Victims of Eco-politics (r)

[aungsan@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx]

>From : Federation of Trade Unions, Burma (West Burma)
Subject : Victims of eco-politics
 
VICTIMS OF ECO-POLITICS
Northeast Sun April 1-14, 1996
 
BY SUHAS CHAKMA
 
View Point
 
If the joint declaration of the European and Asian leaders in Bangkok 
on March 2, 1996 on human rights issues is any indication, 
authoritarian governments will roam scot-free. The promotion of 
fundamental rights has been made subject to "non-intervention, 
whether direct or indirect, in each others internal affairs".
 
Where does principle of non-interventionism leave the pro-democracy 
movement in Burma? Or does it justify the barbarism of general Sani 
Abacha in Nigeria? It is a crucial and delicate issue which the human 
rights community will continue to raise with all the governments. The 
end of apartheid in South Africa or the award of Palestinian self-ruled 
does not make the interventionist diplomacy obsolete. Many autocratic 
rulers subjugate their own people.
 
In the Asian scenario, the repression of the Burmese army on their 
own people spontaneously comes to mind. Yet, there is a beeline to 
make friendship with State Law and Order Restoration Council 
(SLORC), quite a misnomer. India, Johnny cam lately, to join the 
beeline of China, members of the Association of the South East Asian 
Nations (ASEAN) and Japan to convalesce relations with the SLORC 
is currently worried about the Dragons tentacles in the Bay of Bengal 
and Indian Ocean. In the process of increasing approximation of geo-
political relationship between the SLORC and its nervous neighbours, 
the ethnic minority refugees from Burma have become the pawns.
 
The SLORC senior leader General Than Shwe visited Beijing from 
January 6-13, 1996 and met Chinese President Jiang Jemin and 
Premier Li Peng. China agreed to provide low interest loans and 
technical help for Burmese economy. In 1995, Myanmar traded goods 
with China worth an estimated $600 million, 18 per cent more than 
1994.
 
But, the neighbours of Burma do not consider its relations with the 
Asian super-power, China as purely economic. In April 1995, the 
ASEAN countries for the first time challenged Beijing on its 
encroachment in the disputed Spratlys in the South China sea. The 
Chinese military helped the SLORC to build three deep water ports in 
Myanmar and a sophisticated radar facility on the Coco islands in the 
Indian Ocean. In December 1995, Myanmar received five powered 
patrol vessels from China, the last batch of the promised 45 vessels. 
The SLORC had reportedly bought weapons and equipment from 
China worth over $2 billion in the last half decade.
 
India is in a piquant station whether to choose Aung San Suu Kyi or 
the SLORC. Hundreds of pro-democracy activists were given staunch 
support by the government of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and 
V.P. Singh.
 
After five years of diplomacy stand-off, Prime Minister Narashima 
Rao sent Mr. J.N. Dixit, the then Foreign Secretary, to Yangon in 
February 1993 t mend fences with the SLORC. The Deputy Foreign 
Minister of Burma in his subsequent visit to New Delhi in early 1994 
exerted pressure upon New Delhi to stop assisting or permitting anti-
SLORC activities from India soil.
 
The odds to outmanoeuvre China are quite high against India. China 
has entrenched in Burma by providing moral and material support to 
the SLORC even in the most difficult period after the crackdown of the 
pro-democracy activists in 1988. China remained the sole ally of the 
SLORC when India joined the international community to severe 
diplomatic ties with the SLORC.
 
Since the resumption of diplomatic relations in 1993, hundreds of 
ethnic Burmese minority refugees have been refouled or coerced to 
return to their country. The handful of pro-democracy activists  in 
Delhi have been under pressure from the United Nations High 
Commissioner for Refugees ( UNHCR ) to return to the camps in India 
border states of Manipur and Mizoram or stop anti-SLORC activities. 
India has allegedly been pressurising  the UNHCR.
 
The Burmese refugees in the North East India namely the Chins, 
Nagas and Arakanese are often harassed by Indian security forced. 
Although the State Government of Mizoram tolerates the presence of 
the Chins, it has, in acquiescence with the Central Government of 
India initiated a campaign to expel 40,000 Chin refugees sheltered in 
the State. In September and October 1994, at least 1000 Chin refugees 
were reportedly deported from India over a one-month period. The 
repatriation process of September-October 1994 was temporarily 
discontinued only to begin again in June 15, 1995.
 
The repatriation process of June 1995 was allegedly a part of the  
Indo-Myanmar trade pact signed in early 1995. It was informally 
agreed start joint Indo-Myanmar military operations to quell both the 
domestic insurgency movements in north-east India and the Burmese 
democratic forces currently living in India. In April 1995, the 
Burmese and Indian military officials launched a joint military 
campaign, <italic>Operation Golden Bird<italic>. India alleges that 
the Chin National Front has links with domestic insurgents groups, 
the United Liberation Front of Assam and the Manipurs Peoples 
Liberation Army.
 
India Home Secretary K. Padmanabhaiah and SLORCs Deputy Home 
Minister Mr. Tin Hlaing held a meeting on August 16-17, 1995 in 
New Delhi to review the Operation Golden Bird. In the latest meeting 
held in Yangon from December 22-25 1995, India once again assured 
Myanmar of taking all possible and practical measures to curb the 
"negative elements".
 
But Myanmar in annoyed with India over the award of Jawahalal 
Nehru Award for International Understanding to Aung San Suu Kyi in 
1995. In an International Conference on Restoration of Democracy in 
Burma held in New Delhi in January 1996, Indian national political 
parties including the ruling Congress party condemned the SLORC. 
Suu Kyi also received extensive press coverage from Indian journalists 
who accompanied Mr. Padmanabhaiah in December 1995.
 
The SLORC snubbed the Indian Government by cancelling visas on 
January 11, 1996 to an Indian expedition team consisting of members 
of parliament and Prime Ministers confidantes, retracing the historic 
March of Indian National Army during the World War II. The team 
was stranded and had to be airlifted from Yangon after Prime 
Ministers intervention.
 
Thailand also never recognised over 60,000 ethnic Karen, Mon, 
Karenni and Tavoyan Burmese refugees. The Burmese military has 
often crossed the international border and torched the makeshift camps 
of the Mon refugees. The Thai military official remain silent because 
of their business interest in the legal log and drug business.
 
The Chins and Arakanese are not also recognised as refugees in 
Bangladesh unlike the Rohingyya Muslims. They are often harassed by 
the local Bangladeshi officials. Around 10,000 Karen refugees 
sheltered in Yunan province have been victims of the Chinese and 
Burmese military harassment.
 
In the aftermath of the agreement between Khun Sa, the druglord of 
The golden Triangle and the Shans fled to Thailand to escape from 
atrocities of the SLORC forces. The ethnic Karen also fell that the 
SLORC will deploy all the forces against them. However, as the 
economic interest set the rules of diplomatic relations, human rights, 
promotion of good governance and democracy are put on the back 
burner.
 
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