SLORC's Abuses of Buddhism Part I

[brelief@xxxxxxx]

The Almsbowl Remains Overturned
A Report on SLORC's Abuses of Buddhism in Burma
by Buddhist Relief Mission
February 1997


Introduction
The military regime in Burma, the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC), has, since its beginning in 1988, presented itself as the preserver
and protector of Burmese culture, including Buddhism.  The regime's
propaganda, laws, and actions, however, make a cruel mockery of that pious
facade.

In this brief report, Buddhist Relief Mission will present evidence of
SLORC's continued abuse of Buddhism and the Buddhist Sangha.  This evidence
should be of interest not only to Buddhists, but also to followers of all
faiths who are concerned about religious freedom and the protection of human
rights.

The publication of the report is particularly timely in light of the very
recent attacks of the so-called Democratic Buddhist Kayin Army on three
refugee camps in Thailand.  Given the overwhelming evidence, only a small
portion of which is presented here, there should be no question that this
"army" is at least directly supported by SLORC if not actually a branch of
the SLORC army. 

Finally, the report contains important material never before published.
The Southeast Asian Information Network (SAIN) has just pierced the wall of
silence that SLORC has erected about members of the Sangha in its gulag.
This report reveals the names of several monks who have died in custody, as
well as the names of others who have been secretly condemned to death by the
SLORC.  Material evidence, including photographs, of some of SLORC's crimes
against the Sangha cannot be released at this time, for fear of revealing
the identity of SAIN sources inside Burma.

Overturning the bowl 
On August 8, 1990, in commemoration of the second anniversary of the
democracy uprising, more than 7,000 monks and novices walked through the
streets of Mandalay, solemnly and peacefully accepting alms from the people.
Soldiers confronted the monks and opened fire, killing two monks and two
students and wounding seventeen others.  One novice disappeared.
Following this massacre, the Monks' Union (Sangha Sammagi) of Mandalay, led
by Ven. U Yewata, declared pattam nikkujjana kamma, "overturning the bowl,"
against the military.  This refusal to accept alms is used as a rebuke to
laypeople.  According to  vinaya, the rules of conduct for Theravada
Buddhist monks, a layperson who has committed any of eight offenses should
be ostracized.  These eight are:  striving for that which is not gain,
striving for that which is not benefit, acting against a monastery,
vilifying and making insidious comparisons about monks, inciting dissension
among monks, defaming the Buddha, defaming the Dhamma, and defaming the
Sangha, the order of monks.  If a layman acts in any of these ways, the
Sangha should refuse all contact with him.

This powerful religious boycott, which began in Mandalay spread like
wildfire across Burma, causing alarm and trauma to the ruling State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC).  By October, the religious sanctions
against the military families had reached Rangoon.  Throughout the country,
monks were refusing alms from military personnel and their families and
refusing to attend religious services organized by SLORC.  Although the
purpose of the boycott was compassionate?to help the evil doers to repent of
their deeds, to forsake their wrong ways, and to return to the true path?the
military leaders did not accept the reproach.  Saw Maung, Chairman of SLORC,
and Tun Kyi, Mandalay Division Commander, declared that their actions were
completely justified and that they were not afraid of going to hell.

SLORC's response to the monks' boycott
SLORC retaliated to the monks' boycott by staging a massive clampdown on
the Sangha.  Monasteries were surrounded by armed troops, and monks were
trapped inside.  Electricity, water, and communication lines were cut, and
monks were prevented from going on their daily alms rounds.  After
maintaining the blockade for one week, armed troops entered the monasteries
and arrested the leaders.  People living near some of the monasteries were
also forced to move, and their homes were destroyed.  More than 350
monasteries were raided, and more than 3,000 monks and novices were
arrested.  Twenty monasteries were seized and expropriated. 

On October 19, Ven. U Yewata himself was arrested.  Most monks were accused
of possessing anti-SLORC literature, including articles by the National
League for Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi's party which had won the
election in May.  Three young monks were arrested for allegedly having
written inflammatory poems in their diaries and notebooks.  In a crude
attempt to smear the Sangha Sammagi movement, some monks were even charged
with gambling, illegal possession of jade or heroin, and rape.  When Khin
Nyunt, the head of Military Intelligence, explained these arrests on State
radio, however, he only accused the Mandalay monks of working with the
defunct Communist Party of Burma.  

On  October 20, a decree was passed  (SLORC Order 6/90) banning all
independent Sangha organizations?historically important agents of political
change in Burma.  Another decree (SLORC Order 7/90), passed the following
day, authorized army commanders to bring monks before military tribunals for
"activities inconsistent with and detrimental to Buddhism."  These tribunals, 
whose procedures fall far short of international standards on fair trials, 
can impose punishments ranging from three years' imprisonment to death.

Continued Abuses
The persecution of monks and the desecration of monasteries and pagodas
have continued unabated throughout Burma.  There have been reliable reports
of torture of monks in prison, and those released have reported seeing
stacks of hundreds of monks' robes in the prison, clear evidence that many
monks have been disrobed.  

A former prisoner has described how monks are treated in the notorious
Insein Prison, in Rangoon:  

	It is estimated that there are nearly 200 Buddhist monks in Insein prison
alone. . . . The monks have asked to wear robes in prison, but the prison
authorities took off their robes and now the monks only wear white prison
uniforms.  In addition, the monks are not referred to by their monk names,
only ordinary names.  When the prison authorities call them, they do not use
the word U, which is a respectful prefix to a name.  The monk Meggin Sayadaw
is over 70 years old, but the warden calls him, "Hey, Shwe Tha Aye" in a
very rude way.
 	However, all the monks are very patient, but they did not accept their
forced and unlawful disrobing.  They have been staying in prison in
accordance with all the traditional principles of a Buddhist monk.  They do
not eat dinner (Buddhist monks are not allowed to eat after noon) and early
morning meals are not provided.  This means that they can only eat one meal
a day (lunch).  No monks in prison are allowed to preach the Buddhist Dhamma
and the prisoners are not allowed to pay obeisance (with palms raised
together on the forehead) to monks.  (Cries from Insein, pp 66-67)


Although SLORC tries to remove all evidence of monks being arrested,
Amnesty International has compiled a list of  75 monks, "arrested in October
and November 1990, solely for exercising their rights to freedom of
expression and association."

Southeast Asian Information Network (SAIN) has obtained reliable news of the
death in custody of the following Burmese monks, most in the concentration
camps where they were sentenced to hard labor:  

?	Ven. U Sandawara, Weyanbonthai Monastery, Mandalay, Secretary of the
Sangha Samaggi; died in Swunpayabo concentration camp.
?	Ven. U Vimala, Masoeyein Monastery, Northern Mandalay, Member of the
Sangha Samaggi; died in Swunpayabo concentration camp. 
?	Ven. U Weyawdana, Hti Lin Monastery, Mandalay; died near Myittkyina in
Kachin State.
?	Ven. U Oketama, Mandalay, Vice-President of the Sangha Samaggi; died in
Swunpayabo concentration camp.

According to SAIN, the following monks have received death sentences:

?	Ven. U Kawiya, Phayagyi Monastery , Mandalay. He is a member of Galonni
(Galonni was originally an active Buddhist association opposed to British
imperialism, which was reestablished in 1988 in Mandalay as an organization
of monks and laypersons.)  Ven. U Kawiya is an extremely effective speaker,
and during the Democracy summer of 1988 he spoke almost every day at Maha
Muni Pagoda. 
?	Ven. U Kalyana, Mandalay, Member of Aung San Kyei Ni (Aung San Red Star)
Association.

SAIN has also learned the identities of two monks in prison in Myin Chan,
near Pakkoku.  They are Ven. U Zawtika, from Yelei Village, Nwa Hto Biyi
Monastery, and Ven. U Thondhaya.

The clash between the Burmese military dictatorship and Buddhism
Since the vast majority of the people are Buddhist, the military
dictatorship in Burma has from the beginning tried to associate itself with
Buddhism, seeking to control the Sangha and to use it for its own, often
dubious and chauvinistic, purposes.  Given the strong moral principles of
Buddhism, the democratic and independent nature of the Sangha, and the
Buddha's injunctions to be skeptical and self-reliant, these attempts have
proved very difficult and bitter.  

In order to call himself Buddhist, a person should, at the very least, take
refugee in the Triple Gem, Buddha (the Teacher), Dhamma (the Teaching), and
Sangha (the Order), and accept the pancasila (the Five Precepts).  These
Five Precepts are: (1) to abstain from taking life, (2) to abstain from
stealing, (3) to abstain from adultery, (4) to abstain from lying, and (5)
to abstain from taking alcohol or drugs which cloud the mind.

Morality, in the Buddha's teaching, is essential for leading a harmonious
life, not only for the Sangha, but also for the rest of society.  Buddha
never said, "One rule is for the individual and another for society."  Nor
did he say, "Ethical principle is different from political principle."  

Although the members of SLORC are shown for hours at a stretch on TV,
ostensibly performing pious acts and making grandiose offerings, such as
TV's and refrigerators, to senior monks and important monasteries, these men
in green uniforms are unable, either privately or officially, to keep the
five precepts.  In carrying out its campaign of terrorism, SLORC has
ruthlessly killed thousands of people in Burma and massively stolen from
them.  Rape is used as military strategy.  Lying is official policy in
public addresses and through the state-controlled media. There is
incontrovertible evidence that SLORC both promotes and profits from the sale
of narcotics, especially heroin.

According to the testimony of  a Rakhine monk from the western state of
Arakan,  the donations SLORC makes are routinely extorted from the people:

	Sometimes, military officers say they want to meet with the Buddhist
monks.  They demand the people to prepare things so they can donate these to
the monks.  Usually the Buddhist people must give 100 or 200 kyats as
donation from their pockets. These officers give 20,000 or 30,000 kyats to
the monastery, but we know this is not from their pockets.  They demand all
this money from the people.
  
The same monk has explained how SLORC further controls the use of these
donations:

	SLORC has formed Sangha organizations in the villages, townships, and
districts.  All monks have to obey the orders of the organization, whether
or not they belong.  Buddhist monks can't do anything without the permission
of  SLORC.  For example, new buildings in the monasteries or even extensions
to old buildings can be constructed only with the authorization of the
township or district Sangha organization.

Even traditional religious ceremonies need prior permission from SLORC.  The
Kentung and Tachilek Township Law and Order Restoration Council in Shan
State, for example, has ordered that permission must be obtained before any
religious ceremony can take place in the township.  The people here have
traditionally celebrated their novitiate and ordination ceremonies with a
procession through all the wards.  Getting permission for this ceremony now
requires a registration fee of two hundred kyats.  It is also necessary to
supply information such as who will lead the procession, how many people
will be there, what music will be played, the type of band, and a tentative
route for the procession. It is very difficult for the people to know these
things beforehand.  Many have complained privately that this order has
greatly restricted religious ceremonies in the township.

Buddhist ceremonies which invigorate the lives of the community are, under
SLORC, routinely postponed by government projects, including forced labor.
Soldiers often say, "If your wife [or your husband] is dying, let it be.
Finish your work for us first; then you can organize the funeral."  The
Rakhine monk quoted above has also observed how SLORC demands obedience even
from monks: "On all Buddhist holidays, we monks have to go first to the
military camp to perform the ceremony for them.  Only after we finish the
function there can we perform the ceremony with our people."

SLORC's disrespect for all religion
Some people have claimed that SLORC's policy toward ethnic minorities is
one of "Buddhification."  In Rangoon, for example, the government has
destroyed Muslim cemeteries to make way for city projects and confiscated
Muslim orphanages, old people's homes, and mosques.  Muslim leaders who
complained have been jailed. SLORC's discrimination and violence against
Muslim Rohingyas in Arakan resulted in hundreds of thousands of refugees
pouring into Bangladesh. 

In Chin State the military has forced Christian villagers to remove crosses
from hilltops and to replace them with pagodas.  There are many charges of
Christians being forced to convert to Buddhism.  In 1994-95 SLORC lured Chin
children from their Christian parents with promises of education in Rangoon.
When the parents tried communicate with their children or to find
information about them, they were denied all access.  Later they discovered
that instead of having been placed in schools, their children had been put
in Buddhist monasteries, with their heads shaven and dressed in novices'
robes.  

The interpretation of "Buddhification" however, does not, account for the
ruthless oppression of the Mon, the original Theravada Buddhists in
Southeast Asia, or of the Shan, the Pa-o, and the Rakkhine who are also
overwhelmingly Buddhist.  It would be more accurate to say that SLORC is
attempting to "Myanmarize" or "Burmanize" all the ethnic minorities,
regardless of their religion.  Burman Buddhists are just now experiencing
what ethnic minorities, Buddhists and others, have suffered much longer.  

In Tenasserim Division a mass relocation operation was begun in May 1996.
Twenty-five thousand people were forcibly moved from their villages to new
areas under SLORC control.  Most of the Karen villagers were Christian, but
some were Buddhist.  In the first week of June, troops from LIB 101,
commanded by Major Myint Lwin, arrived at Pyin Ka Doe village and gathered
all the villagers in the monastery.  The army demanded that everyone move,
and they threatened to burn the village.  When Ven. U Thammanya, the abbot
of the monastery, attempted to negotiate with the troops, soldiers slashed
his face.  Later he was severely beaten by other soldiers.  The entire
village, including the monastery, was burned to the ground in October. 

Obviously, SLORC has no real respect for any religion.  The military
manipulates and abuses the beliefs of all people of Burma in order to
maintain their total control of the country and its wealth.  

Relations between laymen and monks
The third element of the Triple Gem is the Order of the Sangha, or monks.
This is the repository of the Buddha's teaching.  Monks are regarded as of
good and wise conduct and as worthy of respect and offerings.  Monks
regulate their lives by the 227 disciplinary rules  of the vinaya which
apply equally to all.  The  vinaya is, in effect, a religio-political
constitution, established more than 2500 years ago and  still valid today,
dealing with the Sangha and its relations with the laity. Within the Sangha,
all monks are treated as equals, ranked only by seniority, which is
determined by the date and time of ordination.  A monk is expected to
display courtesy and respect to senior monks, but, ultimately speaking, each
monk is an individual ascetic who has vowed obedience only to the local
sangha of which he is a part.

Within the Sangha, authority is decentralized.  Matters relating to the
Sangha, such as new buildings, accepting new candidates, and punishment of
monks for breach of discipline are discussed among the members, and
decisions are made according to the will of the majority.  All members have
equal rights and opportunities to determine and to administer affairs.  This
basic principle of democracy, extended in Buddhist philosophy and practice
to society and the nation, is precisely what irritates and frightens the
Burmese military junta.

Since monks hold the highest position in society, all Buddhists pay respect
to any member of the Sangha.  A lay person, even a king or a deva (heavenly
being or god), should pay respect even to a novice.  For a king, a general,
or a soldier to command a monk to do anything is out of the question.

As mentioned earlier, after the boycott in Mandalay, SLORC banned all
independent monks' associations.  The only Sangha organizations recognized
are the Sangha Mahanayaka Committees, senior monks given the task of
establishing rules maintaining discipline and generally overseeing all
Sangha affairs.  In addition to the State Sangha Mahanayaka Committee, there
are local Sangha Mahanayaka Committees.  Whereas the members of the Sangha
Mahanayaka Committees are all elderly and learned monks, they should be
highly respected and venerated.  Since, however, it is well known that the
committees are controlled by SLORC, they are no longer held in the same
esteem by the people.  The regime, of course, wishes to include as many
senior monks as possible within the ranks of the committees, and monks are
pressured to join, even though they are reluctant to do so.  Until a monk
joins, his monastery is kept under strict surveillance.  He may be subject
to vilification by SLORC propaganda and attempts to ostracize him.  Once he
relents and joins the committee, the pressure eases.  SLORC may then shower
his monastery with lavish gifts, but he loses his independence and the
respect of the people.

SLORC has also infiltrated many monasteries in an attempt to check any
dissent or resistance.  A monk from Masoeyein, a famous monastery  in
Mandalay, reported that another monk had confessed to being a SLORC agent.
After graduating from the university, this monk had agreed to become a monk
in order to spy on the monks for SLORC.  After the army fired on monks in
1990, however, he regretted his role and confessed to the other monk.  

SLORC's penetration of the Sangha has extended outside Burma as well.  A
Burmese- Bangladeshi monk reported that in February 1995 he had met a monk
with an Burmese passport in Thailand who claimed to be from Kyeuklekyi
Temple in Rangoon, but was not at all familiar with how a monk should
behave.  This bogus monk was outspoken in his support of SLORC, but it is
well known that most of the monks in that monastery staunchly oppose the regime.

In a further attempt to gain legitimacy and respect, SLORC organizes
elaborate ceremonies to award titles to monks.  In the past, these titles
were granted only to very learned monks and carried great honor.  Now,
however, they are viewed as either a reward for submission or bait with
which to lure senior monks.  Ven. U Kawida, a famous teacher, also from
Masoeyein, was offered the title of Agga Mahapandita, one of the highest
awards, and even a professorial post at the Sangha university, even though
he was known to be opposed to SLORC's interference in religious activities.
Refusing to submit to the regime's hypocrisy, he refused the award.  Later,
he was arrested and forced to resign from the monkhood.  

Another renowned teacher, Ven. U Dhammananda, who taught for many
years at Wat Tama Oh  in Lampang, Thailand, was unable to resist combined
Thai and Burmese pressure to receive the same title.  Reluctantly, he
returned to Rangoon for the ceremony to accept the title, as he later put
it, "from the butchers of my brother monks."  In the official SLORC-produced
tape of the award ceremonies, when Ven. U Dhammananda at one point turned to
speak to another recipient,  the sound was immediately and completely
suppressed for the time he spoke.  As soon as he had finished, the
soundtrack resumed.  We must wonder what it was that SLORC censored out.

Violation of the Ordination Procedure
In 1996 SLORC perpetrated another deed which displays the regime's
interference in and complete lack of understanding of the Buddha Sasana.  On
September 29, official Myanmar television reported that SLORC was accusing
the NLD of  trying to divide the "loyalty of the Sangha" by sending its
members to various monasteries to befriend the monks.   It was further
announced that SLORC had issued decrees banning the ordination of any NLD
member.  The  Sangha Mahanayaka Committee was instructed to contact all
levels of  LORC offices if any NLD member sought ordination. 

According to Buddhist Law, only the assembled Sangha, in this case a
minimum of five fully ordained monks, has the authority to determine whether
or not any individual can be ordained a monk. No layman, not even a member
of the Department of Religious Affairs, nor any monk, not even a member of
the Sangha Mahanayaka, has the right to exclude any ethnic group, caste,
occupation, or community from ordination.

In the ordination ceremony, the candidate approaches the assembled Sangha
in a humble manner, pays respect, and requests ordination.  The candidate is
asked, "Do you have a disease such as leprosy, consumption, or epilepsy? Are
you a human being? Are you a man? Are you a free man? Are you without debts?
Are you in the royal service? Do you have your parents' permission? Are you
a full twenty years of age?  Are you complete as to bowl and robes?"  If the
answers to these questions are acceptable, the ordination can proceed.
Political affiliation is not included in the stumbling blocks (antarayike
dhamme) which can prevent ordination.  

Should any monk object to a certain candidate, he must provide the Sangha
with a valid reason for his feelings or be reprimanded (and perhaps even
punished) by the Sangha for his bias.  If he has a good reason, his
objection will be taken into consideration by the Sangha.  Such a case will
be decided by the majority of the Sangha involved. 

On another occasion in Burmese history, a ruler, King Mindon, tried to
dominate the Sangha.  This king is usually considered a pious ruler who was
quite knowledgeable about Buddhism, but in this case, he took it upon
himself to interfere.  The monks of the capital did not to object to these
intrusions into Sangha affairs, for fear of losing the king's favor or of
being persecuted.  (We must remember that the king was an absolute monarch.) 

One monk, however, the revered Bhamo Sayadaw, severely criticized his
fellow monks in Mandalay for meekly submitting to the king's interference.
When the Mandalay monks continued to  remain silent, he denounced them.
When the king heard about this, he was angry, but  knowing that Bhamo
Sayadaw had an extremely sharp tongue (something like Zargana in robes), he
politely, but threateningly, warned the Sayadaw about commenting on the new
rules.  Bhamo Sayadaw replied acidly, "A man who dwells between two
mountains [an ascetic] does not need advice on how to live from a man who
dwells between two thighs" [referring to the king's wives].

Since King Mindon, as all Burmese Buddhists know, was a good and pious
king, this disagreement, after taking many interesting twists and turns,
ended peacefully with the king making abject apologies to Bhamo Sayadaw.
Unfortunately the current military dictators, are neither good nor pious,
with the direst of consequences for the Sangha



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