BurmaNet News: August 6,, 1996

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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: August 6, 1996
Issue #484

NOTES:
======
 	We in Burma do not have our basic rights which are necessary 
	for security, I do not think that fun and fortune is what we are 
	after, said Suu Kyi. (see: ASSK: AUG. 3 SPEECH (ON 
	FOREIGN INVESTMENT)

HEADLINES:
==========
ASSK: AUG. 3 SPEECH (ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT)
ASIA WEEK: DOWN AND UP IN MYANMAR
NCUB: LETTER IN SUPPORT OF HUNGER STRIKE IN JAPAN
SLORC PRESS: "MORE FAITHFUL TO A FOREIGNER ........"
S.H.A.N : DRUG BUSINESS
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

ASSK: AUG. 3 SPEECH (ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT)
August 3, 1996

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi made the following remarks in English at the 
conclusion of her 4:00pm talk on Saturday, August 3

I was asked to speak a few words in English to explain for those of our
visitors who do not understand Burmese what we have been speaking about.

To begin with I responded to letters from the public.
Among those letters is one which should be of interest to tourists.  It is 
from Lashio and says that they have been asked to rebuild their houses 
with brick and to contribute towards the building of new pavement.  I 
assume this is to impress tourists when they come for "Visit Myanmar Year" 
which is supposed to begin on the 18th of November.  This is why we say 
that the kind of investment that are made now -- and a lot are in the tourism 
industry -- do not benefit the people at large.  To the contrary, they give a lot 
of trouble to the people.  Many of those in Lashio who have been told to 
rebuild their houses in brick cannot afford to rebuild their houses.  They do 
not know what to do. They do not know whether they will be asked to leave 
and sell their houses to others who can afford to rebuild the houses in 
accordance with the standards imposed by the authorities.  This is why we 
say that investments now do not benefit the public at large.  There is 
misgovernance in Burma.  As long as there is misgovernance the people 
will not benefit from any kind of investment.

Also, I was speaking in some detail to an article which appeared in the 
latest issue of ASIAWEEK magazine to the effect that Burmese people 
are only interested in fun and fortune; they're not that interested in freedom.  
I think whoever wrote that article must himself be very much interested 
in fun and fortune.  Probably because he already has all the freedom he 
wants.  We in Burma do not have our basic rights which are necessary 
for security.  I do not think that fun and fortune is what we are after.  
We are after long-term freedom and justice, without which there cannot 
be any peace in this country. Unless there is a system which can insure 
peace and justice in this country,there can be no happiness in the long run.  
We are interested in the longterm well-being and happiness of the people 
of Burma in general.  We are not interested in fun and fortune of a few 
selfish people in this country.  This is why these things, such as this article, 
are an insult to the people of Burma who have sacrificed a lot so they may 
be able to achieve a system that ensures justice and peace, not just for 
ourselves, but for succeeding generations.

We would not like visitors to Burma to be deceived by the apparent 
appearance of . . . happiness . . . shall we put it this way.  It is because 
the people of Burma . . . we are culturally a people who put a lot of value 
on projecting a happy front.  This is partly cultural and partly because we 
think it is only polite to appear happy in front of visitors.  So just because 
you see Burmese people smiling, you must not assume that everything is 
well with us.  There is still a lot to be done before Burma can become the 
kind of cuntry that can ensure security, prosperity and peace for succeeding 
generations.

***********************************************************

ASIA WEEK: DOWN AND UP IN MYANMAR
August 2, 1996

Frustrated with both SLORC and Aung San Suu Kyi, people say what 
they really want is to get in on Asia's economic boom
By Ron Gluckman / Yangon

A horrendous howling echoes down the hillside from Shwedagon 
Pagoda, most sacred of all Buddhist shrines in Myanmar. At first 
I mistake the wailing for prayers. But moving closer I realize it 
is a woman's hysterical screams. The racket is coming from an 
escalator at the entrance to the gilded pagoda. An woman hugging 
a baby has fallen and is flopping around like a fish. 

Slipping through the dazed onlookers, I lift and guide her to 
safety. There are smiles today, but my driver recalls a similar 
scene that did not end so well. "A woman's hand was caught by the 
metal and, by the time they got her up, there was blood everywhere."

Myanmar's mystification with a moving stairway is typical of any 
land exposed to new technology. In many ways, it is an apt 
metaphor for the direction of this formerly isolated socialist 
state. Clearly Myanmar is moving forward, but that raises the 
question: what happens at the other end? 

At Shwedagon Pagoda, the answer is illuminating. After leaping 
bravely aboard the escalator, many riders fall flat on their 
faces at the finish. Others backtrack at the ledge, scared to 
take the final step forward. So it goes in many ways for Myanmar. 
"For too long, it's been one step forward, then two back," 
concedes a local businessman. "Of course, when we started our 
reforms, we knew there would be growing pains. But how much pain? 
And for how long?" 

The growing pains have become particularly acute this year. In 
June, Myanmar's steady but slow motion forward seemed to be 
heading toward cataclysm. Everyone was anxiously awaiting a 
showdown between democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi and the 
military government, known as the State Law and Order Restoration 
Council (SLORC).

Suu Kyi had seemed to be fading from view since her trumpeted 
release from six years of house arrest in July 1995. "There was a 
feeling of hopelessness," said a former member of Suu Kyi's 
National League for Democracy (NLD), which in 1990 won a 
landslide election that the junta refused to honor. "Everybody 
was so excited last year. We felt that change was coming, that 
democracy would win. But that feeling has passed as time went on."

Despite Suu Kyi's continued bravery in facing up to SLORC, the 
local elite is criticizing her more than ever for being out of 
step with the times. Perhaps there is no better explanation than 
this one offered by a young entrepreneur: "She's like an icon," 
he explains. "I supported her six years ago. But things were 
different then, and so was I. Now, we can do business and buy 
things. Nobody I know wants to go back to that time. We want to 
go forward."

Indeed, Myanmar in 1996 is miles removed from the xenophobic 
nation Suu Kyi escaped from during the political upheavals of the 
1960s. Her return home from Britain, to care for her ailing 
mother, coincided with a democracy movement that was brutally 
suppressed by the military in August 1988. The timing seemed 
scripted for an epic fairy tale: the SLORC generals like Goliath 
pitted against this Burmese David, the daughter of assassinated 
national hero Aung San. 

But the frustration with the way things have worked out can be 
felt on the streets of Yangon, in the countryside and most 
evidently around the compound where the Nobel laureate continues 
to defy authorities by speaking out weekend after weekend. As one 
student points out: "Talk doesn't count for anything; it's just 
talk. In the end, the generals are in control. They aren't going 
to go away." The sentiment is echoed by a seasoned reporter 
covering Myanmar: "A massive popular revolution here is unlikely, 
to say the least. And SLORC is not going to wake up one morning, 
slap its forehead and say, Gosh we forgot to allow Suu Kyi to take power."

The fact is that despite the massive coverage she gets in the 
international press, Suu Kyi has been increasingly marginalized. 
She and the NLD have maneuvered well for an opposition 
constrained by laws that ban even photocopying party material. 
But the tedious process has taken its toll. Confidantes say Suu 
Kyi, a methodical strategist, has grown bitter over her inability 
to force the generals to the negotiating table.

"Aung San Suu Kyi has definitely become more intransigent," says 
a Western observer. "Her charisma and influence over the people 
seem to have dimmed. Part of this is surely the time passing and 
the lack of results. SLORC just seems to get stronger, and she 
becomes less of a symbol of change by the day." Adds a former 
high-level NLD member: "She's really out of touch. She lives in 
isolation, in a dream world with her supporters and the media 
attention. Things have changed around her, but the NLD is still 
stuck in the past."

Meeting Suu Kyi is a shock. The slight woman seems more suited to 
tea parties and literary discussions than to a role as power 
broker with the junta. Suu Kyi, 51, glides across the room and 
settles gracefully in a chair. "She walks like a young girl, 
talks like a wise old woman and smells like a flower," I had been 
told. "That's the first thing I noticed; how nice she smelled," 
says a female diplomat.

Appearing with jasmine and lilacs in her hair, Suu Kyi quickly 
dispels any notion of frailty. "What we are trying to do is shape 
the kind of future that we want for our country. And that comes 
about through endeavor," she says. As to a more confrontational 
approach, she replies: "We're not just going to sit around and 
hope that the dialogue will come about."

Suu Kyi did elicit a dialogue of sorts by calling an NLD congress 
in May. SLORC responded with mass arrests of party members. 
Defiantly, Suu Kyi held the conference anyway later that month. 
In the following weeks, tension gripped the capital of Yangon, 
and crowds grew into the thousands outside Suu Kyi's house for 
her weekend talks. On June 7, SLORC dropped a bombshell: a new 
law that outlawed criticism, effectively banning the NLD.

Overnight, billboards went up at prominent locations throughout 
the city denouncing the "Western fashion girl" as a stooge of 
colonialist powers. This has been a common theme in past SLORC 
propaganda, but never before displayed so brazenly in English. 
"That's perhaps the most interesting development in years," said 
a Yangon-based diplomat. "The government has invested tremendous 
resources to try and attract foreigners to Visit Myanmar Year 
1996. To attack foreigners in this way shows Aung San Suu Kyi has 
really gotten under the generals' skin."

The face-off became a battle of mobs, with SLORC touting its own 
rallies. "Handful of traitors fomenting trouble at the 
instigation of their alien masters," reported SLORC's New Light 
of Myanmar newspaper. The back page said: "Citizens will not 
stand nor forgive internal traitors' attempts at orchestration 
with outside masters' dictates to instigate anarchism." Alien 
jokes circulated at the U.S. embassy. Even Suu Kyi chuckled: "It 
sounds like Star Wars, doesn't it? Forces of Evil, Alien 
Interference." One night, the local TV station aired an episode 
of Star Trek: The Next Generation in English. But few in Yangon 
were laughing. "The situation is very tough," a taxi driver told 
me. "No one knows what to think or believe. We have hopes, but we 
are worried." 

At the time, Suu Kyi seemed nervous about the prospects of a 
showdown with SLORC. "They have been threatening to annihilate us 
for the last several months," she said, almost flippantly. "It's 
gone from 'annihilation' to 'total annihilation.' We're used to 
this." Despite the drama, nothing happened. Even more mystifying 
was the removal of the barbed wire and barriers near Suu Kyi's home. 

Thus far, though, the government has been unable to turn public 
opinion against her. After all, among her many assets, she holds 
one trump card: SLORC. The horribly named junta is its own worst 
enemy. Though Suu Kyi's huge domestic support may have waned and 
entrepreneurs are all for progress, that does not mean anyone has 
a particular love for the ruling junta. "You can travel the 
entire country," says a Western scholar, "and the one thing you 
will find everywhere is that absolutely everyone hates SLORC."

The anger is not international. Publicly at least, investors 
profess great confidence in the military regime. "SLORC has 
brought stability to Myanmar," says one European hotelier. "Give 
me a repressive right-wing government over democratic anarchy any 
day," adds a British construction boss. "I can get one hundred 
workers on site, to do whatever I want, at a moment's notice," he 
explains. "The government here knows how to get things done." 

Meet the same people in private, though, and the enthusiasm is 
not as keen. They talk about tapped phones, corruption, endless 
red tape and an ingrained suspicion of foreign management that 
inhibits business. The bulls of Burma, in fact, resemble the 
boosters years ago in China and, more recently, in Vietnam. With 
40 million consumers and minimal labor costs, Myanmar is sure to 
be a place to make money. "But nobody is really making any," 
moaned one investor. "Not yet." 

Once one of the richest Asian nations, Myanmar retains a treasure 
chest of untapped wealth. It has jade and rubies, oil and gas and 
abundant agriculture. Yet even the boldest investors say the 
stigma of Myanmar's political repression restricts the pursuit of 
profit. "Nothing will change around here, nothing will improve 
and there will be no big investment until the government 
changes," says one Westerner. "SLORC knows this, which is the 
only reason they put up with Aung San Suu Kyi." 

One thing SLORC says about Suu Kyi is true: is a symbol of 
outside interference -- it is her greatest weapon. "Nobody is 
going to rise up against the army here," says one Western 
diplomat. "Talks are the only way forward, and the only way to 
get SLORC talking [to Suu Kyi] is by forcing them through 
pressure. Engagement is the worst thing any country can do. It 
rewards SLORC and puts off the day of dialogue."

But few people aside from political activists think sanctions 
will amount to much. The U.S. is one of the only nations talking 
seriously about a boycott and President Bill Clinton is already 
on record against it. Southeast Asian leaders have repeatedly 
reaffirmed a commitment to engagement in Myanmar; ASEAN made 
Yangon an official observer at its annual foreign ministers' 
meeting last week. 

Nor are sanctions generally popular with the Myanmar people. In 
the last five years, SLORC has loosened restrictions on the 
economy, resulting in some measure of free enterprise. Visitors 
arriving at the airport, for instance, are met by a line of 
people offering business cards and brochures, touting tour 
services and guest houses. The airport was deserted only two 
years ago, and few would have risked contact with a foreigner.

>From Yangon to northern Myitkyina, shops are stocked with VCRs 
and televisions, and satellite dishes dot rooftops. The capital's 
tiny blue "laybay" trucks, until recently the sole means of 
private transport, now sport actual "taxi" logos, but offer 
little competition to the new Japanese cars for hire that flood 
city streets. Youths who faced government troops eight years ago 
now can spot a Honda import at 50 meters. A Bangkok car dealer 
recently opened a Volkswagen showroom in the capital. He hopes to 
sell 50 cars his first year, perhaps 100 the second. "Young guys 
come in and ask about tape decks, speaker systems, even CD-ROMs," 
he says. "They don't even have cars, yet they know all the models 
and specifications."

Consumer-crazed youths long ago fueled a booming black market for 
foreign goods, largely smuggled in by tourists. Ten years ago, 
the trickle of visitors could finance an Asian holiday by 
peddling whisky, cigarettes and a few T-shirts. Nowadays, shops 
like "Uncle Sam" sell authentic U.S. goods. Even at $30 a piece -
- over a month's wage for most in Myanmar -- imported rock & roll 
T-shirts outsell half-price copies from China.

And while the local lads have readily adopted hairstyles and 
dress from the West, few have as keen an appreciation for its 
politics. Navigating Yangon's increasing traffic with a foreign 
democracy activist, my driver received a crash course in 
political correctness. The activist was boasting about having 
pressured U.S. soft drink company PepsiCo into abandoning its 
stake in production here. "Do you drink Pepsi?" the activist 
suddenly asked my driver, to emphasize local support for the 
boycott. Startled, he replied: "Yes, of course. I like Pepsi very much." 
 
"No, no, no," she scolded, then explained how people all over the 
world were switching to Coke to show their solidarity with 
Myanmar citizens, who should also stop drinking Pepsi. 
Unfortunately, such options are not available to residents of 
Myanmar, who savor access to any cola, not to mention the jobs at 
the bottling plant. "Pepsi supports SLORC," the activist said. 
"You should drink local soda." "Like Sparkling?" he suggested, 
brightening at her nod of approval for the locally produced 
beverage. But a minute later, he glanced in the mirror, 
perplexed: "But Sparkling is half-owned by SLORC."

That is only part of the problem of trying to influence change in 
Myanmar, as many well-meaning investors have discovered. While it 
may give satisfaction to college kids in Berkeley, California -- 
among a handful of U.S. cities to ban the purchase of goods from 
companies doing business in Myanmar -- to switch from Pepsi to 
another multinational brand, the impact in Myanmar is negligible. 

A similar argument can be made for discouraging tourists from 
visiting this beautiful, beleaguered land. SLORC accuses Suu Kyi 
of attempting to sabotage Visit Myanmar Year 1996, an ambitious 
but poorly organized effort to boost tourism. Officials at first 
predicted 500,000 to 600,000 visitors, but have continually 
scaled down projections and would now be pleased with 230,000, 
according to Htay Aung, of the Directorate of Hotels and Tourism. 
Given current patterns of growth, he concedes, that is about the 
same number that would have come without the promotion. 

A tourism boycott could hurt Myanmar, especially with a slew of 
new hotels set to come on line. Yet many question the point of 
such an action. "What boycott advocates don't seem to realize is 
there isn't a single indication that isolation will work in 
Burma's case," says Joe Cummings, author of the Lonely Planet 
guidebook to Myanmar. "Will isolation lead to democracy? Most 
likely it will turn the clock back, not forward."

Still, the political situation undeniably hampers development. 
And this provides Suu Kyi with the only strength the generals 
seem to respect -- pecuniary. Although by many accounts Myanmar 
is booming, some foresee trouble on the horizon. One local 
analyst says the economy is actually ailing. "The problem with 
understanding the economy is that all the figures are government 
figures, and they're lies," the analyst says. He is convinced the 
economy is growing at half the official pace of 6% a year. And 
despite all SLORC's publicity about investment pouring in over 
the last five years, the peak really came between 1992 and 1993. 
"Since then, it's been on a decline." 
 
Others agree that SLORC is in a squeeze that will not be 
alleviated by short-term investments in tourism. "To really make 
a quantum leap, to keep pace with the growth around Asia, they 
have to do something about Aung San Suu Kyi," says a Singaporean 
investor. "They will have to make a deal." 

Breaking the political impasse will not be easy. August could be 
a crucial month; it marks the military's bloody repression of the 
democracy drive, known in this superstitious nation as the "8-8-
88 Movement." This will be the eighth anniversary. By then, the 
ASEAN meetings will be over and many are expecting trouble. "We 
believe in hoping for the best," says Suu Kyi, "and preparing for the worst."

That is not too reassuring to a group of students at Shwedagon, a 
favorite gathering place for local residents. While monks circle 
barefoot around the grand shrine, the youths beg my opinion about 
the future. Attempts at lighthearted encouragement do not 
satisfy. Nor does the truth: that change will probably not come 
quickly to this quiet nation of temples and tragedy; and that no 
matter how much outsiders wring their hands and hope to help, 
people here are just going to have to suffer through this 
national angst themselves.

Still, they press me for some opinion of the future and, 
surprisingly, I find myself sounding reassuring. It's strange; 
here, where it is dangerous to quote a source by name and 
impossible to send a fax about Suu Kyi without risking 
imprisonment, even death, I cannot help but feel optimistic. 
Unlike other lands at similar crossroads, there is a whiff of 
hope in the Myanmar air. Even amid the uncertainty at Shwedagon's 
escalator, I can savor the sweet smell of jasmine. 

-- Ron Gluckman is an Asiaweek contributor based in Hong Kong

********************************************************

NCUB: LETTER IN SUPPORT OF HUNGER STRIKE IN JAPAN
August 5, 1996

LETTER OF FELICITATION FROM THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF 
UNION OF BURMA (NCUB) IN SUPPORT OF THE HUNGER STRIKE 
IN JAPAN

We the members of the NCUB are greatly encouraged to learn that more 
than 20 students and democracy activists from the Democratic Burmese 
Students Organization (DBSO-Japan) and 88 Group (Japan)  will stage a 
48 hour hunger strike in Hibia Park in Tokyo, Japan on August 8 to 
commemorate the 8th anniversary of 8-8-88 nation-wide uprising in Burma. 
Weare also encouraged to learn that other Burmese democratic organizations 
in Japan including Burma Youth Volunteer Association (BYVA), Burmese 
Association in Japan (BAIJ),National League for Democracy (Japan Branch), 
and more than 100 Japanese nationals will join forces the hunger strike and 
demonstration in front of the Burmese Embassy.

On this important occasion, the NCUB would like you to know that we 
support your tireless effort to restore democracy and human rights in Burma 
that we believe that it is an important task for the youth and students of the 
88 generation to carry on the work of students and youth of 1962 and 
the 1970s.

We would also like to congratulate you for your courageous action, and 
confirm that it is appropriate and timely to inform the international 
community, particularly the Japanese government, which is the biggest 
donor to the Burmese military regime, that they take initiative to convince 
the military to enter dialogue with the democratic forces in order to find 
a peaceful political solution to Burma's problems. 

In Solidarity 

Moe Thee Zun
Joint-General Secretary
National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB) 

**********************************************************

STATEMENT: HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN CHINLAND
August 2, 1996

UN working group on indigenous peoples, held in Geneva, 29 July
- 2 August 1996.

The human rights situation in Chinland (Burma)

The Burmese military regime known as SLORC (State Law and Order 
Restoration Council) claims Burma to be a peaceful country because it 
has negotiated military ceasefires with ethnic armed resistance groups 
and pretends to be improving the human rights situation in the country. 
Trying to guarantee the ceasefires, SLORC is in reality increasing the 
human rights abuses against ethnic civilians. Even though ceasefires 
have been concluded in some ethnic areas, arbitrary arrests, detention 
with torture and executions are widespread and forced labour is an on 
going practise of the SLORC regime against the ethnic civilians.

The Chins are one of the largest ethnic groups living in the western part of
Burma. There is no ceasefire or negotiation between SLORC and Chin. But
SLORC is sending more battalians into Chin State. Forced labour, portering
and rape are rapidly increasing. To build new army posts has become a daily
routine for the Chin  villagers.

The Chins have their own literature. But for many years the Burmese
dictators did not allow them to develop their own language, literature 
and culture. In School until recently there was one small unit taught in 
Chin up to class four (8 to 9 years old); but in 1996 SLORC cancelled the 
Chin Language from the school programme. Moreover teachers are not 
allowed to use the Chin Language in the class room. The students are 
forces to learn and speak Burmese language.

There is no freedom of education and in practise there is no freedom of
religion. Forced conversion to Buddhism, removing christian crosses and
replacing them by Buddhist pagodas is one of the violations committed by
SLORC in Chin State. Even one of the Buddhist Associations, BYVA, 
condemned the SLORC for violating the buddhist teaching a letter dated 
January 12,1996 (BYVA-Bulletin N 14).

Thousand of villagers have been forcedly recruited to construct the
Kankaw-Kaley railway. Now SLORC is calling Chin villagers to construct 
the Kaley-Haka highway, without pay since February 1996. Recently two 
MP's, elected in the 1990 General elections, U Thawng Kho Thang of 
Tamu and U Do Thwang of Tahan, were arrested by SLORC. For all these 
reasons may thousands of Chins had to flee from their homes and are today 
living as refugees in India.

Chin State, which was one of the most peaceful areas in Burma, is now
becoming a battlefield. The abuses and enslavement committed by 
SLORC is in reality a war against its own people in order to control them.

After the 1988 military coup, the SLORC began to modernize the army 
and increase its military forces from 150.000 to 400.000 soldiers, and 
startedlarge arm deals with several countries. In order to strengthen its 
armed forces and its power, the SLORC began to invite foreign investors 
and build up a tourism industry. But every profit flows to the military 
regime and helps to oppress ethnic minority groups in the country.

It is very important that the international community put more pressure 
upon the SLORC and impose the economic sanctions against the SLORC, 
as asked by the Burmese opposition leader and Nobelprize winner Daw 
Aung San Suu Kyi.

Moreover, selling arms to SLORC will never lead to an opening up of
democracy and ethnic rights in Burma, but will cause more killing of the
ethnic minority groups. Unless we put an end to the arm trade, we will never
put an end to violence and we cannot protect the fundamental rights of 
the indigenous people. The international community should therefore 
impose not only for economic sanctions but also an arms embargo. 

Please support the Chin people and all other indigenous people in Burma 
in their struggle for freedom and self-determination.

Geneva, July-August 1996 (P.S; These are only a few example of Human 
Rights violation Taking place in Chinland)

************************************************************

SLORC PRESS: "MORE FAITHFUL TO A FOREIGNER ........"
July 25, 1996 (Kyemon)

Excerpt of article by Maung Saw Tun: "More Faithful to a Foreigner than 
One's Own Nationality" in Burmese government daily,  KYEMON,  July 
25, 1996, p. 6

[Translated Excerpt] The citizens of Myanmar are striving in accordance 
with set political, economic, and social objectives to develop their country
into a modern and developed nation. We will have to strive for at least 10 
years to catch up with the neighboring countries. Myanmar was liberated 
from servitude under the British in 1948. Although the British granted 
independence to Myanmar, it created strife among the people. The civil
war followed independence because of imperialist instigations. [passage 
on bloodshed and destruction in post- independence era omitted] 
Not only the British, but its twin, Ngapwagyi [derogatory reference to 
United States] -- the neocolonialist -- is actively creating division in the
present time. It is instigating the people to fight among themselves to 
ensure there is no unity in Myanmar. As colonization through war is no 
longer in vogue, Ngapwagyi is resorting to raising followers through 
ideological domination. They chose a person who would accommodate their
desires as the leader. They want a government that is desirable to them. 
Ngapwagyi interfered in the affairs of Myanmar on a large scale during 
the period of civil war by raising its hardcore supporters, spies, agents, 
and touts. Ngapwagyi wants to secure a firm base in Myanmar in order 
to suppress the People's Republic of China which could become a superpower 
based on its population. Myanmar is a strategic country for Ngapwagyi. 
It blatantly interfered without observing the norms of a major country. 

Myanmar's history has recorded evidence of Ngapwagyi's activities in 
the country. During the events of 1988, Ngapwagyi's plenipotentiary 
and extraordinary ambassador interfered in an ugly manner without 
observing the conduct of an envoy. He was seen among the mob engaged 
in beheadings, murder, and creating terror. The uncontrollable and 
anarchic masses, who had lost their human decency, were dubbed as 
those peacefully demanding democracy. The daily agenda for unrest and 
disturbances were broadcast by its broadcasting stations. 

The ambassador was indeed quite exhausted organizing and trying to form 
an interim government. He held numerous discussions with Bogadaw 
[wife of a Westerner, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi]. He tirelessly met 
with so-called leaders of the democratic movement.  An ambassador, who 
represents the citizens of his country, the president, and the nation, 
should have dignity and follow accepted international norms. However, 
he [U.S. ambassador] was engaged in a low class activity which does
not even suit the level of a garbage collector. He brazenly insulted the host 
country by engaging in acts detrimental to the host country which provided 
him protection. The country was put to torch by selecting imperialist lackey 
axe handles and national traitors as leaders. The charge d'affaires ad 
interim who came after him, the so-called Madam [apparent reference to 
U.S. Charge d'affaires Marilyn Meyers] watched the monkey show [apparent 
reference to Aung San Suu Kyi's weekend gatherings]. She sat in the front 
row and cheered dance show, magic show, and snake charmer show 
[referring to events organized by opposition] and declared these events as
genuine democratic meetings. Such blatant lies were made.

These Ngapwagyis are trouble makers, indeed. Cases of blatant external 
interference are taking place because of these so-called pro-democratic 
axe handles -- those who have loyalty and love toward a stepfather rather
than their own father and those whose blood has been tainted. The axe 
handles -- so- called Myanmar nationals working with foreign broadcasting 
stations abroad -- are also instigating verbally and causing the people of 
Myanmar to fight among themselves. They are heartily encouraging
famine and poverty among the people of Myanmar and persecution by 
foreigners instead of preserving the prestige of the race. Every time 
Ngapwagyi gives an ultimatum to Myanmar they happily howl over the 
air waves and report incessantly with gusto. These axe  handles who are 
full of defects are betraying the race in return for the mere crumbs they 
receive. 

The Bogadaw, alias the so-called democratic leader, who is in Myanmar 
for a temporary period and who is dancing to the tune of the imperialists, 
carries on insulting the race that the Myanmar people could no longer 
tolerate. She often reports to the relatives of her spouse [foreign 
governments]. What is worse than her complaints is her effort to impoverish 
the entire Myanmar masses by appeals not to give assistance to Myanmar 
and not to visit Myanmar for Visit Myanmar Year. She keeps on clinging 
to the legs of Ngapwagyi who, being related, threatens Myanmar every now
and then to appease her. Ngapwagyi has experience as a major power which 
is capable of discerning right from wrong. And yet, it continues to take sides 
and remain one-sided and accept wrong as right and vice versa. Some 
countries are not entirely free from Ngapwagyi's influence. They think 
in the era of dollar they can overcome difficulties by throwing dollars. 
This method  may be successful in other countries, but in Myanmar, 
where the prestige of the race is protected and safeguarded, it will be in 
vain. [passage criticizing Aung San's Suu Kyi's marriage to foreigner 
omitted] 

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S.H.A.N : DRUG BUSINESS
August 2, 1996
from: "h.ng.p spm <h.ng.p spm" <100706.1311@ds90>

In mid-June, Khun Sa and his friend Lao Chang who stays with him in 
Rangoon (who was and still is, the owner of two heroin refineries at Mae 
Aw-Ho Ha near the Thai border, 10 miles southwest of Ho Murng ). 
went to Tarng Yarn in northern Shan State and continued to Norng Leng 
village, Khun Sa's birthplace, 30-40 miles north of Tarng Yarn in Loi Maw 
village tract. It is said that now opium production is good in the area and, 
thus, other business. And because the Burmese army does not make so much 
trouble, many traders from other places are crowding in to trade. Lao Chang, 
it seems, is going to set up refineries to produce no.3 ( brown powder ) or 
no. 4 ( white powder heroin ). While accompanying Khun Sa to revisit 
his native place - thus goes the speculation among those who have their 
hands, one way or another, in drug deals.

Khun Sa's second son, Zarm Hurng ( who supervises all jobs and support 
for 1700 former MTA members in Ho Murng ), also regularly sends his 
men to buy raw opium in the areas of Kar Li, Kun Hing, Nam Zarng, 
Murng Nai etc. and truck down to Larng Khur and Wan Hart after which 
they are carried on horse-back or by back-packed porters across the Salween 
river to Ho Murng. He has posted his men to many places such Wan Hart, 
Nar Kong up to Larng Khur, Murng Pan, Murng Nai etc.

Zaai Lon, a former captain, and Long Yarng, a former lieutenant of MTA 
who had surrendered in early February at Murng Pan, and about 30 
of their men have retrieved their hidden weapons and are active again in 
their former areas of Murng Pan - Torng Kwai, Wo Laai, Pung Kur, Tong 
Zu, Huay Zoi, Wan Kyorng, Nong Heng, up to Parng Pi and Kung Maao 
where opium production is good. They collect raw opium, cross the 
Salween to the east and sell their stuff to Zarm Hurng's men.

Since April, Zarm Hurng has been instructing his men to move their 
equipment from heroin refineries in Khaai Long ( a border area opposite 
Mae Lana, Pai district, Mae Hong Son province of Thailand ) to Nar Mark 
Tee where they set up new refineries in the valley of Huay Oom Moi, 
northeast of Nar Mark Tee, southwest of KIu Kaw, north of and close to 
Wan Loi  Waeng ( a Pa-O village ). It is a long narrow valley that reaches 
Ta Sangs ferry of Salween by an old logging road. There are no Burmese 
troops deployed in the area except a small out post, 2-3 hours walk from 
Ta Sangs. It is said that when all is ready for a refining process, they would  
secretly pay 1,000,000 Kyats " tax " to the military autorities in Ho Murng.
Then, from 10 to 15 days, there would be no Burmese troops patrolling or 
going around in the area. The 1,000,000 Kyats secret tax is for a permission 
to refine 1,000 viss of opium into no. 4 heroin. After that all the equipment 
would be kept away in some hidden places until some 500 - 1,000 viss of 
raw opium is collected, enough for another refining process.

In the jungle around Wan Khang Par ( a village near Nam Mae Kun brook 
on the rugged motor-road mid-way between Ho Murng and Mai Sung  - 
a border village opposite Ban Piang Luang of Thailand ), before the 
surrender of MTA to SLORC, there used to be heroin refineries owned 
by Lt. Col.Yaeb Murng ( an ethnic Chinese from Loi Maw, northern Shan 
State, and trusted follower of Khun Sa, and as he was the commander of 8 
Brigade in the area of Murng Kerng and Laai Kai , had killed Gun Yawd's 
men, causing him to break away from MTA ) and Zao Leng Khur ( a ) 
Kao Myin Zer. Though the refineries had temporarily stopped functioning 
and the equipment kept away during the months of January and February 
when the Burmese occupying force first entered the area, some secret tax 
might have done the trick, they are now refunctioning under the green light
from SLORC troops, enjoying even more freedom than before, since 
mid-March.

Men sent to buy opium by Zarm Hurng and Yaeb Murng usually take both 
hard cash and amphetamine tablets produced in Ho Murng with them to 
buy as well as barter for opium. At present, one tablet of amphetamine 
fetches 200 Ks at Loi Seng, the popular gem mines of Murng Su in 
central Shan State. There are hardly any who do not use amphetamine  
among the mine workers, including some traders.

The price of raw opium in the areas of Kar Li, Kun Hing, Kho Lam and 
Nam Zarng is 62,000 -65,000 Ks per viss in towns' secret markets. It 
becomes 80,000 Ks per viss in Murng Pan, and after it crosses the 
Salween to the east and reaches Nar Mark Tee, it is 20,000 Bahts.

One bag of no. 4 heroin ( 750 gm ) fetches 350,000 Bahts. Amphetamine 
tabs are of 4 or 5 catagories according to their effects and are given 
different names and colours  - the pinky-coffee one is called "Lawjula "
 ( a Thai alphabet ) ; the yellow-brown one is " Phawphan-99 " ( also 
Thai alphabet ); and the one in coffee is " M" ( English alphabet ). 
They are sold in Ho Murng at different average prices -B16,B22,B32, 
etc. for one tablet.

Insider.

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