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From Paris: The Economist, Editoria
- Subject: From Paris: The Economist, Editoria
- From: cd@xxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Sun, 06 Oct 1996 11:08:00
Subject: From Paris: The Economist, Editorial Burma & Story
>From EuroBurmanet, grace de Keith Hudson <ac972@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx> for
scanning.
Editorial and article, be sure to email Economist, To the Editors, for
you comments and opinion (thats also why they publish what they do).
i only have their URL handy, you can find email on their web
http://www.economist.com
please send us your comments too!
Metta, thank you, peace, happiness and long life. Virtually yours,
Dawn Star (Paris) <cd@xxxxxxx>
Burmanet / TOTAL Coordinator (France)
Euro-Burmanet (Paris, France)
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> ---------------------------------
> (From the Leaders, 5 October, page 17)
>
> MORE REPRESSION IN MYANMAR
>
> Constructive engagement has failed. Tougher policies are needed if Myanmar's
> junta is to be dislodged
>
> If there is a single issue that has consistently divided western countries
> from those of South-East Asia, it is Myanmar. That may seem odd. Although
> it has 45m people, Myan mar is of little economic or strategic significance.
> It provokes disagreement, however, because it involves some basic issues of
> principle. For many in the West, it provides a clear example of the
> unacceptable suppression of democracy by a corrupt, military regime: an
> obvious case for coordinated international pressure. Most of Myanmar's
> neighbours take a different view. They see the West as posturing over
> Myanmar, trying to impose its own, inappropriate values on an Asian country.
> ASEAN, the seven-member Association of South-East Asian Nations, has
> consistently argued instead for a policy of constructive engagement. Such a
> policy, it says, will bring about change in a gradual, manageable way
> without the risks of disorder that a swift transition to democracy might
> bring. But with Myanmar's generals arresting critics and restricting
> opponents (see page 83) the arguments for constructive engagement have
> collapsed. It is time for a rethink.
>
> If constructive engagement is ditched, it will mark a significant shift in
> policy for both Asia and the West. In the past few years, it has been the
> softer Asian approach that has gained ground. For all its huffing and
> puffing about Myanmar, the West has done little to discomfort its leaders.
> When, last year, Myanmar's generals ended the house arrest of Aung San Suu
> Kyi, the leader of the democratic opposition, the proponents of constructive
> engagement took heart. The next prize they dangled before Myanmar's
> generals was membership of ASEAN, an honour that would signal their
> acceptance in polite society. At a recent ASEAN meeting it was made clear
> that Myanmar could expect to join within a year.
>
> In theory -- the theory of constructive engagement, that is -- this should
> have encouraged Myanmar's generals to press ahead in the search for
> political reconciliation at home. It didn't. Encouraged by the belief that
> international recognition was around the corner, Myanmar's generals
> abandoned any pretence of tolerating opposition. Over the past week they
> have arrested more than 500 members of the National League for Democracy,
> Miss Suu Kyi's party. Only her international celebrity has so far saved Miss
> Suu Kyi from a similar fate. Instead, she is once again a virtual prisoner
> in her own home, leading a party that has been largely eviscerated.
>
> The latest round of arrests is only the most recent example of the
> repression that has been taking place for months. But this time even ASEAN
> seems uneasy. There are now mumblings that Myanmaes bid for membership of
> ASEAN may be put on hold. If the South-East Asians are sincere in their
> protestations that they want to promote change in Myanmar, they must make it
> clear that Myanmar's membership of ASEAN will remain impossible until Miss
> Suu Kyi and her followers are allowed back into political life.
>
> Not tigers, polecats
>
> As for the West, there is now talk of economic sanctions against Myanmar.
> Boycotts organised by pressure groups have persuaded several big western
> companies to pull out of the country. President Clinton has just signed
> legislation which gives him the power to ban new American investment in
> Myanmar. He may use the power, if only because Miss Suu Kyi's party --
> which unambiguously won a democratic election in 1990 -- has called for it.
>
> Economic sanctions -- porous at best, divisive at worst -- rarely work. But
> life can be made harderfor the generals. ASEAN is now hesitating about
> admitting Myanmar largely because it realises that it could damage the
> organisation's image as well as its relations with the West. Democrats
> everywhere should make it plain that, until there is real change in Myanmar
> -- -meaning genuine freedom for Miss Suu Kyi and her party, and a timetable
> for a return to democratic civilian rule -- the country's rulers will be
> treated as polecats.
>
> -------------------------------------------------------------
> (from ASIA section, page 83)
>
> DOUBLETHINK IN MYANMAR
>
> Yangdon
>
> There is an old joke in Myanmar:George Orwell's "Burmese Days", based on his
> time as a colonial policeman, is a good book, but not as good as his second
> novel about the country, "1984". The name the junta gives itself, "the
> State Law and order Restoration Council" -- SLORC -- has an Orwellian ring.
> And Orwell's word "doublethink" might have been invented to describe the
> generals' mental processes.
>
> Thus, when the junta's spokesmen met the press on October 1st, they were
> able to contradict themselves without, apparently, noticing. On the one
> hand, they argued, the SLORC has brought Myanmar peace, stability and the
> hope of prosperity, earning the loyalty of its people. On the other hand,
> stability is so fragile that a meeting of a few hundred of its opponents
> might plunge the country into bloodshed. Similarly, the SLORC is working
> hard to establish multi-party democracy; but there is no need for any
> "opposition group". Or again, the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is
> "free to go where she wants"; but no, reporters may not cross the blockade
> now mounted by soldiers at the end of her street. (In practice, she has had
> to sneak out to meet them.)
>
> The soldiers took up positions on the night of September 26th to stop
> members of Miss Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD),
> attending a meeting at her house. The junta has acknowledged that it locked
> up 159 peoplc who wanted to attend and that another 414 activists were taken
> from their beds and into custody on the night of September 27th. Iit said
> that 163 detainees had been freed by October 2nd. Miss Suu Kyi has spoken of
> over 800 supporters being arrested, and many people not directly connected
> to her party appear to have been picked up recently in sweeps in the
> capital. The NLD's headquarters were closed down, supposedly at the behest
> of the party's landlord. Telephone lines to Miss Suu Kyi and her most
> senior lieutenants were out of order. Taxi drivers were loth to go near
> their houses, scared that their registration numbers would be noted, and
> they would receive a knock on the door in the small hours.
>
> The blockade of Miss Suu Kyi's house was supposed to last until September
> 30th, by when the planned meeting would have been over. But the soldiers
> stayed put. It seems the junta has decided to stop Miss Suu Kyi's weekly
> speeches over her garden gate to the crowds who gather outside. That would
> close the only access she has had to ordinary people since her "release"
> from six years of house arrest injuly 1995.
>
> Clearly Miss Suu Kyi can still frighten the SLORC into what looks like a
> paranoid over-reaction. But, according to its own pronouncements, the SLORC
> has plenty to be paranoid about. It has fretted about divisions in the armed
> forces and accused the NLD of sowing dissension among the large and
> influential Buddhist monkhood. It seems worried about the durability of the
> ceasefire agreements it has signed with 16 rebel ethnic groups in the border
> areas. And it knows that, in elections it arranged in 1990 and then ignored,
> the people of Myanmar unambiguously chose the NLD.
>
> It also sees itself as a victim of a conspiracy by foreigners, especially from the United States. Official newspapers have produced
detailed lists of all of Miss Suu Kyi's numerous encounters with
foreign diplomats. The
> Americans, says the SLORC, helped Miss Suu Kyi cook up the idea of an NLD
> meeting, to bring intemational pressure on the junta. An American diplomat
> in Yangon, Marilyn Meyem has been accused of "intimidation" for warning
> Myanmar's foreign ministry of the possible consequences of disrupting the
> meeting. As she sees it, she was merely attempting to head off a worsening
> of already strained relations between Myanmar and America.
> Legislation signed by President Clinton on October 1st threatens a ban
on
> investment in Myanmar if Miss Suu Kyi is "rearrested for political acts", or
> if there is "large-scale repression" of the opposition. The junta may have
> met those conditions even before the law was passed. The detentions, which
> follow a similar sweep before an NLD congress in May, may also provoke
> European sanctions, as well as making it hard for Japan to resume aid,
> andfor the regional club ASEAN to admit Myanmar as a member.
>
> The junta in public shrugs off such risks. It will do whatever is
> necessary, it says, to ensure there is no repeat of the turmoil and
> slaughter that surrounded its seizure of power in 1988 .The necessary, it
> appears, includes the quashing o fall domestic opposition, even of the
> peaceful sort represented by Miss Suu Kyi. She has long appealed for a
> dialogue with the generals, and repeated that plea at her furtive press
> conference on October 2nd, but it now seems forlorn. Miss Suu Kyi, however,
> refused to accept the latest bout of repression as a setback. Rather, it had
> shown the world that the SLORC is "getting worse not better". True enough.
> And so is the NLD's ability to function within Myanmar.
>
> -------------
>
> ________________________________________________________________________>
> Keith Hudson, 6 Upper Camden Place, Bath BA1 5HX, England
> Tel:01225 312622/444881; Fax:01225 447727; E-mail:ac972@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
> ________________________________________________________________________