[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index
][Thread Index
]
Myanmar's bane
The Hindu: Myanmar's bane
By V. Jayanth
March 30, 1997: One step forward, two steps back. That seems to be the
problem in Myanmar, for every crisis that the ruling military junta
overcomes, it is confronted by two others. Just as Yangon was recovering
form the surcharged atmosphere in the wake of the student protest and
demonstration late last year, the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC) faces two new issues that have the potential to create more
complications. The more serious concern now centers on a religious
turmoil. It saw young Buddhist monks take to the streets and vandalize
mosques in sudden upshot of violence.
It all started in Mandalay and spread to other areas, before briefly
touching Yangon. SLORC responded cautiously but firmly to quell the
violence and reassure the Muslims that they were safe. On another front,
the armed forces pushed through what they believed will be the final
assault on the ethnic rebels, Karen National Union (KNU), who are
fighting a battle for an independent State. A partially successful push
by the army, but it has created problems in Thailand as refugees have
spilled across the borders.
In Mandalay, the religious upheaval began with the release of two Muslim
youths suspected to have been involved in the rape of a young Buddhist
girl. When the army/police decided to release the suspects, the monks
felt outraged and turned their wrath on the local mosques. The rampage
spread to four towns even as the authorities clamped down a curfew in
Mandalay. Damage to mosques was reported from Maulmein, Pyinmana, Tungoo
and Prome. Property belonging to Muslims was also damaged and looted.
At least one monk was killed during the violence and many were detained
for "questioning". This sparked unrest elsewhere and the Buddhist clergy
was clearly on the warpath, demanding justice and the release of all
monks held by the authorities. SLORC reassured the clergy that no monk
has been "arrested" and that some had been taken only for questioning as
they could have witnessed the violence. These events took place as the
Buddhist nation was preparing for a special religious festival of the
full moon, "Tabaung" on February 24.
In connection with that religious occasion, the SLORC chairman and Prime
Minister Senior Gen. Than Shwe, planned to hold a massive alms-giving
function for the monks. The junta had convened the three-day conference
in Yangon of the welfare committee for monks at the famous Kaba Aye
pagoda-- only the fourth meeting in 18 years. Because of the clashes and
the religious tensions, the Government scaled down the functions. The
religious affairs minister, Gen. Myo Nyunt, gave a call to the clergy "to
remove destructive elements within the monkshood". He blamed a few
black-sheep among the 400,000 monks, serving a population of 46 millions.
Eighty-five per cent of the Burmese are Buddhists and only 3.9 per cent
are Muslims.
The rumors that circulated and the religious divide in the rural and
suburban areas caused concern. The Army was keen on restoring order and
maintaining a visible presence and neutrality. Recovering from a hiccup
with the students, the authorities did not want to antagonize the monks.
A combination of the two could be a formidable challenge to SLORC,
reminiscent of the pro-democracy rising in 1988 when these two groups
joined together. Officials were quoted as blaming both "domestic,
political forces" and "imperialists" for fishing in troubled waters. They
described the recent clashes and violence as yet another "orchestrated"
attempt to prevent Myanmar form becoming a full member of the Association
of South East Nations.
Analysts in Bangkok consider the recent developments a "manifestation of
frustration and ethnic animosity". There were simmering differences
between Muslims and Buddhists right from the British days, because of
"preferential treatment". Mandalay was also home to many of the radical
monks who had spearheaded the 1988 upsurge for the restoration of
democracy. On the military front, the armed forces have dented the power
of the Karen rabbles in a massive offensive launched last month. The
authorities claimed the most of the KNU bases fell during the offensive.
The Karens are perhaps the last of the ethnic, national armed groups
still fighting the armed forces. SLORC has worked out cease-fire
agreements or stuck deals with the other major groups. The last in line
was with the drug warlord. Khun Sa, who was running one of the most
powerful syndicates in the Golden Triangle. The Karen refused to come to
the table even after the Army succeeded in dividing their ranks. Hence
the latest offensive, now that more troops could be shifted from other
parts of the country. In a clever, diplomatic move, the Myanmar army,
took the Thai military commanders into confidence about the offensive so
that Thailand could be prepared for the slipover of refugees.
Initially, there were reports from the border that the refugees were
being pushed back. The US issued an appeal that was quite critical and
the Thai army chief responded curtly to say that it was misinformation.
No genuine refugee was ever sent back but Thailand did not want to
provide shelter or refuge to armed insurgents. There was no bilateral
problem on this score, but many of the Karen refugees, in Thailand for
many years now, came in for bad treatment and relocation, while hundreds
of others and were not welcome on either side until the battle was over.
Myanmar has reason, to worry because these developments cannot be viewed
in isolation and may be damaging to a nation that is getting set to claim
entry into ASEAN. Already, there is pressure on the latter from the West
to do something about the democracy situation in this deadlocked country.