NLD members.
Meanwhile, using its superior military power and armed forces
equipped with modern weapons bought mostly from China, the main
ethnic minority rebel groups, the Kachins, Karens and Mons, have
been subdued and forced into entering "bilateral" ceasefire agreements.
Internationally, the most important factor that has helped the
junta to legitimize its rule has been the willingness of nations
from around the world to invest, trade, and establish economic
ties with Burma.
Not only trade delegations from around the world but also high-
ranking government officials, including Chinese Prime Minister
Li Peng and Foreign Minister Qian Qichen, Thai Foreign Minister
Prasong Soonsiri, Singapore's Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong,
Vietnam's Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet and the UN officials and
the US diplomats and representatives, have paid official visits
to Burma between 1993 and 1995.
At the invitation of the ASEAN, Burma accepted and attended as a
guest at the ministerial meeting in July 1994 and in July 1995
hosted by Thailand and Brunei respectively. The ASEAN also
extended the invitation to Burma to attend the forth coming
Summit Meeting to highlight the de facto recognition of Slorc as
the legitimate government of Burma.
On July 10, 1995, having established the so-called national
peace by intimidation and military force, the junta surprisingly
released Burma's most famous prisoner of conscience, the 1991
Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest
along with the two ex-chairmen of NLD, U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung.
Her release was surprising for several reasons. In January 1995,
the junta bluntly stated that she would not be released.
The despite the UN and Western condemnation of her arbitrary
incarceration and other human rights violations by the Slorc,
diplomatic and trade delegations of nations from around the world
have been establishing economic ties and investment projects in Burma.
The only thorn left on the side of the Burmese generals for
gaining legitimacy was the incarceration of the 1991 Nobel Peace
Laureate. Releasing her releases whatever international pressure [there
was] against the regime.
After the release, the ASEAN welcomed with open arms Burma's
accession to the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation as a first
step toward becoming a full-blown member of the ASEAN. Japan,
the historical creditor and aid donor of Burma, has also shown
eagerness of resuming official aid to Myanmar based upon this action.
It seems apparent that the ulterior motive of the Burmese junta
in releasing the prisoners is to improve its international image
to attract more foreign direct investments and recapture the
suspended bilateral and multilateral aid since 1988 from the
West, Japan, and International Organizations such as the Asian
Development Bank, the World Bank, and the IF.
As Daw Suu Kyi aptly remarked after her release with respect to
human rights conditions and democratization in Myanmar: "I have
been released, that's all. Nothing else has changed under military rule."
Apparently, the US Senator McConnell and a few of his colleagues
have heeded the statement made by the freed prisoner when he
proposed his bill of economic sanctions against Myanmar as an
Amendment No 2744 (Free Burma Act) to the Senate's 1996 Foreign
Operations Appropriations Act, 1996.
It was temporarily approved by the US Senate on September 21,
1995. But it immediately ran into trouble as the main opponent
to the bill, Senator John McCain protested for a lack of debate
and considerations of its impact on the most-favoured nation
status of China, Thailand, and other ASEAN countries, causing
McConnell to withdraw his bill.
The familiar US foreign policy of not imposing sanctions against
a ruthless regime unless there is international support
triumphed as McConnell's bill to free Burma was thrown out by
the Senators and the spokesmen of the Clinton Administration,
including Winston Lord and Kent Wiedmann, who opposed economic
sanctions against Burma as "counterproductive."
Against this background, the highly confident and defiant
Burmese military regime bluntly stated through its ambassador to
Thailand that it saw no need to engage in any dialogue with Daw
Suu Kyi on political reforms.
The justification for this position was made in light of its
success in holding the National Convention to draw up the catch-
22 constitution that guarantees "a leading role for the Burmese
army in the future politics and government of Myanmar."
The US foreign policy of engaging with the Slorc is also greatly
influenced by its concern over the steadily increasing export of
heroin of some 200 tons a year to the outside world and sixty
per cent of which has been reported to find its way to the
United States from the Golden Triangle of Burma.
Since 1994, the Burmese junta has been successful in using its
highly publicized opium eradication programmes and military
campaign against the Mong Tai Army of the infamous drug warlord,
Khun Sa, to receive technical cooperation from the Drug
Enforcement Agency (DEA) of the US government and financial
support from the UN drug agencies.
Thus, the painful and protracted political impasse on
democratization of Burma and the military stranglehold on power
will continue with no immediate prospect for the imposition of
economic sanctions against Myanmar by the United States or any
other nations.
However, despite the SLORC's claim of phenomenal economic growth
and rise in foreign direct investments, the economic plight of
ordinary people has been continuing with no end in sight. Prices of basic
necessities have been rising at a rate of three to four times higher than
the grossly underestimated government report of only 30 per cent.
The Burmese economy has been under siege by black marketeering
and shortages of basic necessities, including the main Burmese
staple, rice, as well as cooking fuel, water supply and energy.
In its August 1995 issue, the private Burmese economic journal,
Myana Dana, reported that the price of top quality rice, Pawsun
Mhway, rose above Kt 100 per pyi and the price of the lowest
quality rice, Nga Sein, climbed to Kt80 per pyi.
However, in November 1995, the prices of these two quality rice
dropped back down to Kt90 and Kt50 per pyi that are still far
above their 1994 average prices to indicate a continuing
worsening of living conditions for ordinary people.
The shortage of rice for domestic consumption has been
occurring, despite the government report of phenomenal increase
in the paddy and rice output and a forecast of 1 to 1.5 million
tonnes of rice export to the drought-affected Indonesia in the
forthcoming year of 1995/96.
The main cause of rice shortage for domestic consumption and
escalating price has been the highly inefficient system of
procurement of paddy and distribution of rice riddled with
corruption and black marketeering. Notice also that rice export
is monopolized by the state to earn foreign exchange.
>From all indications, the generals are not likely to concede to
her political leadership nor are they willing to transfer power
to the legitimate winners of the 1990 elections, the NLD candidates.
In the 1990 elections, the junta had already cleverly passed an
arbitrary law by stipulating that those who enjoy the privilege
from a foreign government will be allowed to be a political
leader, directing at Suu Kyi's marriage to an Englishman,
Michael Aris.
Thus, the domestic political impasse on democratization and
marginalization of the most dangerous political foe to the
Burmese junta will continue to succeed in deterring any serious
international sanctions as human rights violations have taken a
second seat to commercial interests of Asian and Western
countries in dealing with Burma.
Future political turmoil, repression, and devastation are not
completely out of the question in a land where there is no rule
of law and no real economic growth for the people who live in
terror and fear under the rule of the guns. (TN)
***************
BKK POST: SIRI PLANS TO HOLD BORDER DISCUSSIONS IN RANGOON
November 5, 1995
Former Third Army commander Gen Siri Thiwaphan plans to discuss
with senior Burmese military officials three main issues which
have strained relations between the two countries during a visit
to Rangoon over the next three days.
The topics expected to be discussed are the opening of Thai-
Burmese border checkpoints, the construction of the Thai-Burmese
Friendship Bridge over the Moei River and the row over the
murder of Burmese fishermen in Ranong.
The discussions are aimed at paving the way for an official
visit to Rangoon by Foreign Minister Kasem S. Kasemsri next
weekend. Gen Siri, as chairman of the advisory board to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, flies out today to lead the
ministry's first delegation to Rangoon under the current government.
The 20-member delegation includes officials and businessmen and
will participate in a religious ceremony in Nakalaiku temple.
Thai and Burmese businessmen will meet tomorrow and on Tuesday
Gen Siri is expected to pay a courtesy call on top officials of
the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc).
They are SLORC's chairman Senior Gen Than Shwe, vice chairman
Gen Maung Aye and the First Secretary-General and Military
Intelligence chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt. Gen Siri said: "I am going
to sound out their views and exchange understanding, not to make
any agreement."
And he expressed confidence that meeting with his old friends
Gen Maung Aye and Lt Gen Khin Nyunt will help smooth the talks.
The results of the meeting will be reported to M.R. Kasem who is
due to visit Burma on November 12-13, he said.
Gen Siri and Gen Maung Aye worked closely together when the
former was the Third Army commander and the latter Eastern Army
commander in 1989-91. Burma closed its border with Thailand at
Tak and Chiang Rai provinces in March alleging Thai support for
ethnic rebels, while the Ranong border checkpoint was closed
after the murder of at least five Burmese fishermen allegedly by
Thai colleagues.
The construction of the bridge over the Moei River was also
suspended in June for what Rangoon saw as Thailand's land
encroachment onto a small island in the middle of the river. (BP)
***************
BKK POST: SLORC SHOULD RETHINK PROPOSED CHARTER
November 5, 1995 By U Thaung
At the United Nations recently, Burma's Foreign Minister U Ohn
Gyaw remarked: "A national convention has been convened to draft
a new constitution which would be in harmony with present-day
realities and reflect the aspirations of the entire nation."
Meanwhile, at home in Burma, the State Law and Order Restoration
Council announced the adjournment of the National Convention
meeting called last week. It's good that the National Convention
meeting has been put off. It would be better if the National
Convention meeting were abandoned.
But the best possible scenario would be for the Slorc to scrap
altogether the idea of establishing a 25 per cent military
dictatorship parliamentary system. It's a utopian constitution
which has nothing to do with the realities of the nation and the
aspirations of its people. It's impractical, unworkable,
nonsensical, and unlikely ever to win popular acceptance.
The proposed constitution stipulates that to be eligible for the
presidency, a candidate must have 20 year's residency and have
not come under "foreign influences". That is ridiculous. Why don
't the Slorc just include in the draft what they really want to
say, which is: "Any woman whose address happens to be 54,
University Avenue, Rangoon, is automatically disqualified from
ever attaining the presidency."
Since 1993, the national convention had to be postponed again
and again because the army was not able to control the
delegates_even though they were hand picked. Out of the 700
delegates, only the military and civil service delegates sat
quietly and remained in line with the army. The rest rebelled.
Some delegates deserted, running into exile in places as far
away as America and Australia.
Against the will of the army, the Lahus and the Was submitted a
proposal at the convention to introduce a federal system with
democratic rights. The Shans went further. They rejected the 25
per cent military parliament. They demanded sovereign power to
be vested in an elected legislature. The result? Repeated
adjournments of the convention.
The concept of the military having a leadership role in politics
is not to be found in any civilised country in the world today.
The Burmese military leaders must learn to accept that an
officer in the army, a railway engineer, an agricultural
officer, a teacher, a lower division clerk - all are civil
servants. None have the right to dictate to the government.
Working for the government in supposedly perilous fields,
soldiers have been able to claim better benefits. The Burma Army
did so when civil war raged in 1948. In 1949, the Parliament of
the Union of Burma granted generous increases in the pay and
benefits of military personnel.
A captain's pay was increased from Ks 525-600 plus to Ks631-806
allowance, while other government servants of the same rank_
Sub-Divisional Officer, Treasury Officer, Assistant Engineer_
were all working with a pay scale of Ks 350.
Since the 1962 military takeover, the military pay scale were
raised at the will of the army, and benefits to military
officers augmented. A law was passed giving generous
contributions of civilian tax payers' money to any business
invested in by military officers.
The greed of the Burmese military is like a man who drinks salt
water. he gets no satisfaction; he just gets thirstier. Today
military officers are the elite. They are a class that is second
to none. Civilians, on the other hand, are a low class of
people, ranked a hundred times lower than the military.
Out of this situation the military demand the right to a 25 per
cent military parliamentary system. They want eternal hegemony.
No way, the Burmese people will never embrace such a
constitution. Throughout history, the Burmese have battled for
better constitutions.
They understand that a constitution is a contract between the
ruling class and the working class. The people will never surrender
25 per cent of their rights to the army just because the army is armed
to their teeth for the purpose of overpowering the people.
The Burmese people have been fighting for better constitutions
since colonial rule began. A decade after the 1897 annexation,
the British established a small Legislative Council of nine members
picked by the governor. This was rejected by the Burmese people.
As a result of reform, the legislature was enlarged from nine to
seventeen, with two elected representatives in 1909. Although
the two delegates were elected from the British Chamber of
Commerce and Rangoon Traders Association, it was the beginning
of a representative system for Burma.
The Burmese masses did not accept the system, and political
movements started in 1908 in the form of religious reform. The
Young Men's Buddhist Association began the struggle for
political power to be placed in the hands of the people.
The December Boycott of 1920 was the first confrontation with
the colonialists. The people won that showdown, and in 1923 the
British had to submit a new constitution with a legislature of
103 seats, of which 79 were filled by election.
Still unsatisfied, the people asked for more power, and in 1936
a new constitution with 92 direct elected representation out of
132 seats was achieved. Dissatisfied, the Burmese wanted
complete political power and absolute freedom, and the struggle
for sovereignty continued during the war.
The first chance for the Burmese to write their own constitution
came during the Japanese occupation, that granted supposed
sovereignty. It was a sham independence, but Burmese leaders
were able to write the document freely:
(54) 7. (a) With a view to ensuring the stability of the State,
the armed forces shall be outside politics.
It is interesting to learn that the Burmese leaders foresaw the
mentality of army officers since 1943, and barred the Burmese
military from politics.
When the 1947 constitution was written following the guidelines
of U Aung San for the establishment of a new republic, the
Burmese leaders drafted a true democratic system, with the power
of the state deriving from the people:
Every Union citizen who has attained the age of majority has the
right to stand for election to Parliament.
Any Union citizen who is eligible to be elected to the Union
Parliament is qualified to be elected President.
It was not only people's rights that were defined. The
constitution also fixed the limits of the army's authority:
97. (1) The right to raise and maintain military, naval and air
forces is vested exclusively in the parliament.
The Burmese have been struggling for a truly representative rule
throughout their history. They have foreseen the greed of the
armed forces. And they say "no" to bogus constitutions, and "no"
to a 25 per cent military parliament in Burma. (BP)
***************
BKK POST: 'HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY FIRST': INTERVIEW
November 5, 1995
Rep DANA ROHRABACHER (R-California)
Member of Asia-Pacific subcommittee in House of Representatives
The Republicans are deviled on the issue of imposing sanctions
against the Burmese military government in Rangoon, while some
Democrats are coordinating with those Republicans who are in
favour of it.
Assistant Editor RALPH BACHOE spoke with a few of them during
his recent visit to Capitol Hill.
RB: You have been out of the limelight for some time in regards to
the Burmese situation. What have you been up to?
DR: I've been fairly active over the years. But there is only so
much we can do from Washington. Obviously the United States
government isn't going to arm an insurgency movement in Burma.
It's limited to what the United States can do to give direct
support to the students. What we really can do is basically make
sure that our position is understood and that we don't give
political or economic support to the dictatorship.
I am trying to make sure, over the years, that the students and
the democratic resistance in Burma received recognition for
their movement and that the dictatorship was recognised as a
tyranny that don't represent the will of the people. What you
can do is limited as long as you are not going to use guns or
provide guns.
RB: Should the Republicans come to power, what would their stance be
on Burma?
DR: I don't think there will be any changes. I think the Burmese
issue is totally bipartisan. Bill Richardson and myself, Senator
Moynihan and Mitch McConnell on our side. Sen McCain, Bill
Archer, Nancy Johnson on the other side. It's Republicans and
Democrats.
There's no party line on Burma. Just like there's no party line
on dictatorship. I think the Burma issue goes to the core of
what American policy is going to be toward dictatorship. And
because it is clearly one of the most cruel dictatorships in the world.
What is American policy going to be, and what should it be,
toward a dictatorship? We have another situation in China, for
example. And now these things bring into conflict the political,
which is your commitment to democracy and political freedom. And
the economic, the desires of your people to make money. That's
the way it is in China and that's the way it is in Burma. And it
is a bipartisan thing because it crosses party lines.
RB: So you mean to say there is actually not very much the US can do
about it?
DR: I think there is. I think the United States should be pro-active
in supporting democratic movements. It doesn't mean we have to
give them guns. But we could be providing communications
equipment for people struggling against dictatorship. We could
provide certain types of support in terms of financial and medical care.
If I'm calling the shots it would be totally different. I think
human rights and democracy have to be very high on the priority
list. But there are many Republicans who don't believe that.
There are many Democrats who don't believe that.
There are some Republicans and some Democrats who believe that
human rights should be a high priority and some other who don't.
As far as I'm concerned we should be basically supporting a pro-
democratic activist foreign policy. And that would mean supporting
the people in Burma with any means outside of providing guns.
RB: Now that McConnell's bill has been shot down what future plans
do you have in mind to revive it?
DR: I am working on legislation to introduce a similar bill here in
the House to Senator McConnell's over in the Senate, which will
basically embargo any future investment by American companies in
Burma. And the power of my bill will be aimed at future
investment rather than trying to get the people who have already
invested to get out.
Those deals [between Slorc and Texaco and Unocal] have already
been made. People have put money into them. I don't think it's
fair for us to change the rules in the middle of the game after
Texaco and Unocal have already invested hundreds of millions of
dollars.
RB: While pressure groups have been putting the squeeze on companies
like Texaco and Unocal, this is the first time I've heard of an
American who is literally saying "let bygones be bygones" to
companies already committed to business in Burma, and that there
would be no more new-comers after this?
DR: My goal is not to punish the people who have already gone in,
but for us to set a policy so that no one else would go in and
do business with this dictatorship. And Texaco and Unocal have
told me that the amount of money flowing from this investment to
the dictatorship won't really start in any big way for another
five years anyway, when the project is complete. That's when the
money will really start flowing. Hopefully by then, the Slorc
dictatorship would be just a bad memory. I am optimistic.
I think we do need a new consciousness among democratic peoples
on this issue of exploitation of natural resources by these
dictatorships. And in Laos for example, I'm working with the
Royal Family which is now in exile to try to set up a foundation
that would be aimed at protecting the rain forest in Southeast
Asia, particularly in Laos,but it also applies to Burma.
And the fact is that the Royal Family is in exile and the communist
dictatorship there now is just like the anti-Communist dictatorship in
Burma, stealing their people blind. They are destroying their natural
resources for their own profit and selling them at bargain basement prices.
So I am working with the Royal Family of Laos to see if we can
set up a foundation whose goal would be to preserve those natural
resources from exploitation by dictatorships, especially in Southeast Asia.
RB: Should Burma ever regain democracy in the near future, say if a
person like Aung San Suu Kyi takes over, and the democratic
forces start running the country again, what would the American
government's reaction be should they negate all those contracts
that have been signed with Slorc?
DR: My position is that any business that makes a contract with a
dictatorship does so at its own risk. As far as I'm concerned, if Slorc falls,
the democratic government should look very closely at the contracts that
have been signed to make sure that they benefit the people of Burma.
One of the greatest tragedies we have in the world today is that
we have dictatorships like that in Burma which are making
contracts and selling the natural treasures of their country,
the birthright of their people at bargain basement price to other countries.
It's all right for a democracy to sell its lumber for example if
it is making a trade-off like helping to finance and education
system, build roads and so on. But for a dictatorship simply to
sell its natural resources like its great forests, its gems or even its oil
or gas and then use the money basically to provide the military with
the means to suppress the people, that is the greatest sin of all.
I would think that if Slorc falls, any company which has made a
contract with it should be aware that the democratic government
is not obliged to follow that contract. And the ASEAN
governments should back up the democratic government in that.
(BP)
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NATION: SINGAPORE TRADE MISSION FOR BURMA
November 6, 1995 Agence France-Presse
Singapore said yesterday that it was sending a 75-member business
mission to Burma to explore new investment and trade opportunities.
The delegation, comprising business professionals from both the
government and private sectors, will begin today the week-long
visit sponsored by the Trade Development Board (TDB).
Private business organizations involved in the hotel,
entertainment, exhibition, construction, engineering and public
works industries and trading and financial services will be
included in the mission, the TDB said.
Singapore is the second largest foreign investor in Burma after
Britain. At the end of August its investment commitments in
Burma totalled US$528 million in 31 projects.
Burma has sought more investments from Singapore, which has
pursued a policy of "constructive engagement" with Rangoon's
military regime and promoted business ties to encourage the
country to open up to the world. (TN)
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BKK POST: TRADERS THREATEN PROTESTS AGAINST MOEI DREDGING
November 6, 1995
Traders and residents from Mae Sot have warned they might
protest if the Government bows to pressure from Rangoon to
dredge the channel in the Moei River which is closer to Thai territory.
Sources close to the disgruntled traders told the Bangkok Post
they were not happy with the way in which the Thai authorities
appeared to be bending towards the demands of their Burmese counterparts.
Rangoon has recently demanded that Thailand dredge the channel
in the Moei River which demarcates the border between the two
countries in addition to its two earlier demands: that Thailand
dismantle a rock-heap embankment and 16 shophouses allegedly
built on the river bank on the Thai side.
Rangoon has made it clear that any failure to heed all of its
demands will result in a lack of cooperation regarding Thailand
's proposals to reopen the border in Mae Sot and Mae Sai of
Chiang Rai and to resume construction of the Thai-Burmese
Friendship Bridge in Mae Sot.
The Thai traders are concerned that dredging the river channel
will force some 120 riverside stalls catering to tourists to be
relocated and cause them to lose revenue, said the sources, adding
the authorities have not yet found an alternative site for them.
The sources also pointed out that dredging the channel would
change the natural characteristics of the border which constitutes
a breach of the Thai-Burmese border treaty signed in 1868.
They further argued that the rock-heap embankment was conducted
on the Thai side and would not cause any land erosion on the
Burmese side, as claimed by Rangoon. (BP)
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