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DAWN Bulletin part 1
Strong Opposition Activities Against the National Convention and the
Need For International Support
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After the resolute decision by the National League for Democracy
to walk out of the National Convention, there are now almost no
delegates attending the National Convention who were elected by the
people in the May 1990 national elections. Slorc Declaration Number
1/90 issued on 27 July 1990 states that it is the duty of the elected
representatives of the people to draw up a constitution. Slorc has
never repealed or repudiated this Declaration. The so-called National
Convention, which is being staged by the Slorc without the elected
representatives in order to attempt to legitimize military rule, is a
sham and is a violation of Slorc's own official Declaration.
NLD's decision to boycott the National Convention expresses its
desire to do what is most beneficial for the people. Since the release of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, from illegal house arrest, the NLD has done
its best to create conditions conductive to continue the struggle for
democracy in an peaceful and effective way. Unfortunately, Slorc has
continued its campaign of political repression and harassment. Since
the beginning of the National Convention, all the democratic forces
and the overwhelming majority of the ethnic forces have clearly
opposed it. The NLD and other opposition groups have a unified view
of the National Convention which was best expressed by Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi when she commented that the National Convention was
not heading for what the people want, and further she stated that the
National Convention would not bring about national reconciliation,
multi-party democracy or a constitution acceptable to the people of
Burma. With no elected representatives of the people in the National
Convention it can be said that opposing the National Convention is the
will of the entire people of Burma.
Slorc, by ignoring the views and will of the people and
attempting to continue the illegitimate National Convention without a
mandate from the people, clearly demonstrates its objective of
attempting to consolidate a constitutional military dictatorship in the
future politics of Burma. In order to consolidate their military rule,
Slorc will keep committing various forms of oppression against the
Burmese people and opposition forces. The international community
must remain alert to developments in Burma, and now is the crucial
time for those in the international community who wish to see
democracy and human rights in Burma, who wish to see Burma gain
internal peace and contribute to regional security, to express their
strong and firm views opposing the so-called National Convention.
This type of international support will be critical for the struggle for
democracy and human rights in Burma, and for the unwavering efforts
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Not only the international community but of all those who wish
to see democracy triumph in Burma must unite to dissuade Slorc from
trying to consolidate a constitutional military dictatorship and at the
same time give all-out support to the democratization efforts
undertaken by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD. Statesmen,
diplomats, government heads, and other prominent figures should go
to Burma and meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD
leaders. Actions such as showing support for and maintaining contact
with NLD, such as condemning the National Convention, such as
suspending any support or assistance to Slorc, and such as asserting
more pressure on Slorc to hold a tripartite dialogue between
democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ethnic groups and
Slorc, will all be necessary before national reconciliation can occur
and before a truly democratic nation can be built. That goal, after all,
is the real aspiration of the people of Burma.
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OUT OF CONTROL; THE AIDS EPIDEMIC IN BURMA
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A report from Rangoon
The Southeast Asian Information Network (SAIN)
The last thing the embattled people of Burma need is more
bad news. Seven years after a brutal military crackdown on their mass
movement for democracy and five year after their resounding choice of
a democratic system in national elections, they still live under a
brutally repressive military regime, and they are still among the
poorest people in Asia. But there have indeed in the tables and figures
complied by the country's National AIDS Program in their cramped
and dusty offices in Rangoon. Burma, one of Asia's poorest and most
isolated countries, is undergoing a devastating epidemic of HIV/AIDS.
There are many talented and dedicated physicians, nurses and public
health workers in Burma, and many are committed to HIV prevention
and AIDS care, but resources are scarce, and the political situation and
the isolation of their country makes their efforts all the more
difficult.
HIV was first detected in Burma in the late 1980's,. In 1989-
90, significant rates were identified in injecting drug users. just three
years later, in 1993, the virus was being found wherever testing could
be done, in the big cities of the Irrawaddy delta, in towns and villages
in the far north, in the deep south, on the Thai border to the east and
on the India border to the west. In Kachin state, a remote mountainous
province bordering China, 93% of several hundred addicts tested in a
1994 survey were HIV infected the highest rate reported among
injecting drugs in the world. Wandering the battered pavements of
Rangoon, of Mandalay, it's hard to imagine that as many as 400,000 of
the gracious and long-suffering people one sees are carrying a fatal
virus; but they are. And, given the state of Burma's public health
system and the political and social realities of life under the
countries'
military dictatorship, the Burmese AIDS epidemic is just getting
started.
The global HIV/AIDS epidemic has taken a new turn the
1990's.. The World Health Organization estimates that HIV virus is
currently spreading faster in Asia than in any other part of the world.
The worst hit countries in the region thus far are India, with more than
one and two million infections; Thailand with at least 800,000;
Burma, with perhaps 400,000 and Cambodia with close to 200,000 of
a relatively small population of less than seven million. While these
figures are disturbing, is not the absolute numbers of people infected
that have caused such concern in the international public health
community but the unprecedented speed with which HIV is spreading
in these densely populated Asian nations. This is nowhere more
evident than in the case of Burma, where backward medical
conditions, poverty, the country's ongoing political crisis, mass
population movements, and a flood of cheap heroin have led to
explosive HIV spread.
Of the principal routes of HIV spread (unprotected sexual
intercourse, sharing of injection equipment among drug users,
transfusion of infected blood and blood products, and mother to infant)
there is evidence that HIV transmission in Burma now involves all
four. Condoms were illegal until 1992, and they are now used by less
than 1% of the population, making virtually all sex unprotected.
Prostitution is illegal, and men who patronize sex workers can be
charged under the laws dating from the 1880's British colonial penal
code which equates these acts with rape. Sentences can be harsh; up to
ten years in prison, and this drives prostitution deeply underground
and, tragically, out of the reach of public health workers who might
educate sex workers and clients about the HIV problem. Still, there is
prostitution in the country, and trafficking of Burmese women into
other sex markets in the region is a significant problem.
Making the blood supply safe has been a priority of the
underfunded and understaffed national program, and progress has
been made, but the supply I far from safe, even in the big cities. In the
rural areas blood is still often transfused without testing; two of
Burma's fourteen states and divisions have not yet started HIV testing.
Because so many pregnant women are anemic, and prenatal care so
limited, transfusions after delivery are much more common than in
developed nations, compounding the problem. And of course, there is
the war. While many ethnic groups have now signed cease-fire
agreements with the Slorc, fighting continues in Burma's 40 year civil
war even in these areas. Battlefield conditions in these rural ethnic
areas are ideal for HIV spread through unsafe medical practices. A
further problem is that approximately 80% of medical practitioners
work in the private sector. Resources are limited, syringes expensive,
and re-use of unsterile equipment is thought to be a major problem.
Even in government facilities, universal precautions to prevent HIV
spread in medical procedures are a luxury few hospitals can afford.
While sexual transmission and unsafe medical practices are
compelling problems, the most significant route of HIV spread in
Burma is through sharing of injection equipment by addicts. Western
government, and in particular the Cliton administration, have long
pointed to Burma as one of the major opium growing and heroin
exporting countries of the world. Estimates vary, but even the lowest
suggest that Burma produces some 40% of the world's heroin. What is
less known is that Burma has also become a heroin consumer. The
junta currently admits that as many as one in a hundred adult men is
an active heroin addict, though an earlier (unpublished) report
suggested that the percentage may be closer to one in 25 men.
Possession of drugs and syringes is illegal, and carrying syringes can
lead to long incarceration. Syringes are also in desperately short
supply. As a result, addicts go to "tea stalls" shooting galleries
behind
shops and tea houses where professional injectors give them their
doses. Up to 40 people may be injected with the same needle,
efficiently spreading not only HIV but other blood borne infection
including Hepatitis B and C, syphilis and malaria. HIV rates among
these addicts in 1994-95 were over 80% in Rangoon, Mandalay and
other cities and towns where tests were done. Most of these addicts are
young men, so sex spread to other groups, including wives and
girlfriends is likely. Not surprisingly, HIV rates among pregnant
women are rising rapidly as well.
Burma poses special challenges to HIV researchers, donor
agencies, Non-Governmental Organizations and bodies like UNICEF
and the WHO, all of which have active AIDS programs in neighboring
countries including Thailand and India. While it is clear that Burma
will need international support to attempt to control HIV and to cope
with the large number of AIDS patients, it is also clear that working
under the generals in charge of Burma's ruling junta is both difficult
and ethically problematic. The Burmese junta is notoriously one of the
worst human rights abusers in the world. The regime is feared and
widely mistrusted by the people, and many of their policies and law
may actually be facilitating the spread of HIV. The best example of
such policies is Burma's extensive prison system. All educational
materials (indeed all reading materials) are banned in Slorc's jails,
making education of prisoners next to impossible. Condoms are not
available, ensuring that what sex does occur is unsafe. But more
importantly, prisoners are still used for collection of blood products,
and collection equipment is often reused, making even donation of
blood unsafe. A refusal on the part of the junta to monitor conditions
in these prisons recently caused to the International Committee of the
Red Cross to pull out of Burma. Burma activists, meanwhile, fear that
AIDS control programs are unlikely to reach the people who need help
the most, that accountability of funds is virtually impossible to assure,
and the regime, which craves international recognition, will attempt to
use high profile AIDS programs to seek legitimacy.
While the UN and indeed the US Congress, have condemned
the regime and called for the restoration of democracy in Burma, many
major corporations, including publicly owned UNOCAL of California,
continue to do business with the junta.
The Slorc have allowed some HIV programs to function, and
sanctioned the National AIDS Program, these steps may mask another,
deeper reality of the AIDS situation under the regime. Conversations
with health professionals point to 1988 as the year heroin use became
widespread among Burma's youth. Before 1988 there had been
scattered addicts, and traditional use of smoked opium was common
among some ethnic groups, but no Burmese could remember rampant
and widespread use of heroin until 1988-1989. The heroin epidemic
coincides with the suppression of the mass ovement of 1988, when
millions of Burma's people rose up against years of military misrule
and demanded democracy in the non-violent uprising that swept Aung
San Suu Kyi to national prominence. Following the violent crackdown
by the junta, elections were held under UN auspices in 1990, and the
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won an
overwhelming victory, but the military refused to step aside. The rise
in domestic heroin use in Burma closely followed the junta's
consolidation of power. In 1995, their control of the country is close to
absolute. They have remained in power through a combination of
brutal repression, attraction of foreign investment capital, and high
levels of military spending. The one sector of the economy they deny
involvement in is the drug business, though heroin is easily Burma's
most lucrative cash crop. Is the military directly involved? One student
of the 1988 movement had this to say "if you put up a poster about
democracy at Rangoon University, you get 15 years in jail, if you hold
a meeting to discuss human rights, you get 15 years in jail, but you can
sell heroin in the college dormitory and nobody will bother you."
The Burmese democracy movement has called for economic
sanctions against the junta, and these are currently being debated in
the US, at UN and by governments worldwide. The dilemma for the
Burmese people is that HIV will not wait for the restoration for
democracy. However, should the junta remain in power, the political
and social realities of their rule may frustrate any attempt to control
HIV, even with donor agency involvement and international
participation. Perhaps the position of Archbishop Desmond Tutu
during the apartheid struggle best illustrates where AIDS researchers
and organizations eager to help the Burmese people now find
themselves. Tutu opposed the immunization programs UNICEF
wanted to mount in the old South Africa. UNICEF's position was that
"children are above politics." Tutu's position was that it was the
apartheid system, not lack of vaccines, at the root of the
disproportionate mortality among black children. Since UNICEF's
involvement would give legitimacy to the Apartheid government's
claims to be "helping" blacks, it had to be resisted. The tragedy of
Burma may be that without a political solution to the countries' current
crisis, HIV will be impossible to control. But unless the generals step
aside soon, Burma will be devastated by AIDS.
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Corporate genocide: Multinationals attempt to turn Burma into
another South Africa
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Why should we in the US care about corporate investment in
Burma? Why should we boycott Pizza Hut and Taco Bell, and stop
drinking Pepsi ( the essentials of the American diets)? Why should we
boycott and demand divestment from UNOCAL, TEXACO and
ARCO? Because these US corporation bankroll the illegitimate regime
in Burma and directly sponsor the human rights violations, in effect,
supporting one of these most brutal and pariah dictatorships in the
world.
Burma renamed as Myanmar by the country's military rulers
in 1989, has been under the totalitarian rule since 1962. During the
past three decades, owing to the mismanagement of the economy, the
political oppression, and xenophobic policies of the regime, the
country, once one of the most prosperous in Asia, has been
transformed into a pauper state. Further, the repressive regime in
Rangoon has denied its people fundamental human rights, such as
freedom of speech, freedom of press, and freedom to move about even
within the country, Virtually all aspects of the country's livelihood are
regulated and scrutinized through a pervasive network of intelligence
and paid-informers. In brief, Burma has become one vast slave labor
camp, and her 45 million people, prisoners of their own armed forces.
In 1988, the whole country erupted into a series of massive
pro-democracy demonstrations calling for an end of totalitarian rule
and the restoration of democracy and human rights. As to be expected,
the military slaughtered several thousand unarmed peaceful
demonstrators including students, civilians, Buddhist monks, women
and children. In 1990, the military allowed democratic elections to be
held for the first time since the inception of its totalitarian rule in
1962. In the elections, the military-backed National Unity Party won
only a handful of seats in the parliament whereas the popular National
League for Democracy won 385 seats out of 450. The regime simply
nullified the election results and blatantly violated its promise to
transfer power to the elected representatives to form a democratic
government.
Meanwhile, the regime has stepped up its terror campaign
against pro-democracy activists in particular, and the populace in
general. It also incarcerated to top NLD leaders including the party's
founder 1991 Nobel Peace Price recipient Aung San Suu Kyi for about
6 years, her only crime being that she spoke out against the regime's
injustices against its people. Despite her expected released on July 10
this year, the country's human rights situations remain virtually the
same. The October 26, 1995 report by Amnesty International states
that '" the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on 10 July 1995 was a
positive and welcome step taken by the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc, Myanmar's military regime). however, the
human rights situation there remain critical. Thousands of poltical
prisoners remained behind bars, among them at least 50 prisoners of
conscience." Various forms of human rights violations such as ethnic
cleansing, forced labor, arbitrary arrests, torture, summary executions,
gang rapes, forced relocation and displacement of its citizens, are
being carried out by the regime. As a consequence of these atrocities,
indigenous communities are being wiped out and hundreds of
thousands of people flee the country to become refugees in
neighboring Thailand, Bangladesh, and India.
While the human rights situation continues to worsen within
Burma, the military has expanded its army from China, Poland,
Singapore, and Pakistan. The military expenditure amounts to 40 per
cent of the national budget. the arms build-up is made possible by the
fact that the regime has been selling off the country's natural resources
at bargain prices after the bloody crackdown of democracy movement
in 1988. Neighboring Asian countries such as Thailand, China,
Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, and Brunei are taking full
advantage of the so-called "constructive engagement" policies to cash
in on the regime's desperate need for hard currency. Later Japan and
Australia have joined the lead of the aforementioned countries in
exploiting Burma's natural resources.
While the US government along with other European
countries has taken a strong stand against the regime, several major
US corporations, most notably, PepsiCo and the oil giants, UNOCAL,
TEXACO and ARCO are among the top investors in Burma. PepsiCo
has a monopoly over soft-drinking bottling, while UNOCAL jointly
with French government owned TOTAL Oil off-shore natural gas
production project worth over US$ 1 billion per year with the military
regime.
The regime is also eager to bring in foreign tourists for want
of their dollars and yens. To build the much-needed infrastructure for
its "Visit Burma Year 1996" tourism promotion project, the regime
has reportedly used slave labor throughout the country. people
including children as young as eight are being forced to work under
blistering tropical heat, literally at gun points to make the country
ready for western tourists as well as wealthy businessmen from Japan,
Korea, Thailand, Singapore, Brunei, and Hong Kong. US alumni
associations at various universities including Duke, Stanford, Yale,
Northwestern, Minnesota, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Brown,
University of Southern California and Notre Dame are planning to
send alumni vacation trips to Burma.
The consequences of these collaborative and irresponsible
activities with Burma's pariah regime are of critical importance. First,
they provide the military regime with much-needed foreign currency to
further consolidate its reign over the people. Second, the economic
projects, such as clearing-cutting of topical rain forests (Burma houses
about 80 per cent of the world's remaining teak forests) will certainly
produce disastrous impacts on the environment and ecosystem. Third,
as the giant natural gas production project is to be carried out in the
areas where Burma's indigenous ethnic minorities live, these people
are being conscripted as porters and slaves to build roads and railways
while their villages are burned down to clear way for the natural gas
pipeline construction. Fourth, because Kyat(Burma's currency) is
utterly worthless outside the country, corporations such as PepsiCo
repatriates their profits by buying and selling agricultural products
produced by the regime-sponsored slave labor thereby directly
encouraging the regime's ruthless behaviors toward its own people.
Finally these corporations lobby the US Congress on behalf of the
regime and hence legitimating the illegitimate regime.
the leader of the democracy movement in Burma, Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi has put forward her conviction that economic
development must not come at the expense of the people of Burma.
After her release, Aung San Suu Kyi has strongly urged foreign
investors not to rush in to do business with the regime, until the
regime is prepared to carry out genuine democratic changes. In the
December 4, 1995 issue of the New Republic, Madeleine K.Albright,
the US permanent representative to the United Nations, who met with
both democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta, writes
that "Democracies should be ashamed to encourage their business
people to be "first in Burma," for this would provide the Slorc with the
booty it needs to resist mounting pressure for a political
opening......International banks must not bail the Slorc out."
Despite the repeated calls for a political dialogue s a means
for national reconciliation made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and forces
of democracy both within and without Burma, the regime shows no
sign of easing its authoritarian grip over the people. On November 28,
1995 the regime reconvened the National Convention which,
according to the regime, will produce a constitution for the country
and which most diplomats and Aung San Suu Kyi's winning National
League for Democracy party call as sham. Regardless of whatever
forms the future governments may take, the regime has made it clear
that it will dictate the country's destiny, hence institutionalizing the
military's belief that it is above any law.
In the light of the regime's highly repressive and reactionary
policies and behaviors towards its own people, there is an urgent need
for imposition of economic sanctions, consumer boycott against greed-
driven and morally bankrupt multinationals such as PepsiCo and
UNOCAL, and university divestment. A second South Africa
movement is in order. South Africa's Nobel Peace Laureate Desmond
Tutu wrote in an article entitled "Burma as South Africa",
"International pressure can change the situation in Burma. Tough
sanctions, not constructive engagement, finally brought the release of
Nelson Mandela and the dawn of a new era in my country. This is the
language that must be spoken with tyrants- for sadly, it is the only
language they understand."
At the US Congress level, Senator Mitch McConnell (R-
Kentuky) is preparing to reintroduce an economic sanction bill against
the regime. City Councils across the US, including Oakland, San
Francisco, New York, Minneapolis, Chicago and Seattle are
considering passing of selective purchasing ordinances modeled after
South Africa resolutions. Already Berkeley (California) , Madison
(Wisconsin) and Santa Monica (California) passed selective
purchasing ordinances this year. In the US, there is a growing
grassroots movement for a Free Burma. On October 27 this year about
70 US Colleges and universities including Harvard, Stanford, Yale,
Northwestern, Wisconsin, Notre Dame, Indian, Michigan, Columbia,
Berkeley and University of California (Los Angeles) participated in
nation-wide protest demonstrations against US corporations that
bankroll the dictatorship in Burma. These Free Burma groups at
various campuses are urging university boards of regents and of
trustees to: (1) sponsor shareholder resolutions at annual meetings to
end corporate funding to Burma's dictators as in the case of the
University of Washington; (2) divest university's money from those
corporations that continue to do business in Burma as in the case of
Stanford; and (3) drop alumni tours to Burma as in the case of Yale.
A handful of US corporations including Levi Strauss, Eddie
Bauer, and Liz Claiborne however pulled out of Burma citing as the
main reason the impossibility of doing business in Burma without
helping perpetuate the regime's strangle hold over its people. Recently
UCLA dropped its planned alumni trip as it was strongly protested by
Burma activists and politically enlightened alumni.
One of the pillars of this Free Burma movement is the
Student Environmental Action Coalition (SEAC) across the US
campuses. The other two groups that participate fully in the movement
are human rights and women's group. The organizers are eager to
form a coalition with other activist groups with similar goals and
visions. Already at places like the University of Wisconsin at Madison,
Students for a Free Tibet, East Timor Action Network, University of
Washington Greens, Student Labor Action Coalition, Community
Action for Latin America and Teaching Assistant Association are
working together to create a social movement, the ultimate goal of
which is the adoption of socially responsible investment policies on the
part of the universities.
Zar Ni, co-cordinator for the Free Burma Coalition, is a Burmese
political exile. He is writing Ph.D. dissertation on the politics of
education under military rule in Burma (1962-88) at the University of
Wisconsin at Madison.
DAWN News Bulletin Vol.5 No.5. November/December
ABSDF (Dawn Gwin)