The BurmaNet News, March 9, 1997

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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: March 9, 1997
Issue #661

HEADLINES:
==========
NCUB: PRESS RELEASE NO (13)
KYODO: 21 DEAD IN THAILAND ROAD ACCIDENT
ABMU: STATEMENT ABOUT SLORC'S OFFENSIVE AGAINST KNU 
BKK POST:GOVT SLAMMED ON REFUGEES
BKK POST:WORK ON FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE STARTS AGAIN
THE NATION: FROM A 'BUFFER' TO A HINDRANCE
THE NATION: MUTUAL GAINS IF KAREN DEFEATED
BKK POST: KARENS 'NOT REFUGEES,' ARMY CHIEF INSISTS
BKK POST: UNHCR INTERVENTION SOUGHT
THE NATION: KISSINGER SEES SMOOTH POWER TRANSFER 
ASIA TIMES:CLINTON'S EMPTY THREAT SANCTIONS 
BKK POST:THAI FORCES CLASH WITH KAREN REBELS
ANNOUNCEMENT: ACTIVIST MA NADI SPEAKS OUT 
------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 

NCUB: PRESS RELEASE NO (13)
March 8, 1997
_____________________________________________________________________
NA T I O N A L   C O U N C I L   OF THE   U N I O N   OF   B U R M A
_____________________________________________________________________

15 died from Cholera outbreak at Refugee camps in Kanchanaburi province,
Non-Government Organisations denied access
								
The conditions of  refugees who fled SLORC brutal offensive in KNU Brigade 4
area are worsening. These refugees were evacuated by Thai officials to Htaw
Ma Pyo village on Burma side of the border and to the near-by camp on Thai
side opposite Suan Phung in Ratchaburi province. According to yesterday?s
report from the border, 15 people died from a currently occurring Cholera
out-break which started on March  4, 1997.  

Refugees are facing a lack of adequate shelters, medicine and basic
necessities because humanitarian aid organisations have been repeatedly
prohibited by Thai border officials from visiting the refugee camps. In the
absence of security and assistance, many refugees are attempting to leave
the refugees camps for villages deeper inside Thailand. More than five
refugees who attempted to run-away from the camps died yesterday in a car
accident that resulted 21 deaths, in Kanchanaburi province. 

All Non Government Organisations (NGOs), journalists and even two U.S.
embassy officials have been denied access to the refugee camps in
Kanchanaburi province which is under the control of the Thai 9th Army. 

The NCUB is deeply concerned about the current situation of Karen refugees
in these camps and appeals to the international community, especially the
Royal Thai Government, to ensure security and assistance to Karen refugee
camps in Kanchanaburi.

Information Committee
National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB)

**************************

KYODO: 21 DEAD IN THAILAND ROAD ACCIDENT
March 7, 1997

     BANGKOK, March 7 Kyodo - A total of 21 persons -- seven
Myanmarese children, 12 Myanmarese workers and two Thai drivers --
died when a 10-wheel truck collided with a pickup in the western
Thai town of Kanchanaburi, local police said Friday.
     The accident also left 17 Myanmarese workers including some
children injured and hospitalized in Kanchanaburi hospitals, police said.
     ''Most of the patients are seriously injured and have had surgery.  But
one of them was allowed to go home,'' said an official of a hospital in
Kanchanaburi where a total of 13 victims were admitted immediately after the
accident occurred.
     The truck, the driver of which was believed to be ''unconscious,''
crossed into the opposite lane and rammed the right front part of the pickup
which was carrying 26 passengers on their way to a construction site in
Kanchanaburi Province, some 120 kilometers west of Bangkok, police said.
     The truck also carried 10 Myanmarese workers of a sawmill in
Kanchanaburi.  It carried some empty water tanks as well, police said.

***********************

ABMU: STATEMENT ABOUT SLORC'S OFFENSIVE AGAINST KNU 
March 6, 1997 

_______________________________________________________________

		A L L    B U R M A    M U S L I M    U N I O N
_______________________________________________________________

	Statement of ABMU about SLORC's offensive against KNU
	-----------------------------------------------------


After ignoring the proposed cease-fire, SLORC (State Law and Order
Restoration Council ) has launched its general offensive against KNU (Karen
National Union)  in the middle of  February that over ran KNU Brigade 6 area.

About 2,000 Muslims along with many Karen people have to flee from the area,
crossed the border into Thailand as new refugees and extended the population
of Muslims refugees of the border to 20,000.

Meanwhile the inner parts of the area, some of the villagers left behind
were resettled by the SLORC. But, a Muslim mosque of Kyaikdon village was
destroyed and set ablaze along with a Muslim religious school, properties
and farm-land belong to the Muslims were looted by the SLORC's army. Muslims
were denied to resettle and at the gun point they were then chased out of
the area.

ABMU which is the member of DAB, "Democratic Alliance of Burma", and NCUB,
National Council of the Union of Burma, will continue its anti-military
dictatorship struggle until genuine peace and democracy were restored in Burma.

We would like the entire people of ASEAN countries and sympathizers of the
world to know the situation in Burma, especially those of Malaysia and
Indonesia who are playing leading role in ASEAN, and their Governments are
very close the SLORC and blindly supporting the constructive engagement
towards Burma.
							
Central Committee
All Burma Muslim Union
March 6, 1997 
	
Contact address;  P.O Box 11-445 Bangkok 10110 

******************************

BKK POST:GOVT SLAMMED ON REFUGEES
March 8, 1997
Brussels, AFP, AP

	The European Commission on Thursday added its voice to international
criticism of the Thai government over its repatriation of refugees fleeing
across the border from Burma.
	"The commission regrets that by denying refugees access to their territory,
the Thai authorities are putting these people's lives in danger," the
European Union's executive arm said in a statement.
	At least 15,000 refugees have crossed into Thailand since Rangoon began an
offensive earlier this month against the Karen National
Union (KNU), the last major ethnic insurgency yet to sign a
ceasefire agreement with Burma's military rulers.
	Thailand came under severe criticism from the United Nations and Western
governments last week following reports that it had
forcibly repatriated some of the Karen people, including women
and children, back into harm's way.
	And the United States on Thursday renewed pressure on Thailand to open its
borders to the Karens.
	Thailand continues to come under intense criticism from foreign
countries and human rights groups for sending hundreds of Karen
men, women and children back to Burma last week.
	The Thais insisted the refugees would be safe. But human rights
groups said they were being sent back into the path of the
Burmese offensive to crush the rebel KNU. Burma's army is accused
of rape, random execution and burning villages.
	Three Republican US congressmen sent Prime Minister Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh a letter on Thursday demanding respect for the refugees' "basic
human rights" and calling the repatriations "against international law and
internationally accepted humanitarian standards."
	It was signed Benjamin Gilman of New York, chairman of the House Committee
on Foreign Relations; Christopher Smith of New Jersey,
chairman of the Subcommittee on International Operations and
Human Rights; and Dana Rohrabacher of California.
	Spokesmen for the prim minister's office and the Thai Foreign
Ministry said they had no knowledge of the letter. But previous
such criticism has been rejected as misjudging Thai intentions.
	The Thai army, however, appeared to succumb to the international outcry
over the weekend, transferring some 2,300 refugees
reportedly slated for deportation to a safer location inside Thailand.
Burmese troops raiding across the border had twice tried to attack their camp.
	A Thai army spokesman, speaking on condition of anonymity, said it had
always been Thailand's policy to help unarmed people.
	The spokesman had been asked to clarify remarks attributed to
General Chetta Thanajaro, the army commander, on Wednesday that
Thailand would allow all Karens to enter the country if they were
unarmed.
	The remarks appeared to be a reversal of General Chetta's stance
last week to bar entry to all fighting age males, saying he did
not want Thailand turned into a guerrilla rear base.
	But statements form Thai officials have been inconsistent and
confusing over refugee policy and under what circumstances any
repatriations took place.
	A spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees had no
immediate comment on General Chetta's remarks.
	The Coordinating Committee of Human Rights Organisations in
Thailand was hopeful the general was indicating a new policy. But
the committee's spokesman, Pairoj Pholphit, said he was not
confident it was official and would be carried out.

********************************

BKK POST:WORK ON FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE STARTS AGAIN
(abridged)
March 8, 1997
Wassana Nanuam

Thailand yesterday resumed construction work on the Thai-Burmese
Friendship Bridge after a two year delay caused by border
demarcation disputes.
	The deadlock over construction of the bridge ended after
technical committees from both sides met earlier this week to
thrash out their differences and to resolve to use a 1989 map to
set the borderline, said a source at the army.
	Army chief Gen Chetta Thanajaro has urged Thailand's Highways
Department to speed up construction to complete the bridge within
three months.
	Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, first secretary general of the State Law and
Order Restoration Council, yesterday called Gen Chettha and
congratulated him on the success of the talks.
	Construction of the bridge linking Thailand's Mae Sot with
Burma's Myawaddy was suspended on June 7, 1995 by the Burmese
government which complained that Thai businessmen had enlarged
the embankment on their side of the Moei River, thus altering the
borderline marked by the river.
	Construction work on the bridge and the digging in the river
would be done at the same time, the source quoted the army chief
as saying.

***************************************************

THE NATION: FROM A 'BUFFER' TO A HINDRANCE
March 6, 1997
Yindee Lertcharoenchok

Thailand's current policy on Burma has taken a 180-degree turn and is now
driven solely by economics. This probably explains why the Karen have been
sacrificed in the name of so-called Thai national interests, writes The
Nation's Yindee Lertcharoenchok in the first instalment of a two-part series.

	The past month saw a sudden explosion of violence and disorder along the
Thai-Burma border and the resulting human tragedy has moved many to tears.
The ethnic Karen are bearing the brunt of suffering, in the name of "common
interests" between the powers-that-be in Burma and Thailand.
	On the surface, the brutal Jan 28 and 29 attacks on three Karen refugee
camps in Tak province; the ongoing Burmese Army's all-out offensive to
capture Karen rebels' tow remaining controlled territories; the Feb 25
meeting of the Thai and Burmese Army chiefs; and last week's deportation of
Karen refugees back to the war zone by the Thai Army looked like mere
isolated incidents without any connection.
	But the situation on the ground, during and after those occurrences, has
brought forth a startling sad reality. All the seemingly confusing incidents
were in fact inter-related. And they were also well-calculated, probably
with the acknowledgment well ahead of time, of the Thai side. 
	The events on the border, now it seems, have reached a state of chaotic
crisis that the general public will find it difficult to understand and
follow. Coupled with this, contradictory, and often complacent, statements
have been made by top Army generals, especially Army Chief Gen Chettha
Thanajaro and several government leaders, particularly Prime Minister Gen
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh.
	The concerted attempts by the Army and government leaders to play down the
whole border upheaval and the ensuing border tension, as well as their
profound effects on Thailand, are tantamount to a deliberate distortion of
information on their part to mislead the Thai public in general.
	It does not take much to conclude that there might have been connivance and
collusion, by the Thai Army with their Burmese counterparts, in attempts to
annihilate the unarmed Karen civilians - by itself a gross crime against
humanity.
	Thailand and Burma have different goals and objectives in mind in their
desire for peace and stability along the common 2,500-kilometre frontier.
	Those differences also extend in the search for a quick solution, whether
by peaceful efforts or the use of force, to the five decades of Burmese
ethnic insurgency.
	While the under-developed Burma looks at peace and stability in terms of
national security and as a sign of the government' ability to assert and
consolidate its sovereign control across the whole country, the more
developed Thailand sees peace in Burma as a golden opportunity for the
Kingdom to use the geographical proximity to exploit Burma's enormous
economic potentials.
	It is a widely-known fact that resource-starved Thailand has looked at
Burma's abundant natural resources - untapped due to three decades of
self-imposed isolation - as a new source to replenish the country's
dwindling reserves.
	As it is, natural resources are urgently needed to help sustain the Thai
economy. Moreover, the country does not want to be left behind in the
regional and global rush to take advantage of the Burmese junta's open economy.
	What happened in the past month was the final stage in the 180-degree turn
in Thailand's post-Cold War national security strategy towards its western
front.
	In short, the country's economic needs and interests have overtaken
national security to the extent that Thai sovereignty and national integrity
are often compromised, deliberately or unintentionally by authorities concerned.
	At the same time as national priority changes, the role and duties of the
armed forces also sway, over time, into a grey area. From the defender of
national sovereignty and territorial integrity, the military now assumes as
its duty a role in the world of diplomacy as well as guardian of Thai
economic interests. The military's self-imposed new role in non-security
affairs is a direct interference into the traditional work of the Foreign
and Economic Ministries.
	Moreover, powerful politicians-cum-businessmen, whose prime concern is
personal economic profit, have smartly exploited the strengths and
weaknesses of the Thai bureaucracy and military. They have used the latter's
lack of coordination, and the absence of a unified national policy towards
Burma, to their full advantage.
	Unfortunately, the Burmese junta also knows the weaknesses of Thai policy
makers and implementors. And they too have been exploiting the loopholes for
their own benefit.
	With the adoption of a new policy towards Burma, driven primarily by
economics, the distinction between national and personal financial interests
has become blurred. Now, various special interest groups and powers-that-be
often claims to represent or work for the benefit of the whole country.
	By virtue, of this, the concept of national security now has transformed
itself into an obscure area. The Burmese rulers, once a threatening
historical foe and aggressor to, Thailand, are now "a friend".
	Yet the Kingdom's traditional allies - over a dozen Burmese ethnic
insurgent groups - are seen as a hindrance to Thailand's economic progress
and prosperity. Despite their three decades (1960s to 1980s) of good service
as a natural "buffer zone" to ward off communist threats to Thailand and the
previous Burmese socialist ideology, the armed ethnic movements - Karen,
Karenni, Mon, Shan, Wa etc. - are now standing in the way and must go.
	The fact is reflected in the pressure Thailand has, over the past few
years, exerted on the weakening Mon, Karenni and Karen groups to negotiate
and enter into ceasefire agreements with the ruling Burmese State Law and
Order Restoration Council (Slorc).
	To successive Burmese governments, the country's ethnic strife for greater
autonomy is a threat to national unity, peace and stability. With Thailand
sharing its interest to see and end to ethnic arms struggle in exchange for
Burma's rich border resource and economic opportunities, Slorc, for the
first time in contemporary Burmese history, manages to flex its military
muscles and stretch central authority to cover the whole 2,500-kilometre
frontier with its eastern neighbour.
	What Thai people see today is the change of national policy at the highest
level, with the Army basically acting as its implementor. In fact, the
change was introduced and devised by Chavalit, then army commander-in-chief,
who broke the international isolation of the Slorc by paying a highly
controversial visit to Burma in December 1988.
 	The new economics-oriented direction was primarily based on the
multi-aspect assessment by top security officers and politicians that the
Slorc will continue to stay on in power in the coming years. Shortly after
his trip, Chavalit forcibly deported several hundreds of Burmese students
back to Burma despite strong protests from Burmese pro-democracy groups and
the international community.
	The Slorc's subsequent generous logging and fishing concessions to over a
dozen Thai companies, which are either owned or affiliated with the then
Army or government leaders, are believed to be a reward for the Thai action.
	With Chavalit now assuming the premiership, the mission and policy "to
befriend" the Slorc at any cost is even more obvious. Its implementation and
fulfillment are in high gear through the hand-picked General Chettha, who is
said to be another close friend of the Slorc leadership.
	Interestingly, as soon as Chavalit took power last November, the Slorc's
interest and patience to pursue the laborious peace talks with the Karen
National Union (KNU), who appeared hard-headed, also became exhausted. The
Slorc's persistent demands that KNU "return to the legal fold" and
"renounces armed struggle" was tantamount to a declaration of a decisive war
against the group.
	Until today, it was extremely difficult to understand why Chettha and his
well-equipped Army, that had been alerted way ahead of time of the looming
Burmese operation against the KNU's 4th and 6th Brigade and its civilian
supporters, have failed miserably to avert the tragedy inflicted on the
Karen population and, to a certain extent, on Thai border villagers.
	Although it is legitimate for the Thai Army and government to claim that
the fighting is an internal affair of Burma, they seem to have forgotten
that armed hostilities always spill over the border. As a result of this,
there is a direct impact on Thailand in the form of an influx of refugees
and the loss of  Thai lives and property.
	Moreover, Chettha still owes a clear public explanation as well as an
apology as to why his Army failed in its duties to safeguard the nation's
sovereignty and territorial integrity when hundreds of Burmese troops as
well as their proxy, Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), boldly marched
into Thailand to attack in late January.
	Not only was there no defence put-up by the Thai Army on the ground at the
time of the incursions, but also top Army officers deliberately refused to
raise the issue as well as submit strong protests to the Slorc. This is
likened to allowing criminals to escape punishment with the Army's
subsequent apologetic excuses that protests are meaningless because the
Slorc has never, and will never, acknowledge its violent aggression. (TN)

*******************************************************

THE NATION: MUTUAL GAINS IF KAREN DEFEATED
March 7, 1997

The Burmese ethnic minorities are in the way of Thailand and Burma realising
mega-profits from development projects along the common border, writes The
Nation's Yindee Lertcharoenchok in the last of a two-part series. 

	It is equally sad to hear of the ungentlemanly and irresponsible statements
made by local and central Army officers. They blame the violent raids on the
refugee camps as the result of internal camp conflicts among divided Karen
groups, even though Thai people living in the affected neighbourhood pointed
their fingers at forces belonging to the Burmese junta and Rangoon's allies,
the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army. 
	The Army's inability to respond to the encroachment by foreign forces and
its refusal to retaliate has only led the public to believe that it is a
partner to the terror unleashed on the Karen refugees and Karen National
Union (KNU) members and their relatives in the camps, by the Burmese junta
calling itself the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). 
	Interestingly, history seems to be repeating itself. The January intrusions
and destruction of refugee camps, as well as Chettha's seeming indifference
towards the repeated violations of Thai sovereignty, are akin to events in
1989. In the early part of that year, hundreds of Burmese troops, without
any qualms whatsoever, crossed into Thailand in their attempt to attack KNU
strongholds from the rear. 
	When Burmese efforts failed, the intruders set fire to the Thai village of
Baan Wang Kaew in Mae Sot before their withdrawal. Gen Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh, then army commander-in-chief, faced similar harsh criticisms
for his failure to take action against the Burmese intruders. In fact,
Chavalit's equally complacent attitude, at that time, towards the Thai
mishap provoked widespread rumours and public debates that he had secretly
agreed to let the Burmese use Thai soil to attack the KNU. 
	Despite Chavalit's repeated vows to get a hefty Bt19-million compensation
from the Burmese for the destruction of Baan Wang Kaew, the Slorc, however,
has never recognised its own blatant acts of terrorism. Worse still, a few
years later, the Thai government decided to settle the embarrassing problem
by taking money from national coffers to pay the Thai victims. 
	The Thai Army's endless tolerance to the continuous territorial
transgressions and its attitude to quickly let the incidents pass off,
without any debate, are a national disgrace. In other countries, such a
violation would certainly have brought about a military response or a war to
protect national dignity. 
	Even worse is the Army's usual habit of overlooking its own mistakes and
quickly blaming somebody else. Local and international media as well as Thai
and foreign relief agencies are often the primary targets of the Army's
unrelenting backlash, and often times, threats. 
	Thai Army officers never cease to exploit ''nationalistic consciousness or
nationalism" to urge the Thai media to stand on its side or not publicise
the Army's misdeeds. Despite an attempt to modernise itself, the Army still
lacks transparency and self-scrutiny. 
	What appears before the public today is that Thailand ­ both the Army and
the government ­ has been playing a subservient role to the dictates of the
Slorc. As it so appears, Thailand stands ready to appease Burma's junta at
any cost even to the extent of compromising its national pride, sovereignty
and territorial integrity for the return of meagre financial benefits to
some small interest groups. Such a stance totally defeats Thai foreign
diplomacy. 
	It is still a big puzzle why Prime Minister Gen Chavalit and his protege
Chettha are obsessed with the resumption of the construction of the
Thai-Burmese bridge. Work on the span over the Moei River was halted in
mid-1995 by Slorc leader and Army Chief Gen Maung Aye. 
	Chavalit has made it known that he will only go to Burma when the bridge is
completed or its construction resumed. Obviously, he wants to use the
so-called ''Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge" to claim some credit on his
trip. Maung Aye also expressed his desire the see progress on the work
before Chavalit's visit. 
	Aside from the two leaders, local Thai industrialists and small interest
groups are pushing hard to get the project completed. 
	To many, the bridge, which was built with funds from the Thai government,
is a mere symbol of friendship between the two countries, and lacks any real
concrete significance. 
	There are no guarantees that the Slorc will not close the border crossing
there at will, thus interrupting the communications between the two
countries. Moreover, the bridge does not mean that either Thailand or Burma
would mutually allow the latter's people to travel further inland to their
respective capitals. 
	With or without the bridge, Thai and Burmese goods often find their way
across the common border even when the Burmese checkpoint at Myawaddy is
periodically shut down. 
	One thing, however, seems clear. Chettha is absolutely confident that the
territorial dispute near the bridge, which brought an abrupt end to its
construction, will be soon resolved. This only serves to confirm the notion
that Thai and Burmese armies have reached some sort of a secret deal. 
	The key to the whole mystery were the talks on Feb 25 in Tachilek between
Chettha and Maung Aye. Maung Aye informed the Thai general of Slorc's
decision to crush the KNU and to establish order on the Thai-Burmese
frontier before Burma's admission into Asean in July. Once a member of
Asean, Burma does not want other members to be concerned of its internal
affairs, Maung Aye was reported to have said. 
	The Burmese general also repeatedly assured the inquisitive Chettha that
Burma would welcome home its refugees from Thailand provided that the Thai
side helped screen them. The safety assurance probably prompted Chettha to
go ahead with the Army's hasty plan to send home over 100,000 Karen
refugees, including over 20,000 new arrivals from the latest Burmese
military offensive. 
	On the same day as Chettha's chat with Maung Aye, the Army's 9th Division,
at Chettha's order, started the forced repatriation of refugees who had
freshly arrived in the Kanchanaburi area. 
	In total, about 900 refugees, mainly women, children, the elderly and the
disabled, were trucked on two consecutive days from their refuge of less
than a week at Bongti Pass to Ratchaburi's Suan Phung district. At the same
time, their male family members, some as young as 10 years old, were sent
across the border directly into the war zone. 
	Local Thai troops at Suan Phung revealed last Thursday that they had
already sent across the border two batches of Burmese, the first of which
had some 1,000 people and the other of about 800. Nobody knows for certain
whether the first group of 1,000 are Karen refugees or illegal Burmese
immigrants arrested around Bangkok. 
	The Burmese attack to capture the KNU's 4th Brigade area, located opposite
to Kanchanaburi, and the synchronised, but hastily-organised, Thai
deportation of the refugees further to the south in Ratchaburi are obviously
for an economic reason. 
	Relocating the civilian population, made up of KNU supporters, away from
the strategically and economically important area completely goes against
Thai morality and humanitarian principles. 
	This, coupled with the Burmese army's success in dislodging the KNU from
its 4th Brigade and reducing the Karen rebels into a dispensable force, are
in accordance with mutual Thai and Burmese interests. 
	What will both sides gain from the defeat of the KNU? It is a known secret
that the war-battered KNU has been the biggest thorn in the flesh of both
Thailand and Burma which have strong economic interests in the rebel-active
areas, particularly the 4th Brigade in Mergui and Tavoy districts. 
	Although the defeat of the KNU means the virtual destruction of the western
''buffer zone" for Thai national security, the Burmese army's full control
of the two districts will match the two countries' desire to create a ''safe
corridor" ­ free from threat of guerrilla sabotage ­ for a number of mammoth
economic projects in the normally tense area. Apart from the Yadana project,
in which American oil giant Unocal and French powerful petro-industry firm
Total are investing billions of dollars to extract natural gas from Burma's
Gulf of Martaban for sale to Thailand, other projects on the Thai drawing
board include the development of a deep-sea port at Tavoy and a highway
linking Tavoy to Kanchanaburi at Bongti Pass. The construction of a Thai
highway up to Bongti Pass will be completed next month. 
	The Thai construction giant Italthai already signed a memorandum of
understanding to do the feasibility study of the Tavoy deep-sea port and
will most likely win the construction concession. 
	Other projects include the highway from Three Pagoda Pass in Kanchanaburi
to Burma's Thanbyuzayat; logging concessions; and lead and antimony mines
close to the Thai border. There are also unconfirmed reports of plutonium
deposits in the area. 
	The Yadana project, Burma's single largest foreign investment, is already
close to being behind schedule due to threats from the KNU as well as strong
protests by local Thais in Kanchanaburi against the pipeline route through a
Thai nature reserve. 
	The delay in Yadana's operation by either side will cost partners in the
consortium, which includes the Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT) and
Burma's Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, a hefty financial fine, up to Bt100
million baht a day. If the delay is on the Thai side, the PTT will have to
pay Bt30 million a day to consortium partners and another Bt70 million to
the power plant in Ratchaburi for the purchase of diesel oil as a substitute
for the natural gas. 
	A number of prospective Thai investors, individuals, brokers and various
interest groups want a piece of the lucrative pie and all the projects are
said to have a strong political backing from higher-ups. 
	It seems that when economic interests strike national interests, pride and
morality must give way. (TN)

******************************************************

BKK POST: KARENS 'NOT REFUGEES,' ARMY CHIEF INSISTS
March 6, 1997
Wasana Nanuam

UN assistance denied

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) will not be
allowed to provide assistance to ethnic Karens taking asylum in Thailand,
Army chief Chettha Thanajaro said yesterday.
	Only non-governmental organisations can take care of these people, Gen
Chettha said.
	He said he considers members of the Karen National Union who fled fighting
in Burma as people who escaped the dangers of war, not refugees.
	UNHCR representative Amelia Bonifacio early this week met Foreign Minister
Prachuab Chaiyasarn, who confirmed that Thailand adheres to humanitarian
principles in granting asylum and relief assistance to the Karen refugees.
	Thai authorities denied reports that the military had forced the refugees
back into Burma.
	Ms Bonifacio said UNHCR did not provide assistance to the refugees because
a number of NGOs are giving them food, shelter and medical care.
	Gen Chettha confirmed that the refugees would be sent back to safe areas in
Burma once peace returns to the border.
	"Whoever thinks they can do better, go ahead," he said.
	Burma has guaranteed the safety of the refugees, he pointed out, as proven
when Burmese authorities took good care of 500 Karen rebels who surrendered
to government forces recently.
	All Karen refugee camps are to be moved deeper into Thailand and will be
protected by the Thai military, he said.
	He asserted that the relocation will not affect Thai border villagers or
destroy watershed areas.
	Gen Chettha hailed Thailand for exercising "the greatest mercy in the
world" towards the refugees, as it agreed to take in not only children,
women and the elderly, but also adult males.
	Those men, however, are subject to strict control because authorities fear
they might cross back into Burma to help in the fighting and might bring
weapons back with them, he said.
	Gen Chettha said that the Friendship Bridge across the Moei River, linking
Tak's Mae Sot district with Myawaddy in Burma, should be completed in four
months.
	Both countries were able to settle boundary disputes based on a 1989 map,
he said. (BP)

*******************************************************

BKK POST: UNHCR INTERVENTION SOUGHT
March 7, 1997

UN agency urged to prod Burma for truce

A senior national security official has called on the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees to persuade Burma to seek a ceasefire with ethnic
rebels.

	National Security Council deputy chief Kachadpai Buruspattana said
yesterday that to tackle the problem at its roots the UNHCR should hold
urgent talks with the Burmese government to urge it to seek ceasefire
agreements with rebel groups fighting for greater autonomy for decades.
	Fighting between Burmese troops and Karen rebels has driven a large number
of civilians to seek refuge in Thailand.
	"Now the time is proper for the UNHCR to hold talks with the State Law and
Order Restoration Council. Burma may soften its stance as it will become a
full member of Asean," he said.
	Mr Kachadpai made his suggestion during yesterday's meeting with UNHCR
representative Amelia Bonifacio and Francois Fouinat, director of its
regional bureau for Asia and the Pacific.
	During the meeting, the UNHCR pledged to provide assistance to Thailand in
sheltering Karen refugees. It also sought permission to inspect refugee camps.
	Currently, a number of NGOs have played a major role in providing food,
shelter and medical care to the refugees.
	Mr Kachadpai also denied reports that Thailand had forced refugees back
into their country, but said they would be sent back to safe areas in Burma
once the situation returned to normal.
	The problem of some 1,800 Lao refugees in Nakhon Phanom's Napho camp was
also raised during the meeting.
	Mr Kachadpai said Thailand planned to close the camp officially around June.
	Meanwhile, Democrat MP Suvaroj Palang yesterday praised Army
Commander-in-Chief Chettha Thanajaro for the army's humanitarian stance in
helping Karen refugees in Ratchaburi province.
	He also defended the army over allegations that the armed forces enforced
repatriation.
	Mr Suvaroj, a member of the House Human Rights Committee, also brought Gen
Chettha a letter from a Karen leader who reportedly praised and thanked the
army commander "for humanitarian support given to the refugees".
	The Chumphon MP, who witnessed early this week the relocation of Karen
refugees deep inside Thailand, said several Karen leaders were satisfied
with the army's handling of refugees.
	"They want me to convey their appreciation and gratitude to the army and
Thai government for the humanitarian assistance," he said.
	He said reports of forced repatriation by the army contradicted what was
genuinely happening in the area.
	He said he was personally satisfied and could not understand why the army
was the target of criticism by human rights groups.
	Gen Chettha remained unperturbed over the allegations, saying that he "was
not concerned at all".
	"I will not try to correct the misunderstanding as I don't think I've done
anything wrong," he said, urging the press to comprehend the situation.
	 He said he plans to seek a meeting with Interior Minister Sanoh
Thiengthong soon to discuss the refugee problem. (BP)

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THE NATION: KISSINGER SEES SMOOTH POWER TRANSFER IN CHINA
(abridged)
March 6, 1997
Puangthong Rugswasdisap 

PHUKET ­ Former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger believes there will a
smooth transition of power in China in the post-Deng Xiaoping era, but
yesterday warned Beijing to be careful not to cause anxiety over security
issues in the region. 
	He also approves of the Association of Southeast Asian Nation's (Asean)
policy of constructive engagement towards Burma. 
	Kissinger ­ national security adviser to president Richard Nixon before
assuming the post of secretary of state for both Nixon and president Gerald
Ford ­ played a vital role in reshaping the US-China relationship, from
contention to cautious cooperation, 25 years ago. 
	He was also a key figure in US involvement in the Vietnam War. 
	He disagreed with strong criticism by the international community of human
rights abuses in Burma, and agrees with Asean's policy of constructive
engagement. 
	He said that as a member of a minority group in American society, he shares
the view that US foreign policy should focus more on respecting the actions
of other societies, and should not be involved in the domestic reform of
other countries. 
	''We don't know what the consequences are. So I hope the dispute between
America and Myanmar [Burma] will be settled in the next two years, before
there is any damage," Kissinger said. 
	Kissinger, who is on a week-long holiday in Thailand with his wife, has
sought advice from Pitak on trade and investment prospects in Asia. He is an
adviser to the National Broadcasting Co and Chase Manhattan Bank.  (TN)

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ASIA TIMES:CLINTON'S EMPTY THREAT OF MYANMAR SANCTIONS COMES HOME TO ROOST
5th March 1997
Stephen Brookes

	There's a lot of embarrassed foot-shuffling going on in Washington these
days over the threat to impose economic sanctions on Myanmar. Last October,
United States President Bill Clinton signed legislation calling for a ban on
new US investment "if and when the Burmese military regime harms or arrests
[opposition leader Aung San] Suu Kyi or mounts a massive repression against
the dissidents". 
	The threat didn't seem to bother Myanmar's ruling State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC) very much. Shortly after the bill was
signed, Suu Kyi's car was violently attacked and a member of her staff
injured. Student dissidents were arrested during protests in December;
verbal attacks against "stooges of neocolonialists" continued to be a
staple of the state-run press, and the operations of the opposition
National League for Democracy were severely restricted. 
 	As far as Suu Kyi is concerned, that's enough reason to impose
sanctions immediately. "The conditions in Burma now are such that they
do meet the requirements of sanctions," she said on February 2.
"Widespread repression of the democracy movement was one of the
conditions of the imposition of sanctions and I think we can say very,
very clearly that there is large-scale repression of the democracy
movement going on." 
	The US press has been chiming in as well. The Washington Post called on
Clinton last week to "stop dithering" and impose sanctions, and The New York
Times opined that the decision "should not be difficult". 
	But the decision appears to be very difficult, indeed. US State
Department spokesman Nicholas Burns responded to Suu Kyi's appeal by
saying that "the United States has not decided to impose additional
sanctions" and the issue seems to have become an embarrassment for
everyone involved. 
	Neither of the sanction bill's co-sponsors, Senator Dianne Feinstein nor
former senator, now Defense Secretary William Cohen, has called for
sanctions to be invoked, and Secretary of State Madelaine Albright - who
until recently had been one of the world's most vociferous
Myanmar-bashers - hasn't uttered a peep about the country over the
past few weeks. 
	So what's going on? US officials aren't saying. But it probably boils down
to two things: Myanmar's expected entry into the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations later this year; and the fact that the US
sanctions were an empty threat from the beginning. 
	ASEAN membership is the crucial factor. Washington has often fumbled the
question of why it has pursued a policy of "constructive
engagement" with China despite widespread human rights abuses there,
while calling for Myanmar to be punished for much lesser abuses. US
officials have explained that the overall Sino-US relationship was too
important to be "held hostage" to a single issue, whereas in Myanmar
the situation was more "clear cut". The reality, of course, was that
US economic interests in Myanmar were negligible, making sanctions a
cost-free measure. As financier George Soros put it last year: "The
amount of American investment in Burma is relatively insignificant, so
we can still afford to live up to our moral principles." 
	But now that Myanmmar's imminent entry into ASEAN is assured, the costs of
sanctions have increased enormously. ASEAN member states have hotly rejected
Western attempts to keep Myanmar out of the group and further US meddling in
Asian affairs is only likely to backfire. Attacking Myanmar now, say
analysts in Yangon, is guaranteed to anger the country's future ASEAN
partners and disturb Washington's economic and political relations with the
entire region. 
	That's a hefty price to pay for a policy which has little realistic
chance of succeeding. As Soros noted, the amount of US investment in
Myanmar is insignificant - so how could sanctions have any real impact
on the SLORC? 
	And as US officials privately admit, the Cohen-Feinstein bill was
never really meant to be implemented - it was just a way for US
politicians to talk tough on human rights while killing the much
tougher sanctions legislation (the so-called McConnell bill) that was
put before Congress last summer. 
	But now Washington has a problem. Back when sanctions were a cost-free
proposition, Congress could act tough on Myanmar without worrying about the
consequences. Now the game has changed, but the threats have already been
made. Having vowed to impose sanctions, the US will look like a paper tiger
if it backs off. No wonder there's a resounding
silence on Myanmar in Washington these days. 
	It won't be pleasant for Clinton, but the smart thing to do would be simply
to admit the truth, that the sanctions threat was empty from
the very beginning and that any economic action now would cause more
harm than good. He should get on with what the US should have been
doing all this time - pursuing a pragmatic strategy that promotes US
interests in Myanmar. It was foolish enough to set out on the path of
phony sanctions in the first place. Staying the course will only make
matters worse. 

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BKK POST:THAI FORCES CLASH WITH KAREN REBELS
March 8, 1997
Tak

Thai troops fought a two-hour battle with intruding Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army rebels on Thursday, according to a border official.

	Security forces from the 4th Infantry Regiment and Border Patrol
Police Company 3504 clashed with at least ten DKBA guerrillas who
crossed the border into Thailand between kilometres 105-106 of
Tha Song Yang Mae Sariang highway on Thursday.
	The intruders retreated into Burma after nearly two hours of
fighting.
	In another development, eight stray mortar rounds landed at Ban
Nong Luang in Umphang district here around 8.30 am yesterday as
Burmese troops clashed with Karen National Union guerrillas at
Htee KaPler inside Burma.
	Some 50 Thai border police on patrol near Ban Nong Luang about
two kilometres from the frontier had to withdraw from the area.

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ANNOUNCEMENT: INTERNET LISTENER AND  ACTIVIST MA NADI SPEAKS OUT IN 2ND
MARCH PROGR AM
March 4, 1997

The March 2 program of the Democratic Burmese Program  originally  on   2NBC
in Australia, is now available for real-time playback via RealAudio     from
BurmaSong at <http://users.imagiware.com/wtongue> This is a Burmese-language
program featuring Burma news, views, Internet Activist Listener  Ma Nadi's
revolutionary  poem   and music of  Burma presented  by   Burmese now living
in Australia. Any suggestion   about  the program will be appreciated,
Please sends  E-mail  to (ausgeo@xxxxxxx ).

Democratic Burmese Program 	<http://users.imagiware.com/wtongue>

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