BurmaNet News: November 27, 1995 #2 (r)

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Subject: BurmaNet News: November 27, 1995 #289



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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: November 27, 1995
Issue #289


HEADLINES:
==========

THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP
BURMA LAST JEWS STRUGGLING TO PRESERVE SYNAGOGUE
MAN KILLED AS ARMED GANG AMBUSHES VAN
BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER
CHETHA: DON'T LET KHUN SA IN
SUU KYI SLAMS JAIL TERMS HANDED OUT TO HER SUPPORTERS
VITAL WEEK AHEAD FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT
SUU KYI: NLD HAS A DUTY TO THE PEOPLE
THE WORLD IS A STAGE FOR DRUG WARLORD KHUN SA
BURMA LACKING BASIC TOURIST FACILITIES, CLAIM THAI TRADERS
ANDAMAN CLUB CELEBRATES ITS BURMESE OPENING
BURMESE EXILES SLAM 'SHAM' CHEATER CONVENTION
OFFICIALS EXPRESS DOUBTS OVER KHUN SA'S RETIREMENT CLAIM
BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER
THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP
KEY TEST FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY

*********************************

THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP

By U Thaung
Bkk Post/26.11.95

GENERAL Ne Win of Burma has been a despotic ruler for 33 years,
and if we count the two years of caretaker government
helmsmanship in 1958, he has been an absolute ruler of Burma for
more than 35 years. His arbitrary power is one of the longest in
world history.

Communist dictators, Socialist autocrats, fascist tyrants,
militarist despots, religious autocrats, and monarchist czars of
the world have been crushed. So why has General Ne Win survived
so long? Answering this question has been a regular pastime for
Burmese journalists analysing the power of Ne Win.

One journalist said: "Ne Win has built the Military Intelligence
Service as the most powerful and efficient unit in the army. MIS
officers are lavishly paid and trusted with omnipotent command,
and the service is totally controlled by him or his trusted
stooge. With this network Ne Win controls the army in his hand
and the army reigns the nation in their grip.

"All army officers know very well about the potential of the MIS,
that are attached to their units and they are afraid of the
organisation more than civilians.

"The most important thing in the lives of Burma Army officers is
promotion. Starting from the rank of a captain, all promotions
need approval by Ne Win. Thus, all military officers are directly
attached to the dictator.

"Once in 1970, Ne Win summoned all the highest military officers
serving as members of the Revolutionary Council and the Army
Command to his office and warned them to control their greed.

"All criminal deeds detected by the MIS were read one by one in
front of the gathering. Who had misappropriate which fund, whose
wife was taking bribes, and so on were openly told. All the
highest officials of the government were dishonoured and
disgraced enemas in front of each other.

"No one could deny his accusation and had to thank the dictator
for his forgiveness. They all had to bow their loyalty to the
leader who was merciful to them. I will not tolerate this any
more, he said.

"The military leaders also knew they all would not be punished
together as Ne Win needed their strength. Ne Win could never
destroy the Army. Maybe one or two who were not in favour would
be disciplined. They also knew Ne Win himself had committed
crimes. Thieving government funds, taking bribes from foreign
firms and stealing jewels were the Boss's most serious crimes. It
was a gathering of all the sinners.

"At that particular meeting Ne Win also warned his deputy San Yu.
General San Yu's crime was committed by Mrs San Yu. It was
alleged that Mrs San Yu had read personnel records of officers
and whenever she knew about a promotion, she would contact the
officer to ask for money or some kind of favour. It's a gang of
rabbles. They all are sinners and Ne Win is the one who thieves
more and knows more."

Another reporter said that in the army, all big troop movements
had to get clearance from Ne Win himself.

"Ne Win's brain is sharp and thick. He owned the memory of a
computer chip. He remembered all the people around him by names
and their deeds. He always recalled facts when he spoke about
someone."

One political writer expressed different reasons for the
dictators' long time in power. "He always cultures scapegoats.
For instance, during the Burmese Way to Socialism era, he
distanced himself from the economy. He appointed stooges to take
care of the economy with a hint of his successor or number two
leaders.

"And when he failed, it is simple and easy for him to replace the
stooge. He could always blame his stooge.

"Look at the cabinet members. Dumb chaps were made ministers.

He always chose the wrong person for the right ministry. The poor
military officer appointed to a ministerial post he could not
manage would have to depend on Ne Win. It meant that, though the
minister is officially head of a certain ministry, Ne Win himself
was the real controller.

"Another technique was to never keep his number two man as his
crown prince. Four rank officers were given high responsibility
hinted to them that they 4 think of themselves as his he parent.
But when their dreams come too real, Ne Win simply moved them."

Every one agreed that Gene Win wanted to rule for his life.

Government officials, especially those given a chance in office,
built houses for their future. House were owned privately so they
could live in them after retirement or sacking.

General Ne Win never built or owned a residential house to live
after he retired. Instead, he built a house for the Commander in
Chief of Army. That was in 1958 after he married his third wife
Khin May Than.

When he married Khin May Than, he and his bride were married 1
with children. At that time, Prime r Minister U Nu, who was a
good Buddhist was mad to see his commander committing scandalous
adultery had fired him. But after he kow-towed the prime minister
and other ministers, he was reinstated.

He built the house for the chief of the army with army
expenditure when he was assured of his post.

The house is on the bank of huge i lake, not too far from the
city. It is strategically best for a chief of the ~army. And he
built the house as if it ~was to be his permanently.

It was evident he would never leave. It is the most luxurious
house in Burma. His new wife went to Hong Kong for materials and
furniture for the house. It was lavishly furnished for his
comfort and Khin May Than's taste.

"Since then I knew this fellow would never give up his post,"
said a journalist and Burma-watcher.

My deduction is that the Ne Win dictatorship is different to
other authoritarian rules of the world. He introduced the Burmese
Way of Dictatorship, and enjoys life-long power in his hands.

Burma is between two large nations, China and India, where
civilisation started a long time ago. Chinese and Indian culture
moved into Burma, but Burmese could build their own culture by
absorbing incoming influences. Freedom of Burmese character
welcomed foreign culture.

The process turned Buddhism into Burmese religion. For instance
Sherlock Holmes was turned into a Burmese hero of San Shar as a
reallife Burmese detective. The Burmese way has been to take
foreign culture and ideologies, blending them into something
distinctly Burmese.

It is the same way Ne Win created a new system of dictatorship.

Fear is the most important weapon for a dictator. Dictators of
the world have controlled their people with fear. To be a fearful
monarch one had to kill his people. Most dictators took power
through bloodshed .

Since the beginning, they have killed their enemies or obstacles
which hinder their road to power. Some African dictators have
even committed cannibalism for power.

But Ne Win does not kill his enemies. His method of killing is
more cruel and more effective than taking lives. He kills the
livelihood of his people.

In 1970, I visited an army hospital for a press briefing. The
director of MIS showed us wounded soldiers who fought the
Communists in the border areas. The Communists and Chinese
volunteers used special bullets that did not kill but only hurt
the Government soldiers.

He explained: "The Chinese and Communists are very cruel. They
used bullets that do not kill. On the front if a soldier is
killed, other soldiers near him can continue their fight. But if
one soldier is wounded it took three soldiers to carry him to a
safe place. It means the fighting force of three soldiers is used
and wasted. And the government had to take care of wounded
soldiers, which was more costly than a killed soldier."

Ne Win used the same method. If he killed people, families would
suffer and bear malice but would not be afraid. When he staged a
coup, Ne Win did not kill the prime minister and members of
cabinet. Instead, he imprisoned them and released them in due
course.

The ministers lost their livelihood. Sacking government servants,
national enterprise personnel and substituting them with soldiers
also meant killing a person's livelihood. Nationalisation of all
private enterprises also means killing the owners' livelihoods.

When livelihoods are lost, people lose their morals and
characters are ruined. People could not survive unless they
surrender their loyalty to the dictator. People had to kow-tow
the dictator and the army officers, and many people turn traitor
to civilian friends for a better lifestyle. Many even work
against their relatives.

To get a job, to have the chance for income, people had to
surrender their beliefs and pride. Burma became a nation of
sheep, fighting against each other for favours of the dictator
and his army. It's a tragedy created by Me Win so he could hold
eternal power.

Killing the livelihood of a whole nation and making people rely
on the army for survival is Ne Win Dictatorship established the
Burmese Way.

There is no doubt General Ne . Win is a very intelligent person.
I am certain he knew well about the economic situation in Burma
after a few years experience with his Burmese way to Socialist
Economic System.

He was never a believer of socialism before the 1962 coup. He
understood fully about the chaotic Burmese economy after his
experiment with socialism. Though he was aware of the situation,
he did not change his policy and continued the disastrous path.
He chose the system to make the people poor.

British philosopher Bertrand Russell wrote: "If one man offers
you democracy and another offers you a bag of grain, at what
stage of starvation will you prefer the grain to the vote?"

Starving Burmese people under Ne Win are poorer every day, busy
begging for rice, and there seems to be no hope for them to
recover strength to ask for democratic rights from the army.

U Thaung is former editor of the Mirror Daily a Burmese language
newspaper published in Rangoon. He presently edits Khit Pyaing or
the New Era Journal, a Burmese tabloid bi-monthly published
overseas. The writer presently resides at Pompano Beach, Florida.

*********************************

BURMA LAST JEWS STRUGGLING TO PRESERVE SYNAGOGUE

by Robert Horn
Rangoon, AP
Bkk Post/27.11.95

MOSES Samuels unlocks the doors of Burma's last synagogue only
when he's sure his visitor is of the Jewish faith.

Jewish law does not bar nonbelievers from its temples. Dozens of
Muslim traders from the teeming street outside turned up at the
synagogue gates to offer condolences when Israeli Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated.

But as Samuels steps into the silent empty Musmeah Yeshua
synagogue, he explains why his Muslim neighbours are rarely
allowed inside.

"I don't want this to be a museum," says Musmeah Yeshua's sole
trustee. "I want it to be alive as a house of worship."

It's a hard task. Only eight Jewish families, about 40 people,
are left in Burma, and most live outside Rangoon. Frequently,
there isn't a "minyan" _ the minimum of 10 men required by Jewish
religious law to hold a service.

So Musmeah Yeshua, just a stone's throw from the Buddhist Sule
Pagoda, often sits vacant amid Hindu temples and Muslim mosques,
an aging monument to a dwindling community in one of the world's
most isolated countries.

It wasn't always that way.

There were once 2,500 Jews in Burma. Traders and merchants from
the Middle East and Europe, they started migrating here in the
early 1800s. Sometime between 1877 and 1896, they built the
synagogue.

Many Jews left during the Japanese occupation in World War II.
More followed after the Burmese army seized power in 1962. Most
lost their livelihoods as the military strongman Ne Win, who
ruled for 26 years, nationalised industries and wrecked the
economy.

The last rabbi left in 1975. Samuels' father, Isaac, who came to
Burma from England in the 1920s, was elected trustee of the
synagogue. He died in 1978, and caring for Musmeah Yeshua fell to
Samuels, now 46.

Until then Samuels had not paid much attention to his religious
schooling. While he can speak Burmese, Urdu and English, he
cannot speak Hebrew.

"I want to learn, but there is no one left to teach me," he says.
With no rabbi to school them in their own religion, Burma's Jews
conduct their infrequent services in English, unless the Israeli
ambassador shows up to lead them.

When there is someone who can lead the service in Hebrew, Samuels
opens the two silver cases containing his father's torahs _ the
parchment scrolls of Jewish scripture.

The congregation is poor and the synagogue's upkeep relies on
donations from foreign visitors overseas relatives of Jews who
once lived in Burma and international Jewish organisations.

In a field on the far side of town Samuels runs his hand over the
cool, white stone of his father's tomb and wonders if it will be
the last time.

The Jewish cemetery has more than 300 mold-streaked, crumbling
tombs, the oldest dated 1876. But the palm treelined graveyard
sits on land that the Burmese government wants to start
developing into a shopping mall in December.

Samuels doesn't think he can stop them.

"They say there are no more Jews, so we don't need a cemetery,"
Samuels says. He fears his ancestors' remains will be desecrated
if they are moved.

"It is a sad thing," says Aung Kywe, a Buddhist friend of
Samuels' father who helps with paperwork and legal advice. "Our
relationship with the government has always been good."

As is their relationship with their Muslim neighbours. Three
years ago when Samuels' son Sammy had his bar mitzvah marking his
passage into manhood at age 13, more than 500 people from the
neighbourhood came in to Musmeah Yeshua after the ceremony to
celebrate with the family.

Except for the synagogue's centennial, which the congregation has
decided to mark in 1996, celebrations are rare. Mostly Samuels
waits for the occasional visitor, and answers letters from Jews
overseas who want information about ancestors who once lived in
Rangoon.

Poring over records inside a folder marked "Aliya" _ the Hebrew
word for immigrating to Israel _ Samuels talks about how, if he
had any money, he would like to visit the "Promised Land."

But it would only be a visit.

"I am Burmese," he says. "If I leave, who will take care of the
temple?"

*********************************

MAN KILLED AS ARMED GANG AMBUSHES VAN

Tak
Bkk Post/27.11.95

A MAN was killed and 10 others injured when a group of armed men,
believed to be Karen troops, ambushed a tour van in Tak
yesterday.

The Bangkok-bound chartered van was carrying employees of the
Telecom Holding Company back from a weekend tour in Tha Song Yang
District, Tak, when attacked with a hand-grenade and- rifle fire.

The ambush occurred at 10 a.m. at kilometre 105 of the Mae
Sot-Mae Sariang Highway.

A survivor said that at least five armed men, believed to be
Karen National Union troops due to their shoulder insignia.

He said the troops shot the van's front window full of holes
before throwing in a hand-grenade.

The driver, identified only as Panya died instantly in the blast
which brought the vehicle to an abrupt halt on the highway.

Injured passengers helped each other escape the van shortly
before it caught fire and exploded, incinerating the corpse of
the driver.

Two armed robbers then approached the injured and took valuables
worth about 5,000 baht from them, a survivor said.

Six passengers suffered serious wounds.

They were identified as Miss Bu-nga Srisathit who lost her left
leg, Dr Trirak Srisak, Miss Wajee Puangpu, Mrs Orasa
Chuengthanasomboon, Mrs Walaiwan Aramkul and Miss Supawan
Supanakorn.

Four others were slightly wounded. All injured were rushed to the
Mae Sot Hospital.

A similar ambush was reported on the same highway on November 11,
when at least eight armed men felled a tree between the KM 103
and 104 in an attempt to rob a pick-up truck.

When the vehicle stopped, they sprayed it with gunfire, killing a
nine-year-old girl, Jongrak Phewsuk, and wounding other inside
the vehicle.

*********************************

BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER

Bkk Post/26.11.95

BURMESE students are to stage peaceful protests at the Burmese
Embassy against a draft charter the junta is to put to the
national assembly on November 28.

John Maung, a student leader, said the move was undemocratic and
dictatorial and would create a constitution drafted by the
military for the military.

*********************************

CHETHA: DON'T LET KHUN SA IN

Bkk Post/26.11.95

OPIUM warlord Khun Sa should not be allowed to live in Thailand ,
Deputy Army Commander Chetha Thanacharo implied yesterday.

The Government had a clear policy not to shelter anybody
considered dangerous, said Gen Chetha.

*********************************

SUU KYI SLAMS JAIL TERMS HANDED OUT TO HER SUPPORTERS

Agence France-Presse
The Nation/26.11.95

RANGOON _ Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said
yesterday that heavy prison terms handed down to three of her
supporters earlier this week were an ' aberration of justice".

Aung San Suu Kyi, speaking to a small group of journalists, said
her National League for Democracy (NLD) would appeal against the
two-year jail terms handed down to two NLD members and a student
on Wednesday.

The three had been charged with obstructing police outside the
opposition leader's house on Nov 18 while they were attending one
of her regular weekend addresses to crowds of supporters.

"I think it [the sentencing] is intended to discourage people
from attending the meetings," she said. "We take it as an
aberration of justice."

" They have no evidence they were indulging in the ... criminal
force they were charged with," she added.

The two NLD members jailed were Thein Nyunt and Ko Toe Aung,
while the third person, a student at Rangoon University, was Myo
Zaw, an NLD source said

The three were charged with physically obstructing police who had
erected barriers outside Aung San Suu Kyi's house, but witnesses
said the jailed supporters appeared to have complained only
verbally.

The barriers were removed earlier this week.

International human rights watchdog Amnesty International on
Friday voiced concern that the three jailed men "may be facing
ill treatment or torture in detention".

It added that the reason for the arrest could have been for
exercising free speech. Amnesty estimates there are some 2,000
political prisoners in Burma's jails many under extremely poor
conditions and facing torture.

Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday that the number of political
prisoners in Burma, including- many NLD members, was in
"three-figures," but that it was difficult to arrive at a clear
estimate.

Meanwhile, on Friday anti-Rangoon exiles declared Burma's
national constitutional convention to be "a sham" and called on
the junta to halt it immediately.

In a statement received in Bangkok, the National Council of the
Union of Burma (NCUB) demanded a nationwide ceasefire and general
amnesty followed by talks between the junta and the opposition.

The opposition should be represented by "the democratic forces
led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities", it
said.

The NCUB endorsed the opposition leader's warning that her NLD
might boycott the convention, which began meeting in January 1993
to frame a new constitution for Burma.

The convention, which is set to resume deliberations on-Tuesday
after a seven-month hiatus, "is a sham one and is totally against
the aspiration of the political I parties that actually represent
the ethnic nationalities and masses of people," it said.

Comprising delegates hand-picked by the junta plus
representatives of ethnic minorities and political parties, the
convention was set up after the junta refused to hand over power
following the NLD's victory in 1990 general elections.

Known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), the
junta has said it would transfer power on adoption of a new
constitution, which is expected to codify a continuing role for
the military in government.

"Slorc should immediately stop this convention and open the way
for a just and right national convention," the NCUB held.

"Through this illegal convention, the emerging draft constitution
of the state shall be null and void," it held.

The NCUB groups the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma (NCGUB), the NLD (Liberated Area), the Democratic Alliance
of Burma (DAB) and the National Democratic Front (NDF).

*********************************

VITAL WEEK AHEAD FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT

Reuter
The Nation/27.11.95

RANGOON _ Burma's battered and repressed democracy movement faces
a key test this week with the reconvening of a military-sponsored
convention to draft a new constitution, diplomats said.

"There is an atmosphere of great expectation here," said one
diplomat. "It will be very interesting to see what happens this
week."

Nearly 700 delegates, mostly handpicked by Burma's ruling State
Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), will convene tomorrow
for the fifth scssion of the National Convention which has been
meeting intermittently since January 1993 to draft guidelines for
a new constitution.

Dismissed by most diplomats and Burmese dissidents as a "farce"
and a "sham", the convention only convenes at the will of the
military and has no deadline for the constitution to be drawn up.

The principal opposition party, the National League for Democracy
(NLD) led be Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, last week
spoke out against the process, saying the convention as it stands
is undemocratic.

"The work procedures of the convention are not democratic and the
basic principles for the proposed constitution include some which
are not consonant with a truly democratic state," Suu Kyi told a
news conference on Wednesday.

Suu Kyi said the NLD, which was never recognized by the Slorc as
the ruling party although it won more than 80 per cent of the
seats in a 1990 election, had not yet decided if it would boycott
or attend the convention.

Diplomats said Suu Kyi's statements, the most provocative since
Burma's generals released her from six years of house arrest in
July, show she is trying to force the Slorc into dialogue, or at
least into reacting.

"She certainly made her criticism of the national convention very
clear," a diplomat said. "I think that was necessary."

Ever since she was freed from house arrest, Suu Kyi, 50, has been
calling on the military for a dialogue, saying that is the only
way to achieve democracy.

But the Slorc has virtually ignored her, in what many diplomats
say are hopes she will be forgotten or dismissed-as ineffective
if nothing comes of her calls for dialogue.

The latest remarks by Suu Kyi, and the fact that she and the NLD
must decide whether to participate in the national convention,
mark a key turning point and a possible departure from the
agonisingly slow advances made by the NLD since July.

"There has been a wait and see attitude for a long time," a
diplomat said. "But at last now we have a deadline."

Most observers say the Slorc will resist making any statements
before tomorrow, which will probably result in the NLD deciding
to boycott the convention.

"Even if they do decide to attend, they would have to participate
in a very different manner," said one Western diplomat.

*********************************

SUU KYI: NLD HAS A DUTY TO THE PEOPLE

Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday moved one step closer to political
confrontation with the Burmese regime when she ejected the
military's National Convention set up to draft the constitution.
This is the full text of her statement.

A state constitution is a contract between the people and the
government of a nation. Only a constitution that is willingly
accepted by the people will endure the test of time.

The National League for Democracy believes that if a genuine
multi-party democracy is to be established in Burma, a
constitution based firmly on democratic principles is an
absolute necessity.

The NLD was founded with the aim of achieving a genuine
democratic system which accords with the will of the people, and
of constructing a strong and lasting union in Burma.

It believes that the ultimate power of 1 state derives from the
people and that in a democratic nation there should be the rule
of law and a constitution that guarantees basic human rights,
including freedom of worship, freedom of speech and expression
and freedom of association.

Further, as stated in its election, manifesto, the NLD believes
hat the foundation for a strong, lasting and prosperous union
Has to be laid through a national convention where all the ethnic
groups of Burma can jointly decide the future course of the
nation.

The overwhelming success of the NLD in the elections of 1990 was
an endorsement by the people of its principles and policies.

The State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) has said it
wishes to establish multi-party democracy in Burma and to return
power to the people as soon as possible.

Slorc Declaration No 1/90 (July 27, 1990) states that it is the
duty of the elected representatives of the people to draw up a
constitution.

On Oct 18, 1990, Slorc Secretary (I) confirmed in a speech made
at the Kyunchaung fertilizer plant that it was the duty of
political parties and elected representatives to draw up the
state constitution. During the preliminary discussions on the
National Convention, the chairman of the convention's convening
committee also stated that the elected representatives would be
responsible for drawing up the constitution and that decisions
based on the presentations of delegates would be arrived at
through a democratic process.

Political parties were made to sign an undertaking to abide by
the terms of Declaration 1/90 which remain valid to this day.
However, the National Convention has not been conducted in
accordance with the terms of the declaration. The role of
political parties, clearly delineated in the declaration, has
been obfuscated.

An examination of actual conditions within the National
Convention reveals that there has been a shift away from its
original declared aims. The following are some of the features
of the present convention:

* The elected representatives of the people constitute only 15.24
per cent of the delegates and thus are permanently in the
minority;

* Neither the objectives of the convention nor its working
procedures were drawn up in consultation with delegates;

* Paper to be presented at the convention are censored and have
to be corrected in accordance with the wishes of the authorities

* Decisions are laid down before an issue has been discussed;

* The convention is making decisions not only on broad principles
for the proposed constitution but also on its details;

* There is no fixed timetable for the convention.

The NLD as the political party that has received the mandate of
the people has a duty to point out that its expectations with
regard to the National Convention have not been realized. The
work procedures of the convention are not democratic and the
basic principles for the proposed constitution include some
which are not consonant with a truly democratic state.

The problems can only be resolved through dialogue. The NLD
invites an concerned to join together in mutual trust and
goodwill to work towards building up a genuinely democratic
nation in accordance with the wishes of the people.

If the National Convention continues in its present form it
cannot assist in achieving national reconciliation, genuine
multi-party democracy, or a state constitution that enjoys the
support and confidence of the people. These aims can only be
achieved through discussion and dialogue.

The National Convention in its present form is not acceptable to
the people of Burma because it is not acceptable to the majority
of our people and it is not acceptable to the National League for
Democracy. And a constitution that is drawn up by a national
convention that does not enjoy the confidence of the people will
itself not get the support of the people. And a constitution
that is not supported by the people will be nothing more than a
piece of paper.

So we call upon all those concerned to 8 discuss the matter of
bringing about a National Convention that is truly acceptable to
the people and drawing up a constitution that will create a
lasting democratic union of Burma.

It is for this reason that we have now put out this statement
because the National League for Democracy has a duty to proclaim
its position to the people who voted for it in 1990.

We believe that our statement, our stance will be supported by
the great majority of the people of Burma and it is our intention
to continue along a path that is always consonant of the will of
the people. (TN)

*********************************

THE WORLD IS A STAGE FOR DRUG WARLORD KHUN SA

On Wednesday, drug kingpin Khun Sa claimed to have stepped down
once and for all as leader of the Mong Tai Army, which is
fighting for Shan self-determination. Many, however, are
sceptical over his move because he has never been known to match
his words with deeds.

While there is a real likelihood that Khun Sa will step back,
doubts remain whether the Shan leader will step down fully. The
Mong Tai Army is essentially the creation of Khun Sa, and many
senior cadres in the organization owe their position and wealth
to the drug warlord. 

While his position has been weakened by the defection in June of
some of his troops to the Burmese military regime, the State Law
and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), Khun Sa still has a strong
core group that is very well armed and could thwart any
rebellion within the ranks of the separatists.

The existing power structure and hierarchy of the Mong Tai Army
ensures that Khun Sa will still be able to exert ideological
influence among the Shan fighters.

Leading actor.

For Khun Sa, the world has always been a stage. Right now, he
sees himself as a leading actor in a new drama where he wants to
portray himself as a nice guy. That drama is about opium, and
Khun Sa wants the United States to be convinced that he and his
men never grew the narcotic drug themselves and merely taxed it
as convoys moved across their territory in a bid to transport the
opium to distribution centres in neighbouring China and Thailand.
The taxes, Khun Sa argues, were necessary to fund the
aspirations of a separate Shan state through an armed struggle
against the Burmese military regime.

Therefore, Khun Sa's announcement on Wednesday can be construed
as a strategic move by the drug warlord to try to get into
Washington's good books.

Slorc's propaganda that it has cornered the Shan, and for that
reason Khun Sa is stepping down as leader of the Mong Tai Army,
can be disregarded outright.

The Burmese army has been pathetic in its battle against Khun
Sa's forces. The Slorc declared war on Khun Sa two years ago and
brought in a number of divisions into his area. But the Burmese
regime has been unable to capture him or his headquarters, nor
cut his opium distribution system.

Early this year, Slorc was dealt a very embarrassing blow when
Khun Sa's troops overran the town of Tachilek on the Thai-
Burmese border and held it for a while. The Mong Tai Army later
left without being driven out by the Burmese army. The Slorc as
a fighting force is not very effective despite its size and
sophisticated weaponry, and has a very poor record in the field
against the minorities. Most of Rangoon's successes have come
about as a result of ceasefire diplomacy between Slorc and
leaders of the minorities, rather than straight battlefield
victories.

Just how strong an influence Slorc will be on the breakaway group
led by Khun Sa's enemies is anyone's guess. The rebels are about
3,000 strong and control a large area in the central part of
Burma. So far, they have indicated some willingness to enter
into a truce arrangement with Rangoon in exchange for Shan
autonomy, coupled with a guarantee that they would be able to
preserve and protect their controlled territories.

Wa threat.

Khun Sa's greatest threat, however, is from the Wa, who have been
fighting him recently on behalf of Slorc. In 1989, when these
ethnic minorities made peace with Rangoon, Slorc promised them
that they could continue their "economic activities" provided
they gave up their armed struggle. These economic activities
were an obvious reference to opium-growing.

Because of this, the Wa continue to grow and export their opium
through China and Thailand. Essentially, regardless of whatever
happens to Khun Sa, the world will still see the Golden Triangle
as the largest producer of opium because most of it comes from
the Wa state, or the area known as the Kokang, which is next to
the Wa state in the Shan area.

The US, of course, after waging a long campaign against Khun Sa,
will be watching events in the Shan state very closely. The only
thing Washington is interested in now is getting its hands on the
drug warlord.

Bearing in mind that there is an outstanding US indictment
against him, will Washington offer Slorc some reprieve if the
Burmese junta manages to capture Khun Sa and hand him over to
the Americans? It remains to be seen if that will really happen.

In the meantime, there will be only ripples in Washington over
Khun Sa's statements because he is still seen as a wily fox who
manages to land on his feet no matter what happens. (BP)
*********************************

BURMA LACKING BASIC TOURIST FACILITIES, CLAIM THAI TRADERS
November 25, 1995
Somchit Rungchamratrasmee

The Burmese junta's campaign to promote 1996 as Visit Myanmar
(Burma) Year has met with little success as the country is still
short of hotel accommodation while food remains very costly,
said Thai traders doing business there.

The traders said the junta, known as the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc), expect 300,000 foreign visitors
next year but tourism logistic are still inadequate to
accommodate the high figure.

They expressed the fear that foreign tourists visiting the
country might be disappointed because of the lack of basic
tourism facilities. The Slorc has done a lot of promotion, but
not much progress has been made. Hotel services and management of
tourist spots are not yet prepared, they said.

Burma currently has only 4,000 hotel rooms, of which only 1,000
meet general tourist standards. Hotel room and service charges
are also some of the highest in the world, said the traders who
recently returned to Thailand.

"Not only are hotel costs very high, but also the service is
still very poor. Many foreign visitors who had made room
reservations were turned away because some VIPs showed up and
wanted rooms," complained one trader.

"The hotels usually do not inform the guests first that they
could not get rooms, while VIP guests usually walk in without
prior booking. Such guests often cite security concerns for
having not made reservations," he added.

Burma also faces a food problem, added the businessmen. Not only
food, especially in hotels or restaurants, extraordinarily
expensive but the quality remains far below standard, they added.

Transportation is another obstacle for the success of the tourism
year, they noted, saying that travel from one city to another is
still time consuming and road transports is out-dated and
insufficient.

However, the businessmen said Burma has many attractions that
will draw tourists in the long run. The country, they said, is an
ethnically diverse society with over 100 ethnic groups. (TN)

*********************************

ANDAMAN CLUB CELEBRATES ITS BURMESE OPENING
November 25, 1995

The Thai-owned Andaman Club Resort in Burma yesterday celebrated
its grand opening with 205 hotel rooms on Pulo Island, which is
located opposite Ranong province. The Bt660- million resort,
called Thahtay-kyun Resort in the local language, is and
investment of the Andaman Club Co Ltd, which is owned by Thai
businessman Vikrom Aysiri.

The Andaman Club, registered as an affiliate of the Vest Group,
has a 30-year land leasing contract from the Burmese government
for the 3,600 rai plot of land. Burma's Hotels and Tourism
Minister Lt Gen Kyaw Ba chaired the opening ceremony.

The investment includes a hotel, a duty-free chop, and an
18-hotel golf course, and is scheduled to open by the middle of
next year. Vikrom has invested in other businesses in Burma,
such as gems trading through joint ventures with local
businessmen and also with the government. Vest Group is a Thai
company which is investing in Burma's hotel industry. Other Thai
investors include LP Holding Ltd, an affiliate of Bangkok-listed
Renoen Leatherwear Plc, Baiyok Sit Hotels Group, and the Central
Group of Hotels Plc.

Meanwhile, Vest group is also building another 300-room hotel in
Ranong through another subsidiary, called Ranong High Land Co
ltd, and the Opening is planned for next year. (TN)

*********************************

BURMESE EXILES SLAM 'SHAM' CHEATER CONVENTION
NOVEMBER 25 1995

ANTI-Rangoon exiles yesterday declared Burma's national
constitutional convention to be "a sham" and called on the junta
to halt it immediately.

In a statement received in Bangkok, the National Council of the
Union of Burma (NCUB) demanded a nation-wide ceasefire and
general amnesty followed by talks between the junta and the
opposition.

The opposition should be representative by "the democratic forces
led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities," it
said.

The NCUB endorsed the opposition leader's warning that her
National League for Democracy (NLD) might boycott the
convention, which began meeting in January 1993 to frame a new
constitution for Burma.

The convention, set to resume deliberation on Tuesday after a
seven-month hiatus, "Is a sham one and is totally against the
aspiration of the political parties that actually represent the
ethnic nationalities and massed of people," it said.

Comprising delegates hand-picked by the junta plus
representatives of ethnic minorities and political parties, the
convention was set up after the junta refused to hand over power
following the NLD 's victory in 1990 general election.

Slorc has said it would transfer power on adoption of a new
constitution, which is expected to codify a continuing role for
the military in government.

"Slorc should immediately stop this convention and open the way
for a just and right national convention," the NCUB held.

"Through this illegal convention, the emerging draft constitution
of the state shall be null and void," it held.

The NCUB groups the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma (NCGUB), the NLD, the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB)
and the National Democratic Front (NDF).

Amnesty International has reported the arrest in Rangoon of three
supporters of Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and
said it fears they may be facing torture.

In a statement received here yesterday, the London-based human
rights group said the three were representatives of the NLD youth
organization. (BP)

*********************************

OFFICIALS EXPRESS DOUBTS OVER KHUN SA'S RETIREMENT CLAIM
NOVEMBER 25 1995

MILITARY intelligence officers expressed doubts yesterday at Khun
Sa's announced retirement from the Shan autonomy movement.

The announcement from the Mong Tai Army chief's Ho Mong
headquarters has caused widespread scepticism in intelligence
circles, said one officer.

"This might be a trick motivated for some political purpose," he
said.

"Khun Sa is under military pressure from Burmese and Wa forces
which are reported to have teamed up for an imminent drive
against Shan forces," he said.

An Army intelligence officer said Khun Sa's statement appeared
deliberately vague.

"We don't think he will finally step down. The remark was made
for political gain," he said.

Khun Sa could not have been serious when he said he wanted to
spend his retirement in peace and tranquillity in Thailand, he
said.

The Shan leader had said: "Thai and Shan people are of the same
blood. We share the same religion and speak the same language."

As a most wanted international criminal,. the government had to
act against Khun Sa because he had been directly involved in the
drug trade. (BP) The BurmaNet News: November 26,1995

*********************************

BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER
NOVEMBER 26 1995

Burmese students are to stage peaceful protests at the Burmese 
Embassy against a draft charter the junta is to put to the 
national assembly on November 28.

John Mung, a student leader, said the move was undemocratic and 
dictatorial and would create a constitution drafted by the 
military for the military. (BP)

*********************************

THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP
NOVEMBER 26 1995

BY U Thaung

GENERAL Ne Win of Burma has been a despite ruler for 33 years 
and if we count the two years of caretaker government 
helmsmanship in 1958, he has been an a absolute ruler of Burma 
for more than 35 years. His arbitrary power is one of the 
longest in world history.

Communist dictators, Socialist autocrats, fascist tyrants, 
militarist despots, religious autocrats, and monarchist czars of 
the world have been crushed. So why has General Ne Win survived 
so long? Answering this question has been a regular pastime for 
Burmese journalists analysing the power of Ne Win.

One journalist said: "Ne Win has built the Military Intelligence 
Service as the most powerful and efficient unit in the army. MIS 
officers are lavishly paid and trusted with omnipotent command, 
and the service is totally controlled by him or his trusted 
stooge. With this network Ne Win controls the army in his hand 
and the army reigns the nations in their grip.

"All army officers know very well about the potential of the 
MIS, that are attached to their units and they are afraid of the 
organisation more than civilians. "The most important thing in 
the lives of Burma Army officers is promotion. Starting from the 
rank of a captain, all promotions need approval by Ne Win. Thus, 
all military officers are directly attached to the dictator.

"Once in 1970, Ne Win summoned all the highest military officers 
serving as members of the Revolutionary Council and the Army 
Command to his office and warned them to control their greed.

"All criminal deeds detected by the MIS were read one by one in 
front of the gathering. Who had misappropriate which fund, whose 
wife was taking bribes, and so on were openly told. All the 
highest officials of the government were dishonoured and 
disgraced enemas in front of each other.

"No one could deny his accusation and had to thank the dictator 
for his forgiveness. They all had to bow their loyalty to the 
leader who was merciful to them. I will not tolerate this any 
more, he said.

"The military leaders also knew they all would not be punished 
together as Ne Win needed their strength. Ne Win could never 
destroy the Army. Maybe one or two who were not in favour would 
be disciplined. They also knew Ne Win himself had committed 
crimes. Thieving government funds, taking bribes from foreign 
firms and stealing jewels were the Boss's most serious crimes. 
It was a gathering of all the sinners.

"At that particular meeting Ne Win also warned his deputy San 
Yu. General San Yu's crime was committed by Mrs San Yu. It was 
alleged that Mrs San Yu had read personnel records of officers 
and whenever she knew about a promotion, she would contact the 
officer to ask for money or some kind of favour. It's a gang of 
rabbles. They all are sinners and Ne Win is the one who thieves 
more and knows more."

Another reporter said that in the army, all big troop movements 
had to get clearance from Ne Win himself. "Ne Win's brain is 
sharp and thick. He owned the memory of a computer chip. He 
remembered all the people around him by names and their deeds. 
He always recalled facts when he spoke about someone."

One political writer expressed different reasons for the 
dictators' long time in power. "He always cultures scapegoats. 
For instance, during the Burmese Way to Socialism era, he 
distanced himself from the economy. He appointed stooges to take 
care of the economy with a hint of his successor or number two 
leaders.

"And when he failed, it is simple and easy for him to replace 
the stooge. He could always blame his stooge. "Look at the 
cabinet members. Dump chaps were made ministers. He always chose 
the wrong person for the right ministry. The poor military 
officer appointed to a ministerial post he could not manage 
would have to depend on Ne Win. It meant that, though the 
minister is officially head of a certain ministry, Ne Win 
himself was the real controller.

"Another technique was to never keep his number two man as his 
crown prince. Four rank officers were given high responsibility 
and hinted to them that they should think of themselves as his 
heir apparent. But when their dreams become too real, Ne Win 
simply removed them."

Every one agreed that General Ne Win wanted to rule for his 
whole life. Government officials, especially those given a 
chance in office, built houses for their future. Houses were 
owned privately so they could live in them after retirement or 
sacking.

General Ne Win never built or owned a residential house to live 
after he retired. Instead, he built a house for the Commander in 
Chief of the Army. That was in 1958 after he married his third 
wife Khin May Than. When he married Khin May Than, he and his 
bride were married with children.

At the time, Prime Minister U Nu, who was a good Buddhist was 
mad to see his commander committing scandalous adultery had 
fired him. But after he know-towed the prime minister and other 
ministers, he was reinstated. He build the house for the chief 
of the army with army expenditure when he was assured of his 
post.

The house is on the bank of huge lake, not too far from the 
city. It is strategically best for a chief of the army. And he 
built the house as if it was to be his permanently. It was 
evident he would never leave. It is the most luxurious house in 
Burma. His new wife went to Hong Kong for materials and 
furniture for the house. It was lavishly furnished for his 
comfort and Khin May Than's taste.

"Since then I knew this fellow would never give up his post," 
said a journalist and Burma-watcher. My deduction is that the Ne 
Win dictatorship is different to other authoritarian rules of 
the world. He introduced the Burmese Way of Dictatorship, and 
enjoys life-long power in his hands.

Burma between two large nations, China and India, were 
civilisation started a long time ago. Chinese and Indian culture 
moved into Burma, but Burmese could build their own culture by 
absorbing incoming influences. Freedom of Burmese character 
welcomed foreign culture.

The process turned Buddhism into Burmese religion. For instance, 
Sherlock Holmes was turned into a Burmese hero of San Shar as a 
real-life Burmese detective. The Burmese way has been to take 
foreign culture and ideologies, blending them into something 
distinctly Burmese.

It is the same way Ne Win created a new system of dictatorship. 
Fear is the most important weapon for a dictator. Dictators of 
the world have controlled their people with fear. To be a 
fearful monarch, one had to kill his people. Most dictators took 
power through bloodshed.

Since the beginning, they have killed their enemies or obstacles 
which hinder their road to power. Some African dictators have 
been committed cannibalism for power. But Ne Win does not kill 
his enemies. His method of killing is more cruel and more 
effective than taking lives. He kills the livelihood of his 
people.

In 1970, I visited an army hospital for a press briefing. The 
director of MIS showed us wounded soldiers who fought the 
Communists in the border areas. The Communists and Chinese 
volunteers used special bullets that did not kill but only hurt 
the Government soldiers.

he explained: "The Chinese and Communists are very cruel. They 
used bullets that do not kill. On the front if a soldier is 
killed, other soldiers near him can continue fight. But if one 
soldier is wounded, it took three soldiers to carry him to a 
safe place. It means the fighting force of three soldiers is 
used and wasted. And the government had to take care of wounded 
soldiers, which was more costly than a killed soldier."

Ne Win used the same method. If he killed people, families would 
suffer and bear malice but would not be afraid. When he staged a 
coup, Ne Win did not kill the prime minister and members of 
cabinet. Instead, he imprisoned them and released them in due 
course.

The minister lost their livelihood. Sacking government servants, 
national enterprise personnel and substituting them with 
soldiers also meant killing a person's livelihood. 
Nationalisation of all private enterprises also means killing 
the owners' livelihoods.

When livelihoods are lost, people lose their morals and 
characters are ruined. People could not survive unless they 
surrender their loyalty to the dictator. People had to know-tow 
the dictator and the army officers, and many people turn traitor 
to civilian friends for a better lifestyle. Many even work 
against their relatives.

To get a job, to have the chance for income, people had to 
surrender their beliefs and pride. Burma became a nation of 
sheep, fighting against each other for favours of the dictator 
and his army. It's a tragedy created by Ne Win so he could hold 
eternal power.

Killing the livelihood of a whole nation and making people rely 
on the army for survival is Ne Win dictatorship established the 
Burmese Way. There is no doubt General Ne Win is a very 
intelligent person. I am certain he knew well about the economic 
situation in Burma after a few years experience with his Burmese 
way to Socialist Economic System.

He was never a believer of socialism before the 1962 coup. He 
understood fully about the chaotic Burmese economy after his 
experiment with socialism. Though he was aware of the situation, 
he did not change his policy and continued the disastrous path. 
He chose the system to make the people poor.

British philosopher Bertrand Russell wrote: "If one man offers 
you democracy and another offers you a bag of grain, at what 
stage of starvation will you prefer the grain to the vote?"

Starving Burmese people under Ne Win are poorer every day, busy 
begging for rice, and there seems to be no hope for them to 
recover strength to ask for democratic rights from the army. 
(BP)

********************************

KEY TEST FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY
November 27, 1995
Reuters, Rangoon

Burma's battered and repressed democracy movement faces a key 
test this week with the reconvening of a military -sponsored 
convention to draft a new constitution, diplomats said. There is 
an atmosphere of great expectation here," said one diplomat. "It 
will be very interesting to see what happens this week."

Nearly 700 delegates, mostly hand-picked by Burma's ruling State 
Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), will convene tomorrow 
for the fifth session of the National Convention which has been 
meeting intermittently since January 1993 to draft guidelines 
for a new constitution.

Dismissed by most diplomats and Burmese dissidents as a "farce" 
and a "sham," the convention only convenes at the will of the 
military and has no deadline for the constitution to be drawn 
up.

The principle opposition party, the National League for 
Democracy (NLD) led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, 
last week spoke out against the process, saying the convention 
as it stands is undemocratic.

"The work procedures of the convention are not democratic and 
the basic principles for the proposed constitution include some 
which are not consonant with a truly democratic state," Suu Kyi 
told a news conference on Wednesday.

Suu Kyi said the NLD, which was never recognised by the Slorc as 
the ruling party although it won more than 80 percent of the 
seats in a 1990 election, had not yet decided if it would 
boycott or attend the convention.

Diplomats said Suu Kyi's statements, the most provocative since 
Burma's generals released her from six years of house arrest in 
July, show she is trying to force the Slorc into dialogue, or at 
least into reacting.

"She certainly made her criticism of the national convention 
very clear," a diplomat said. "I think that was necessary." Ever 
since she was freed from house arrest, Suu Kyi, 50, has been 
calling on the military for a dialogue, saying that is the only 
way to achieve democracy.

But the Slorc has virtually ignored her, in what many diplomats 
say are hopes she will be forgotten or dismissed as ineffective 
if nothing comes of her calls for dialogue.

The latest remarks by Suu Kyi, and the fact that she and the NLD 
must decide whether to participate in the national convention, 
mark a key turning point and a possible departure from the 
agonisingly slow advances made by the NLD since July.

"There has been a wait and see attitude for a long time," a 
diplomat said. "But at last now we have a deadline." Most 
observers say the Slorc will resist making any statements before 
tomorrow, which will likely result in the NLD deciding to 
boycott the convention. "Even if they do decide to attend, they 
would have to participate in a very different manner," said one 
western diplomat. (BP)

********************************

FOR REFERENCE: 1994-5 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA
November, 1995

1994 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA

TITLE       A Burmese appeal to the UN and US  
AUTHOR      Win, Kanbawza.
PUBLISHER   Bangkok  : CPDSK Publication, [1994?] 59 p.
SUBJECT     United Nations--Burma., Burma--Politics and government.
            Burma--Economic conditions.

TITLE       A Report on the location of Burmese artifacts in museums
AUTHOR      Blackburn, Terence R.
PUBLISHER   Gartmore, Stirlingshire, Scotland  : Kiscadale, 1994., 79 p.
SUBJECT     Art objects--Burma., Burma--Antiquities--Catalogs.

TITLE       Australia's relations with Colonial Burma  : 1886-1947  
AUTHOR      Selth, Andrew.
PUBLISHER   Clayton, Victoria  : Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash
University,1994. iii, 22 p
SUBJECT     Australia--Foreign relations--Burma., Burma--History--1824-1948.

TITLE       Burma debate.
CORPORATE   Open Society Institute. Burma Project.
PUBLISHER   Washington, D.C.  : Open Society Institute, 1994-v.
SUBJECT     Burma--Periodicals.

TITLE       Burma  : encountering the land of the Buddhas.
AUTHOR      Everarda, Ellis.
PUBLISHER   Stirling, Scotland  : Kiscadale, 1994., 114 p.  : ill.
SUBJECT     Burma--Description and travel--Pictorial works.

TITLE       Burma in revolt  : opium and insurgency since 1948
AUTHOR      Lintner, Bertil.
PUBLISHER   Boulder  : Westview Press, 1994., xv, 514 p.
SUBJECT     Minorities--Burma., Opium trade--Burma.,Politics and
government--1948-Burma--History--Autonomy and independence movements., 
Ethnic relations.

TITLE       Burmese crafts  : past and present  / Sylvia Fraser-Lu.
AUTHOR      Fraser-Lu, Sylvia.
PUBLISHER   Kuala Lumpur  ; New York  : Oxford University Press, 1994.
SUBJECT     Art objects--Burma., Art objects, Buddhist--Burma.

TITLE  Comparative study of the two military juntas: Thailand and Burma : a
            Burmese perspective. - 2nd ed.
AUTHOR      Kanbawza Win.
PUBLISHER   Bangkok  : C.P.D.S.K. Publications, 1994. 74 p.  : ill.
SUBJECT     Military government--Burma., Thailand.

TITLE       Culture shock!  : Burma
AUTHOR      Saw Myat Yin.
PUBLISHER   Singapore  : Times Books International, c1994. 207 p. : ill. ;
SUBJECT     Etiquette, Description and travel, Social life, customs in Burma

TITLE       Hard travel to sacred places
AUTHOR      Wurlitzer, Rudolph.
PUBLISHER   Boston  : Shambhala, 1994. v, 161 p.  ; 20 cm.
SUBJECT     Wurlitzer, Rudolph--Journeys--Cambodia, Thailand, Burma.
            Buddhism--Cambodia, Thailand, Burma, Description and travel.

TITLE    Inked over, ripped out  : Burmese storytellers and the censors  
AUTHOR      Allott, Anna J.
PUBLISHER   Chiang Mai  : Silkworm Books, 1994.,124 p.  ; 19 cm.
SUBJECT     Burmese fiction--20th century--History and criticism.
            Authors, Burmese--20th century--Political and social views.
            Burmese fiction--Authorship--Political aspects,Psychology in
literature, Censorship, Burmese fiction--20th century--Translations into
English.,m Burma--Politics and government--1988-

TITLE       Mandalay  : travels from the Golden City.
AUTHOR      Strachan, Paul.
PUBLISHER   Gartmore, Striling  : Kiscadale Publications, 1994., xii, 226 p.
SUBJECT     Burma--Description and travel.

TITLE       Mawchi  : mining, war and insurgency in Burma
AUTHOR      Crozier, L. A.
CORPORATE   Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia
Relations.
PUBLISHER   Queensland  : Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations,
Faculty ofAsian and International Studies, Griffith University, 1994., 113 p.
SUBJECT     Crozier, L. A., Australians--Burma., Insurgency--Burma--Mawchi--
History.  Mawchi (Burma)--History., Burma--Politics and government--1824-1948.
  Burma--Politics and government--1948-

TITLE       Mountbatten  : the private story
AUTHOR      Hoey, Brian.
PUBLISHER   London  : Sidgwick  and  Jackson, 1994., x, 272 p.
SUBJECT     Mountbatten of Burma, Louis Mountbatten, Earl, 1900-1979.
            Admirals--Great Britain--Biography., Viceroys--India--Biography.

TITLE       Return via Rangoon  : a young chindit survives the jungle and
Japanese captivity.
AUTHOR      Stibbe, Philip.
PUBLISHER   London  : Leo Cooper, 1994. xv, 232 p.
SUBJECT     World War, 1939-1945--Campaigns--Burma. World War,
1939-1945--Prisoners and prisons, Japanese., World War, 1939-1945--Personal 
narratives, English.

TITLE       Thailand  and  Burma handbook.
PUBLISHER   Bath, England  : Trade  and  Travel Publications, 1994-v.
SUBJECT     Thailand, Burma--Description and travel--Guide-books.

TITLE      Twilight over Burma  : my life as a Shan princess, foreword by Bertil Lintner.
AUTHOR      Sargent, Inge.
PUBLISHER   Honolulu  : University of Hawai Press, 1994. xxiv, 216 p.  :
SUBJECT     Kya Seng, Sao, Sargent, Inge., Shans (Asian people)--Kings and
rulers--Biography. Shan State (Burma)--Politics and governemnt.

1995 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA

TITLE       Burma the golden
AUTHOR      Klein, Wilhelm., Pfannmuller, Gunter.
PUBLISHER   [Bangkok]  : Insight Topics, 1995. 168 p.  : col. ill.
SUBJECT     Buddhism, Description and travel--Pictorial works.
                Religious life and customs--Pictorial works.

TITLE       Constructive engagement in the Burmese context
AUTHOR      Kanbawza Win.
PUBLISHER   Bangkok  : CPDSK, 1995., j, 210 p.
SUBJECT     Burma. SLORC, Democracy--Burma., Politics and government--1988-

TITLE       Cultural sites of Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia  
AUTHOR      Dumarcay, Jacques. Smithies, Michael, 1932-
PUBLISHER   Kuala Lumpur  ; New York  : Oxford University Press, 1995. xi,
SUBJECT     Monuments, Antiquities, Civilization--Burma.Thailand.Cambodia.

TITLE       Freedom from fear  : and other writings
foreword by Desmond Tutu ; edited with an introduction by Michael Aris. -
AUTHOR      Aung San Suu Kyi. Aris, Michael.
PUBLISHER   London  : Penguin Books, 1995., xxxi, 374 p.
SUBJECT     Aung San suu Kyi, Burma--Politics and government.

TITLE       Norman Lewis omnibus  
AUTHOR      Lewis, Norman.
PUBLISHER   London  : Picador, 1995. 834 p.
SUBJECT     Lewis, Norman--Journeys--Asia. Indochina--Description and travel.
            Burma--Description and travel, India--Description and travel.

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[Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage]

Arakan/Rohingya/Burma     volunteer needed 
Bangladesh Border	
Campus activism: 	zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi]   wcsbeau@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx     
Buddhism:                    Buddhist Relief Mission:  brelief@xxxxxxx
Chin history/culture:        plilian@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Fonts:                  		tom@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
History of Burma:            zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Kachin history/culture:      74750.1267@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Karen history/culture: 	Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Mon history/culture:         [volunteer needed]
Naga history/culture: 	Wungram Shishak:  z954001@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Burma-India border            [volunteer needed]
Pali literature:            	 "Palmleaf":  c/o burmanet@xxxxxxxxxxx
Shan history/culture:        [volunteer needed]
Shareholder activism:       simon_billenness@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Total/Pipeline		Christopher Dietrich: cd@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx  
Tourism campaigns:      	bagp@xxxxxxxxxx     "Attn. S.Sutcliffe"   
World Wide Web:              FreeBurma@xxxxxxxxx
Volunteering:           	christin@xxxxxxxxxx  

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