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BurmaNet News April 1, 1997

------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------  
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"  
The BurmaNet News: April 1, 1997  
Issue #682


March 31, 1997


DATE: MARCH 31, 1997

1. The protest led by the Buddhist monks have been occurring and
spreading through out the country since 16 March, 1997.

2. At least three monks were shot dead by the Slorc security forces, and 
more than 100 monks were arrested, according to reliable sources.

3. The monks who were killed sacrificed their lives for the cause
of democracy and human rights and peace in Burma, and actively
campaigning for the release of jailed monks. The ABYMU would like
to express its deep sorrow at the deaths of the monks.

4. The monks were planning a demonstration for Burma's human
rights day on March 13, 1997. However, the demonstration was
postponed when the Slorc, with advance information, arrested some
monks. As a consequence, the situation was highly tense between March 13-15.

5. In an attempt to prevent monks from engaging in political
activity, Slorc has in the past plotted religious conflict
between Buddhists and Muslims. Because of the March 16 incidents,
monks in Mandalay held a meeting to discuss the deaths of monks
in prison, the release of jailed monks, and also the incident in
which precious gems were stolen by the Slorc officials form the
famous Maha Myat Mu Nye Pagoda in Mandalay. During the meeting 
two Slorc officials arrived and stirred up religious conflict.

6. In the third week of March, the Slorc denied the news that
sixteen monks had died in prison. However the ABYMU has strong
evidence in relation to the reported deaths and it has already
informed Amnesty International and the UN Human Right Committee.

7. If such human rights violations were not occurring in Burma's
prisons, there would be no reason for the Slorc to refuse representatives 
from the UN Human Rights Committee and international human rights 
to inspect the jails and have access to prisoners.

8. On March 25 the Slorc announced that it would crush any
demonstration by the monks. However, the ABYMU and monks inside
Burma will, along with the  people of Burma, continue to fight for the 
release of jailed monks and for human rights, peace and democracy.

Central Leading Committee


April 4, 1997

Did somebody incite the Maldalay unrest?
Reported by Dominic Faulder and Roger Mitton

The Monks of Mandalay have a long tradition of activism. They rebelled
against British colonialists and they played a key role in the pro-democracy
demonstrations of 1988. Once again they are on the warpath - but this time
against local Muslims. In recent weeks, perhaps 100 monks have desecrated
mosques and trashed Muslim property.

Mandalay was placed under curfew late last month. One monk was subsequently
reported to have been shot to death and another arrested. The trouble began
when a Muslim allegedly tried to rape a Buddhist girl. But this may have
been no more than the lack of economic and political opportunities is

Officially, the junta blames the Mandalay uprising on shadowy forces intent
on discrediting Myanmar, which hopes to gain Asean membership this year. One
theory has it that a conservative faction allied to army chief Gen Maung Aye
is actually behind the anti-Muslim unrest in an attempt to set off alarm
bells in the capitals of Malaysia and Indonesia, Asean's two Muslim members.
There has long been talk of a split in the regime's ranks, much of it

Some observers, however, believe that the relatively pragmatic intelligence
chief Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt is losing his clout and that Maung Aye is moving up.

Meantime, the army has stepped up its presence in Yangon, where unrest has
been reported, and three other cities. No member of the regime had yet
connected the disturbances to the pro-democracy movement led by Aung San Suu
Kyi. But the unrest may provide a further pretext for the government to
crack down on dissidents. Whether that happens may well depend on who is
calling the shots. (AW)


February 1997

(BurmaNet Editor's Note: The Chin, many of whom are Christian, have 
been facing increasing persecution and human rights abuses over the past 
2 years.  While the Chin hills were largely ignored in the past, now the SLORC
is cutting roads through Chin territory to increase trade access to India and 
to increase their control over the Chin population.   The Chin National Front, 
a small resistance group lead by Chins who were students in 1988, has been 
operating out of the Chin hills.)

(English slightly corrected by BurmaNet for easier reading)

1. CHRO Interview with a Chin pastor in December 1996

The monks who live at Zakam, Rezua, Leisen, Vangvai and Tinsi villages 
rule the communities. Anyone who doesn't abide by the monks' orders are
reported to the SLORC army and he/she is punished by the army.  The monks
give judgement on all cases.  For those who become Buddhist,  they are free 
from any persecution such as forced labour, portering, extortion of money, etc.
Whenever and wherever a monk visits, he is accompanied by the army and 
they arrange a porter to carry the monk's particulars.

The villagers were forced to build a Buddhist monastery and temple.  But 
they refused, insisting "we are Christians."  Even though the army threatened
action against them, they didn't build it yet.  Now the monks and army are
holding a meeting to discuss this.  Nobody knows what will hapen.

One pastor gave a sermon with reference to certain passages in the Bible.  While
he was giving the sermon, the monk entered the church and made him  stop 
the sermon and scolded him saying, "You can't give a sermon with reference to
the above verses of the Bible.  If you continue, you will be imprisoned."  
Furthermore, the monks prohibited pastoral visits to families and prayers
for them
at every village where monks are living.

2. CHRO Interview with a Chin farmer in his 40s (name with held for security)
from Matupi Township, in December 1996

[This man had often been elected as a community leader and worked in
the Chin National League for Democracy party in 1990.]

I  was invited to attend social welfare training by the [SLORC] authority
from Matupi on 27/2/95.  When I arrived at the place, the authority told us 
that it is to attend Buddhist hill tract missionary training run by a Buddhist
monk named U Razinn at Mindat.  As we are Christian, we said we didn't
want to go.  But the monk persuaded us saying, 'it is no problem if you are
Christian, it is just religious training.'  So 5 other persons and I took part
in the 10 day training.

In the training, we were taught the 17 facts of how to attack and disfigure
Christians.  The facts were to be spread to the Chin Christian community
(see the attached document).  And we should not get involved in national
politics.  We were promised that 1200 kyats per month would be proviced 
to those families who became Buddhist and 800 kyats per month for those
individuals who became Buddhist.  Furthermore, we would not only be 
provided with rice and other materials, but we would also be free from
portering, forced labour, and extortion of money.  And our children would 
be provided with their education by the government.

I became a Buddhist because of such privileges rather than becuase I think
Buddhism is better than Christianity.  And then I was called by Captain
xxx, from Pakuku, and I was trained for 10 days.  At  the training, the 
captain taught me to report the activities of the Chin National Front and 
to create misunderstanding among Christian denominations. He told that 
now, Buddhism is supported by the government.  The monk who lives in 
Matupi is a captian of Military Intelligence and the monks who live in 
Zakam, Rezua, Leisen, Vangkai, and Tingsi villages are sergeants in
Military Intelligence.  He encouraged me not to be afraid and said that 
whenever I needed assistance I could ask them and would be helped.

After I had become a Buddhist, all the problems we faced in the kitchen
disappeared.  However, when I asked for assistance for my son who was 
studying in a theological college in Rangoon, they rejected my request 
and also told me not to let him continue his studies.  I threatened that 
if you don't provide from my son, I will quit being a Buddhist.  It is in 
vain, so I informed them that I had left Buddhism.  They told me that 
if I wanted to join again, I could do so at any time and would be provided 
with more than before.

For those who became a Buddhist together with me, they are provided with
whatever they need and get many privileges from the government and now
they are very happy.  Now they became like real Buddhists.  However, for
Christians, the government doesn't allow them to ask for any assistance from
foreign countries.  As we are very poor and have sufferend under forced labour,
portering, and the extortion of money, some people are interested in becoming

3. Translation of "The facts to attack Christians"

Missionaries, Honorable Monks, Cleansing Organization
The facts to attack Christians

01. To attack Christian families and the progress of Christians
02. To criticize against the sermons which are broadcast from Manila,
03. To criticize God as narrow-minded and egotistical who himself claimed
      that "There is no god except eternal God"
04. To be against corrupted youth and inappropriate fashion
05. To criticize the preaching of Christians wherever it has penetrated.
06. To criticize Christianity by means of pointing out its delicacy and weakness
07.  To stop the spread of the Christian movement in rural areas
08.  To criticize by means of pointing out "it is not salvation but purchased by
09.  To counterattack by means of pointing out Christianity's weakness and 
       overcome this with Buddhism.
10. To counter the Bible after throrough study.
11.  To criticize that "God loves only Israel but not all the races."
12.  To point out ambiguity between the two testaments.
13.  To criticize on the point that Christianity is partisan.
14.  To criticize Christianity's concept of the Creator and compare it with the
       scientific concept.
15.  To study and access the amount given in offerings.
16.  To criticize the holy spirit after thorough study.
17.  To attack Christians by means of both non-violence and violence.

Recopy, Myo Chit, Wah Mah Tah, 2639
True Copy

(Sa Win)


March 31, 1997

Rangoon- Burmese authorities kept security tight for a visit by
Laotian Prim Minister Khamtay Siphandone as communal unrest in
the capital appeared to be winding down, witnesses said.

Security forces surrounding the official visit supplemented those
stationed near mosques and monasteries to stem a rash of attacks
on Muslim property which began two weeks ago in the central
Burmese city of Mandalay.

Rangoon has been quiet for the past few days after a series of
incidents in which Buddhist monks stoned and vandalised mosques
and private Muslim homes, but curfews apparently remained in
place in Mandalay and Toungoo.


March 31, 1997

Myanmar and Laos, the two largest opium-producing countries in the so-called 
Golden Triangle, have signed an agreement to crack down on illegal drug 
trafficking, according to official news reports yesterday.

The pact was signed on Saturday as the highlight of an official visit by
Lao Prime Minister Siphandone Tongvanh to Myanmar at the invitation of
State Law and Order Restoration Council chairman General Than Shwe,
said the New Light of Myanmar newspaper.

Myanmar and Laos, whose remote hinterlands make up sections of the
tri-border Golden Triangle area, produce about 2,500 tonnes and 200
tonnes of opium respectively per year.


March 18, 1997  (New Light of Myanmar)
by Moe-MOFA

I remember, I remember 
The memories left over 
>From carefree days in grade school 
Where I used to play the fool 
I remember, I remember 
Stories from my reader 
That took seed throughout my youth 
And emerge today as timeless truths 
I remember, I remember 
How six blind men endeavoured 
To describe a pachyderm 
To each other in no uncertain terms 
A wall, a fan, a rope, some said 
No, a snake, another professed 
Still others held forth without fear 
That elephants were like pillars and spears 
All found out when time was due 
That every assertion made was true 
An elephant was all of these 
Perception had shaped their hypotheses 
I remember, I remember 
Laughing at the six blind men 
What a child I was back then...
Bad poetry, I concede, but a good way of recalling the story of the six blind 
men and their attempt to find out what really was an elephant. What struck 
me most at that time was how they could have stuck so stubbornly to their
tactile observations without giving the benefit of the doubt to the opinion of 
others. Visualizing the story in the cruel frankness that only children
I was entertained countless times. As a result of these repeated readings, the
moral of the story took root in my mind, to come up at the least expected 
moments like right now! 

Thinking about the story again from the perspective that more than two 
decades have brought, the moral remains the same: perceptions make all 
the difference in pronouncing an opinion of a truth that exists despite all the 
noises.  Today, in Myanmar, the flavour of 1997 seems to be ASEAN and 
Myanmar's prospective membership into the Association. At this juncture 
in our preparations, different interpretations abound as to what the 
Association really is -- in both the national and regional contexts. 

Reading various literature on ASEAN affords the readers access to the
different dimensions of the Association. However, at a time when identity 
needs to be forged -- identity as Myanmars, identity as sons of Southeast 
Asia, identity as part of the region and therefore part of what is going on in
the region -- there is an increasing need to be aware of what it really
means to 
be part of the Southeast Asian Nations. For this, we in Myanmar will also need 
to have a clear idea of what really is the Association of Southeast Asian
apart from its historical development and institutional responsibilities. 

Is ASEAN like a wall against a common threat? Or is it more like a pillar that 
stands firm for the interest of the region? Would it seem to be a rope that
all members together? Does it represent determination of purpose like that of a 
snake? Is ASEAN's thrust as sharp as that of a spear? Is it bringing that
long-awaited cool breeze of development with it? There may be different 
perceptions as to what simile or metaphor would best describe the
Association vis-a-vis Myanmar, but I feel that ASEAN is all these and more. 

ASEAN a wall [subhead] 
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations came into existence three decades 
ago as a response to the challenges the countries of the region faced then.
At a 
time where the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia were still shaking 
off the dust of their chequered colonial pasts, the bi-polar struggles of the 
superpowers were also being played out in the region. Previous efforts for 
regionalism having failed to achieve the objectives they aimed for, ASEAN
emerged at a time when the need was greatest for dialogue among each other 
as a mechanism against ideological threats and political rivalries that
into the region.   ASEAN today is ever a forum for dialogue among the
members and their friends; it is not an alliance, but rather a security
that seeks to build more confidence into the formal interstate relations for
present than had been in the past. In the attempt to achieve regional
resilience from the diverse national resiliences, ASEAN then, is the wall that 
stands strong and firm in the face of challenges and dictates from outside.
It is 
the wall that protects and weathers those within from the harsh winds
blowing without. It is the wall that tells everyone of the residences inside
that demarcates the extent of our domain.

Myanmar is soon to be part of that domain, soon to be a residence safe within 
the security of the wall. It is up to us to prove worthy residents who
to the continuing security and stability that ASEAN as a wall provides. Myanmar 
is a participating member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, as well as a signatory 
to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia and to the South
East Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone Treaty. Soon, we will also be finishing 
our  part of the ASEAN wall. 
ASEAN as a spear [subhead] 
ASEAN's thrust in regional and international affairs has steadily increased 
over the years as the Association has progressed from achievements in both 
the political and economic arenas, gaining an increasing international
recognition along the way. The three decades of regional peace point to 
ASEAN's major achievement in the political sphere. Not a single shot has 
been fired in anger in resolving disputes, which underlines the Association's 
track record of brotherly relations, even in the thick of an intra-regional 
conflict. The main business of ASEAN has never been disrupted from 
reverberations at the bilateral levels. Another feather in ASEAN's cap is the 
role the Association was able to play in managing the Cambodian conflict 
right up to the resolution phase. ASEAN's Dialogue Partners reveal the 
Association's emerging role as an important regional player. ASEAN's 
economic growth rate of 7.11 percent (between 1989-1996) and the 
increasing linkages with other trading and regional economic entities 
such as NAFTA (North America Free Trade Area), EFTA (European Free 
Trade Area), SADC (Southern Africa Development Community), SPF 
(South Pacific Forum), and other organizations in Central and South 
America, have earned ASEAN recognition in the economic arena as well. 

With its growth triangles and the well-planned implementation of the 
AFTA process, ASEAN has taken its place as the world's fifth biggest 
economic power after NAFTA, EU, China and Japan. With such "weight"
and well-built "muscles", any thrust by the ASEAN spear must be sharp 
indeed. Soon, with the added strength from the CLM countries, the spear 
can reach even farther, and claim even more prowess. 

ASEAN as a pillar [subhead] 
It has been said that ASEAN is more of a "loose" organization in the sense 
that it is more or less loosely institutionalized, with the Bangkok Declaration 
of 1967 in the place of a formal Charter. Over the decades, there has never 
really been any strong centralization of authority -- no supranational 
authority, for that matter -- in ASEAN affairs. The modus operandi itself is 
"consultation and consensus" for any decision made by the Association.  
However, this alone constitutes the one constant factor across all the 
changing phases of members and nations in the region. The understanding 
that every issue should be discussed and consensus reached through frank 
and open consultation has become the one great pillar of ASEAN strength 
that converges all the diverse backgrounds and  experiences of the members. 

ASEAN as a rope [subhead] 
For all its being big on process and small on institutions, ASEAN does 
possess a norm-reinforcing element in that the constant pillar of 
consultation and consensus stands tall for all members and friends of the 
Association. Another binding element can be found in the one 
representative institution of ASEAN -- the ASEAN Secretariat. To 
paraphrase the saying "All roads lead to Rome", it can be said of the 
Secretariat that "All ASEAN matters emanate first from the ASEAN 

With this as the locus of activities in the region's political, economic and 
social fabric, the rope that binds all members and partners together is the 
network of ASEAN National Secretariats in the capitals of member countries, 
and the ASEAN Committees in third countries.  The initiative taken in 
Bangkok three decades ago is like a needle that first took up a strong and 
wonderful thread, with the aim to ultimately achieve a very special necklace 
of the ten colourful beads in the region of Southeast Asia. The thread or rope, 
which binds the member countries together is of course the Bangkok Declaration 
signed by the five founding members and all subsequent members to the 
Association. The safety chain that keeps the beads together can be found 
in the form of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. Soon, the ASEAN 
necklace will be complete and the clasp will keep all the beads together. 
The binding element can be found in the fact that the beads alone are 
responsible for ensuring that the thread which keeps them together will
not break. Indeed, the mission statement of the ASEAN Secretariat will 
act as the clasp of the necklace since it ensures "strengthening and
intensifying of intra ASEAN cooperation". The rope is thus strong enough 
to thread three more beads who will help the others in striving for a Southeast 
Asia region beautiful in every sense of the word. 
ASEAN as a fan [subhead] 
The Bangkok Declaration of 1967 states the desire of the ASEAN Member 
Countries to work together to promote economic cooperation for the welfare
of the people in the region. Indeed, the first of the three main objectives of
ASEAN is "to promote the economic, social and cultural development of the 
region through cooperative programmes". As emerging economies still on the
road to development, it is not surprising that economic, social and cultural
development are stressed as preconditions to political stability. Indeed, in a 
region characterized by diversity in every sense -- geographical, cultural, 
ethnic, and political -- a common goal pragmatically focused on the shared 
destiny of the region, rather than on values and norms that differed
according to the different "after-tastes" of colonial masters, naturally has a 
high potential of succeeding. In 1967, what was needed was that long-awaited 
draft of a sense of achievement -- of being able to deliver the goods to the
people and to give them a stake in the future of their respective lands of 
residence. What better way than economic prosperity and a sense of belonging? 

Economic success in ASEAN has brought with it the waft of air that refreshes 
a body which has weathered the sun and wind. It is indeed like the soft breeze 
one gets from a fan when once one has entered the cool shade from a hot day

ASEAN's economic growth triangles in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia, 
the AFTA process falling into place as the Green Lane System to expedite 
customs clearance for Common Effective Preferential Tariff products is
established, non-tariff barriers are eliminated and tariff nomenclatures 
harmonized; the ASEAN Industrial Cooperation Scheme, cooperation in 
investment, and the new initiative of ASEAN Mekong Basin Development 
Cooperation are all part of the economic achievement of the Association. 

Of equal importance is the promotion of functional cooperation which 
covers the areas of science and technology, environment, culture and 
information, social development, and drugs and narcotics control. Indeed,
functional cooperation in ASEAN is the way to reach out and touch all the 
people in the region as part of the ASEAN family and a concrete example 
that ASEAN activities are not just limited to the soundbites of high-level 
summits broadcasted worldwide. Indeed, the decision of the Bangkok
Summit of 1995 to elevate functional cooperation to a higher plane focused 
on this aspect of people-to-people contact in the effort to forge a common 
ASEAN identity as the people of the region move forward in search of 
convergence among divergences. To be ASEAN citizens is to know about 
each other -- the similarities and differences in the way of the life, 
traditions and cultural customs -- in every ASEANcountry. An ASEAN 
identity is to be aware of and to accept the differences while strengthening 
the similarities. What better way than through the contacts afforded by 
cooperation on functional matters? 

Thus, the prosperity achieved by individual and collective economic 
successes will be shared through human development, technological 
competitiveness and social cohesiveness. As a fan brings coolness, so 
does it shade the person from the heat and dust. 

ASEAN as a snake [subhead] 
Many equate snakes with more of a negative sense than the positive factors 
that a snake symbolizes for people of Asia. Where a pessimist would see 
cunning, ruthlessness and coldness, an optimist sees intelligence, 
determination of purpose and protection of one's own. Indeed, the snake
stands for wit and wealth in Asian interpretation.  ASEAN's "success factors" 
today reveal the wisdom of vision initiated three decades ago, combined with 
the determined effort of the Association's members to achieve the goals and 
objectives the founding fathers had formulated. 

The notion of a shared destiny has led to even closer coordination of efforts. 
This is illustrated by the political commitment demonstrated at the highest 
level among ASEAN leaders and countries in Southeast Asia. One of the
principles of peaceful co-existence, non-interference, is also part of the 
ASEAN way -- creating a milieu where conflict does not emerge, or if it 
does, containing it so that it does not disturb the region as a whole. The
stabilizing role assumed by a founding member of ASEAN
ensures a focal point in the Association's intramural relations. Close 
consultation and cooperation among members, and the consensus 
approach ensures and enhances the united stand of sovereign nations. 

These success factors are the result of the intelligence born of experience. 
They are based on a sincere desire for the well-being of brethren. They 
have come about because of a consistent implementation of the common 
goals. In this, the Association is like a snake. I have always understood 
that snakes are different from serpents. 

In Myanmar, the flavour of 1997 is ASEAN and the CLM prospective 
membership to the Association. Different perceptions will still abound as 
to what the Association really means to and for Myanmar. However, the 
eternal truth of ASEAN will always exist for those who come into contact
with the Association in big ways or small.  Whatever a blind person touches, 
whatever the fingers can feel, a message is conveyed to stay forever in the
mind's eye. 

Whatever we in Myanmar can feel from our "touches" or contact with the 
Association of South East Asian Nations, whatever our observations past, 
present and future define, my one wish is that the message conveyed will 
be one of shared peace, progress and prosperity when ten stand as one
in the 21st century. 

(With this article, I pay homage to all in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
who have given their best for Myanmar's ASEAN initiatives; as part of my 
contribution to the MOFA Golden Jubilee.) 


March 29, 1997

     YANGON, 28 March - Chairman of Myanmar Investment Commission Deputy
     Prime Minister Vice-Admiral Maung Maung Khin received President of
     Texaco International Production of US Mr Robert A Solberg and party
     at his office this morning. Exploration of oil and gas at offshore
areas in 
     Myanmar by Texaco and future programmes were discussed.
     Secretary of MIC Minister at Office of Deputy Prime Minister Brig-Gen
     Maung Maung, Deputy Minister for Energy U Tin Tun and officials were
     also present.

     YANGON, 28 March State Councillor and Secretary-General of the State
     Council of the People's -Republic of China Mr Luo Gan and delegation,
     here on an official visit to the Union of Myanmar at the invitation
     of Secretary-1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Lt-Gen
     Khin Nyunt, accompanied by Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U
     Nyunt Swe and PRC Ambassador Ms Chen Baoliu, left here by special
     flight for Heho on 26 March morning.
     They arrived at Heho Airport at 9.30 am and were welcomed by Chairman
     of Shan State Law and Order Restoration Council Commander of Eastern
     Command Maj-Gen Tin Htut, Brig-Gen Pyi Zon and Tatmadaw officers,
     members of Shan State Law and Order Restoration Council, state level
     departmental officials.
     The delegation, accompanied by Commander Maj-Gen Tin Htut, proceeded
     to Inlay Khaungdaing Hotel in Nyaungshwe.
     They then arrived Inlay PhaungdawU Pagoda where they were welcomed by
     Tactical Operations Commander Col Ko Ko Kyaw and members of the Board
     of Trustees.
     First, the Chinese goodwill delegation offered flowers, lights and
     incense and paid homage to the Buddha image.
     The delegation gilded the Buddha image. The State Councillor Mr Luo 
     Gan signed in the visitor's book and donated cash toward the pagoda funds.
     Board of Trustees presented a replica of PhaungdawU Pagoda to Mr Luo
     Gan.The goodwill delegation proceeded to Inlay Yayle Guest House
     where they watched Inlay traditional men's and women's traditional
     boat race, Inlay traditional style in conveying soon to monastery and
     Inlay traditional fishing.
     Mr Luo Gan, Deputy Minister U Nyunt Swe and PRC Ambassador Ms Chen
     Baoliu presented prizes and gifts to the demonstrators.
     The Chinese goodwill delegation proceeded to Taunggyi where they
     visited Mesia mini market, Chingmai store and other shops in Myoma
     Market, Taung.
     In the evening, Commander Maj-Gen Tin Htut hosted dinner in honour of
     the goodwill delegation at Than Lwin Hall.  Mr Luo Gan and Commander 
     Maj-Gen Tin Htut exchanged gifts.
     The Chinese goodwill delegation left Taunggyi by special flight for
     Thandwe yesterday morning.
     They arrived at Mazin Airport at 10.30 am and they were welcomed by
     Deputy Commander of Western Command Brig-Gen Yan Thein and Tatmadaw
     officers, departmental officials and members of Union Solidarity and
     Development Association.
     The Chinese goodwill delegation, accompanied by Deputy Commander
     Brig-Gen Yan Thein, arrived Annawa Yeiktha in Thandwe.
     They rested in Ngapali Beach and played tennis and volleyball.
     The guests, together with Deputy Commander Brig-Gen- Yan Thein, had
     souvenir photos taken in Annwa Yeiktha.  The visiting Chinese delegation 
     arrived back here this morning.

     YANGON, 28 March- Military attaches and their families of foreign
     missions visited Defence Services Museum on Shwedagon Pagoda Road
     this morning and observed the 52nd Anniversary Armed Forces Day
     Exhibition at the museum.
     They were welcomed at the museum by Chief of Staff (Navy) Commodore
     Nyunt Thein, Chief of Staff (Air) Brig-Gen Kyaw Than, Director of
     Public Re5ations and Psychological Warfare Brig-Gen Aung Thein,
     Deputy Chief of the Office of Strategic Studies Deputy Director of
     Defence Services Intelligence Col Kyaw Win, Director of Defence
     Services Museum and Historical Research Institute Col Ye Htut.
     Col Ye Htut explained to the guests facts about the museum and booths
     on display at the museum.
     Defence Attache of India Col Blard Waj, Dean of Military Attaches,
     thanked officials.
     The guests, together with the senior Tatmadaw officers, had souvenir
     photos taken. Afterwards, officials conducted the guests around the museum.


(BurmaNet Editor's note: Azin and Kyaikdon were under KNU control until the
offensive.  They are now under SLORC control.)
     YANGON, 28 March Altogether 86 students and teachers of Azin and
     Kyaikdon regions in Kya-in Seikkyi led by U Pan Laung, accompanied by
     Major Zaw Win Kyu of No 44 LID, visited Maha Bandoola Park this morning. 
     They visited Myanma Department Store on Shwedagon Pagoda Road and
     Bogyoke Aung San Market.

     They also went to Tiger Parahita School (Kyakyaung) of the Minister
     for Progress of Border Areas and National Races and Development
     Affairs at Kamayut Station Road in Kamayut Township at 1.10 pm and
     they were welcomed by Director of Department for Development of
     Border Areas and National Races Maj Maung Maung Tin, Principal U Hla
     Nyein and officials and students.
     Director Maj Maung Maung Tin extended greetings and Principal U Hla
     Nyein explained salient points of the school.  U Pan Laung thanked them.
     Then, the students inspected the school and had souvenir photos taken.


March 31, 1997
by Tint Swe (NLD MP, staying in India)

(this letter has been sent as a letter to the editor to the Hindustan Times
and the Asian Age in India)

Indo-Burma policy?

In this ever-changing world many people forget the past easily. I wonder
how many Indians except journalists and scholars perceive Burma has been
under a tyranny regime since before the death of J. Nehru. Student
demonstrations in December, peasant marching in January and on-going
monks protest are a few examples of how the general population of Burma
are frustrated with the dictatorial regime. The incidents of such drew
the media attention. But its just the ice-berg. Tanks are still at the
heart of Rangoon. Curfew is still imposed in Mandalay. Many colleagues
are still closed and the student and monk examinations are canceled. 100
monks and 100 elected MPs are still in the jails. More than 50,000
refugees are forced to live under the shade of trees inside Thailand.

Being a tiny country with ethnic diversity Burma seems to be
insignificant to India. But at a recent seminar in JNU many scholars and
experts have been talking Indias security concern through Burmas
deteriorating situation. The former Indian ambassador, I.P. Singh
advocated for Constructive disengagement while a former Indian Army
General recommended a Gradual approach and bilateral relation with Burma.
Security alone should not be the interest of India. My observation is
Image of India is the undeniable interest of India. Indias image means
democracy. The great leaders of modern India had never been left behind
to protect and to help restoring democracy in the world.

When a Burma expert admitted that India's long strategic desire was for all
her neighbors to be democratic, secular  and united, a scholar raised a
question on how should India act particularly on Burma to accomplish that
goal. I rarely if not nothing heard from India expressing her concern on
deteriorating developments under the military regime. When the recipient
of the Nehru Award, Aung San Suu Kyi was physically assaulted by
government-backed mob India was quiet. When 500 elected MPs were arrested
Lok Sabh members kept silent. India should speak out for the cause of
democracy and justice. As the State department or EU usually if not
always pronounce their distress and anguish on such inside news, to whom
the people of Burma should express gratitude? We do not need arms or
money from India to be able to restore democracy. Please speak out! The
United Nations forum is there. Just take initiative to implement the UN
resolutions on Burma.

If Indias interest is security, your borders and waters can be secured
only when a democratic government is there. If trading is the priority,
your business can be protected by a democratic government is there. There
is no rule of law in Burma now.

Tint Swe
Member of Parliament (Burma)

Dr. Tint Swe
K-146, Krishna Park Ext.
Outer Ring Road
New Delhi. 18
Tel/Fax: 514-5548


March 31, 1997

Subject: Mg Aye  urged  Than Shwe to  retire in  March 30 program
Only  one  Democratic  Burmese  Program  on Internet

Dear friends,

The March 16 program of the Democratic Burmese Radio  originally on 2NBC  
in  Australia, is now available for real-time playback via RealAudio from  
BurmaSong at


This is a Burmese-language program featuring Burma news, views, and music of  
Burma presented  by   Burmese now living in  Australia.    It   will  be 
appreciated   any  suggestion   about  program , Please  sends  E-mail  to 
(ausgeo@xxxxxxx ).

Many  thanks  to  Mr Wrightson Tongue , Burma Net and  all  listeners.

Democratic Burmese Program 	<http://users.imagiware.com/wtongue>


March 29, 1997

A Conference on Burma will be held at Kutztown University on Saturday, 5
April 1997.  Kutztown, PA is located along US 222 near Interstate 78
just west of Allentown, PA.

US Premiere showing of John Pilger's award-winning documentary "Inside
Burma - Land of Fear"

Speakers include:

Bo Hla Tint, finance minister, NCGUB, the government in exile

Dr. Richard Crooker, professor of geography, Kutztown University, heroin

Julien Moe, electronic journalist and translator

Brian Lipsett, Penn State student activist

Dr. John MacArthur, physician just returned from working with Karenni
refugees on the Thai border

Ohmar Khin, Democratic Burmese Students Organization

Joseph Silverstein, professor emeritus, Rutgers University, author,
scholar, activist

Sunda Khin, co-founder, Foundation for Democracy in Burma

Registration Opens at 8:30 AM.

"Inside Burma" video
Panel 1 - History
Panel 2 - Current Conditions
Panel 3 - Prospects for Democracy
Networking/Wrap-up at 3:30 PM

Adequate time for breaks, networking and meeting each other.

Registration: FREE (suggested donation $10)

Hope you can attend the conference, and bring some friends!

If you think you'll attend and want directions and/or further
information, please contact me at <nelham@xxxxxxx> or phone John
Abrahall at 1 800 543 3764.

Kind regards,

John M. Sellers
Berks Peace Community