The BurmaNet News, May 17, 1997

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------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------    
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"    
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The BurmaNet News: May 17, 1997    
Issue #723
  
HEADLINES:    
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SLORC: INFORMATION SHEETS NO. A-0041 - A-0043
BKK POST: REFUGEES' RIGHT PLEA TO PREMIER
THE NATION: LOBBYISTS PUSH PREMIER TO SHELVE YADANA 
BKK POST: THAILAND "REFUSES TO OPPOSE BURMA ENTRY"
THE NATION: BURMA'S ECONOMIC ROLE IN REGION 
BKK POST: BURMESE LIMIT VISIT OF THAI MEDIA
THE NATION: SUB-REGIONAL MECHANISM FOR HUMAN RIGHTS 
BKK POST: MORE TIME FOR WORKER REGISTRATION
BKK POST: MEASURES TO STOP ILLEGAL LOGGING 
FBC AUSTRALIA: SELECTIVE PURCHASING LEGISLATION 
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SLORC: INFORMATION SHEETS NO. A-0041 - A-0043

No.A-0041                                  date.15-5-97

The wife of the British Ambassador Mrs. Pamela  J. Gordon  visited  Mrs.
Aris at her residence in  the  afternoon of  the 14th . of  May ? 97.

Ms. Tiffany White , Third  Secretary of the Embassy of  the United Kingdom
also  visited Mrs. Aris at her  residence  the same day.
-----------------------------------

No.A-0042		          date.16-5-97
(1)     Saw Di Moe , Personal Assistant and Advisor to Bo Mya on trading
matters, of the K.N.U ( the last remaining terrorist organization) reported
the concerned authorities to trade arms for peace on the 4th of May ?97 at
DAH-KWIN Camp ( 250 km north-east of Yangon) near the Thai-Myanmar border.
It is learnt that he was cordially welcomed, and accorded necessary
assistance by the concerning authorities.

(2)     In the evening of 16th May ?97, Mr. John F. Imle,  President of
UNOCAL corporation , visited Mrs. Aris at her residence. He left after
spending nearly one hour, it is learnt.
-----------------------------------------------------

No. A-0043			date.17-5-97

Handing Over of Thai Bail Jumper in Drug Related Case.

        Li Yun Ching a.k.a. as Pongsak Rojanasaksakul, a person who had
taken on Thai citizenship and who had been indicted on charges of drug
trafficking in  the criminal Court of Justic, Thailand and who had
subsequently been granted bail  amounting to baht 5 million by Deputy Chief
Justice Somchai Udomyong, was captured within the territory of the Union of
Myanmar and detained by the Myanmar authorities.

        It was later ascertained that the said bail jumper had been summoned
to appear before a Thai Court of Justic on 7 March 1997 to face charges. But
as he failed to appear before the Court,the Phuton Police Headquarters of
the Province of Sdamuhtrasakhun, Thailand had preferred charges as a result
of which, the Asyaa Court of Justice had issued a warrant for his arrest.

        The State Law and Order Restoration Council considers the total
eradication of narcotic drugs  a national task. Therefore with the aim of
contributing towards  the success and effectiveness of the fight against
narcotic drugs in the region, and in the interest of promoting good
relations between the two neighbouring countries has handed over custody of
the said absconder with due process to responsible officials of the Royal
Thai Government on 17 May 1997 at afternoon. It is reported that he was
taken back to his country by a special aircraft of the Royal Thai Air Force.

*****************************************

BKK POST: REFUGEES' RIGHT PLEA TO PREMIER
May 16, 1997

A US-based refugee advocacy group appealed to the government yesterday 
not to let business links with the Rangoon regime dictate its treatment of
Burmese refugees.

"The Thai government and people have done much to be proud of on 
behalf of refugees," said Hiram Ruiz, policy analyst for the US Committee 
for Refugees, based in Washington, DC. "But now economic interests 
threaten to tarnish Thailand's record."

Mr Ruiz recently travelled to five refugee camps sheltering more than
100,000 people who have fled military campaigns and human rights abuses 
in Burma.

The government has been striving to improve relations with the Burmese
regime, in part to help Thai companies win business deals and 
infrastructure contracts with its neighbour.

In February, the army forcibly repatriated men, women and children back 
into the path of a Burmese military offensive, despite outcries from many 
Western countries and human rights groups.

Mr Ruiz said virtually all the refugees and aid workers he spoke with
attributed Thailand's hardening attitude towards them to new business ties
with the Burmese regime.

He added, however, that it was also part of a worldwide trend away from
compassion for refugees.

Mr Ruiz said although conditions at some of the camps were reasonable, 
the situation at others, particularly those under the control of the 9th
Division, were as desperate as any he has seen in the world.

"The situation is very poor, and considering the logistical power of the
Thai government, there is no reason for it," he said.

At times, food and medical supplies for some camps have been cut off
arbitrarily and with no explanation, he said.

He also said protection of the refugees was a serious concern, noting that
some told him Thai soldiers left camps unprotected specifically on nights
they were attacked by Burmese troops.

Aid workers at the border have said they believe there is some complicity
between the Thai and Burmese armies. On May 9, Thai rangers, a 
paramilitary group under the direction of the army, burned a camp 
belonging to the Free Trade Union of Burma.

The government has said it wants to send the refugees back as soon as the
current Burmese military campaign against ethnic rebels ends.

But Mr Ruiz said people had fled not just from fighting, but from human
rights abuses committed by the army, and with the abuses still going on it
would be wrong and dangerous to send them back. (BP)

*******************************************************

THE NATION: LOBBYISTS PUSH PREMIER TO SHELVE YADANA 
PIPELINE DEAL
May 16, 1997

OVER 200 politicians, academics, students and activists, including a Nobel
Peace laureate, have signed a letter urging Prime Minister Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh to call off the US$1.2 billion crossed border Yadana 
pipeline project until the ruling junta in Burma stops violating human 
rights.

The letter was sent yesterday to both the prime minster and parliament
President Wan Mohammad Noor Matha for distribution among MPs.

The letter asked Chavalit, who leaves today for an official two-day visit to
Burma, to "temporarily delay the completion of the pipeline pending
substantial progress" in the Burmese junta's opening dialogue with
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities.

It also called for progress on the guarantee of free press, freedom of
speech and association in Burma  as well as scientific studies of the
environmental impact of all joint Thai-Burmese economic projects.

The signatories, which included Irish Nobel laureate Mairead Maguire, 
who joined a team of fellow Nobel Peace winners visiting Thailand to 
campaign about the situation in Burma in early 1993, said the world 
community is aware that the Burmese junta has "illegally and violently 
taken and maintained power despite  the democratically-expressed wishes 
if its people.

The ruling Slorc said, has strengthened its military might to retain
political control of the country since the coup in 1988. "This emphasis on
military power is a threat not only to Burma's people, but to Burma's
neighbours as well," the letter said.

It said once the Yadana pipeline project, which will transport offshore
Burmese natural gas from the Gulf of Martaban to Thailand, is completed,
Thailand will pay US$400 million to its western neighbours annually, most 
of which will be used to strengthened Slorc's military power. "This is an
extremely dangerous situation," it said. 

It urged the Chavalit and his government, which they said has stated 
loyalty to the defence of human rights and the protection of peace in the 
region, and members of Parliament to temporarily suspend the 
controversial Yadana project for the  benefit of both the Burmese and Thai 
people.

The letter was submitted one day after a meeting on Wednesday of a group 
of Thai and international human rights activists with Boonchong 
Weesommai, the prime minister's secretary-general.

The activists urged Chavalit, who rose to his post through "a legitimate
electoral process" to dissociate himself from Slorc which "Is a brutal
illegitimate regime."

They called on Chavalit, also defence minister, to instead establish contact
and engage with Burmese pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace laureate 
Aung San Suu Kyi.

Bangkok Democratic MP Mr Sukhumbhand Paribatra yesterday voiced a 
similar opinion, saying that Slorc is "an illegitimate government" that 
refuse to honuor the result of the general elections it held in May 1990, in 
which Suu Kyi's NLD won by a landslide.

He urged Chavalit not to commit to any economic agreements between the 
two countries during his visit to Burma and warned that any long-term 
agreement signed with Slorc could be annulled if a democratically-elected 
Burmese govnerment came to power.

Thailand, he said, should consider the economic interest of the majority,
not of some minor interest groups.

Democratic MP and former foreign minister Bhichai Rattakul yesterday 
sent a letter to Foreign Minister Prachuab Chaiyasarn, asking him to 
review Asean policy to simultaneously admit Burma, Cambodia and Laos 
this year. (TN)

*******************************************************

BKK POST: THAILAND "REFUSES TO OPPOSE BURMA ENTRY"
May 16, 1997 [abridged]
Tokyo, Reuters

US against Rangoon joining trade group

Finance Minister Amnuay Viravan yesterday rejected US pressure on
Southeast Asian nations to isolate Burma and said Rangoon was ready to join
Asean along with Laos and Cambodia.

"Asean (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) is a vital mechanism for
integrating countries like Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) into
the mainstream of the Asian market economy," Dr Amnuay told a conference
here on Asia's future.

"Asean has been under pressure to block Myanmar's membership," he said, but
added, "Asean does not believe in intervention in our neighbours' internal
affairs."

"Asean believes the three countries are now prepared to join the group and
there is no reason to discriminate (against) anyone because of their
political ideology or political activities."

Dr Amnuay said Asean members believed human rights and democracy
were "desirable" and should be promoted by member nations but added, "We
need to move at our own pace and in our own political and social environments."

A top Burmese official, meanwhile, dubbed Rangoon's entry into Asean
"imminent" and lashed out at the US sanctions.

"A major power has most recently imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar. We
all know that this decision smacks of hypocrisy and double standards and
that sanctions will have little impact on the Myanmar economy," said
Brigadier General Maung Maung, secretary of the country's investment commission.

"Myanmar as a nation is keen for cooperation with the Asean 10. Its joining
Asean would greatly contribute to the wellbeing of the Asean 10 as well as
the wellbeing of Asia as a whole," he said, speaking at the same conference. 
     
Vietnamese Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam also expressed support for
Burma's entry, telling the conference that "an enlarged Asean encompassing
all the Southeast Asian nations will be beneficial to peace, stability and
cooperation in the region and the world at large and that Vietnam has
endorsed the early Asean membership of Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar."
     
*************************************************

THE NATION: BURMA'S ECONOMIC ROLE IN REGION 
QUESTIONED
May 16, 1997
Kulachada Chaipipat

BURMA'S ambivalent position on economic cooperation to open up the 
upper Mekong River could largely be attributed to security concerns over 
the participation of the rebellious Shan State and fears of external 
influence, Thai and Chinese scholars told a seminar yesterday.

Rangoon's agreement to cooperate within the quadrangular economic 
framework had not been backed by action, despite its pressing need to 
develop its border area - a region hard-hit by the economic failure of 26 
years of Burmese socialism, they said.

Speakers pointed to Burma's repeated postponement of an inter-
govenrment meeting it is due to host to conclude a pact for the navigation 
of the Mekong River in Yunnan , in southern China, Thailand and Laos.

Another example was the delay in the construction of a road linking 
Chiang Rai with Yunnan, via Burma's Keng Tung township in the eastern 
Shan State.

"Although Myanmar (Burma) has several concerns about joining this 
economic framework, their leaders have never rejected outright their 
participation in the projects," Huang Guan Yang, a lecture at the Yunnan 
Institute of International Studies, said.

Pornphimol Trichote, a researcher at the Institute of Asian Studies, said
despite Burma's move towards economic reform and a more open foreign 
policy since 1988, lingering security problems along its eastern border 
were delaying its participation in quadrangular cooperation.

Pornphimol said Burma spent four years making little progress on
improvements to the road from Keng Tung town to Yunnan. This was not 
simply because of a lack of funds. She believed the Burmese leaders' 
reluctance to accept a soft loan when first offered by Thailand in 1995 to 
improve the road was a delaying tactic, rather than the official explanation 
that Rangoon wanted to undertake the project itself.

Despite the surrender in January of drug warlord Khun Sa, whose Muang 
Tai Army had controlled part of the western bank of the Salween River, there
was no guarantee of stability in the border region, Pornphimol said. Huang
and Pornphimol presented  separate research papers on Burma's role in the
economic Growth Quadrangle yesterday, the second and last day of an
academic seminar on problems confronting this economic framework, which was
initiated in 1993.

The seminar was hosted by the Institute of Asian Studies' Chinese Study
Centre at Chulalongkorn University and attended by scholars from Yunnan 
and Beijing. The first day focused on Laos and Yunnan.

Huang said the Burmese government feared that enabling navigation along 
the 270 kilometers of the upper Mekong River which passes through the 
eastern Shan state would open the country to outside influence, in 
particular from the United States and China.

This was a particularly sensitive issue because Rangoon was unable to fully
control the Shan state. He said the ruling Slorc had a genuine concern 
about the influence of the Wa ethnic insurgency, even though the two sides 
had made a cease-fire agreement some years ago.

The United Wa Organisation was still active in eastern Shan State, under 
the leadership of Lin Ming Sien, and controlled the largest remaining 
opium plantation in the Fourth Special Region.

He said the Burmese leaders feared the economic prosperity that would be
fuelled by the economic growth quadrangle would further strengthen the
insurgency group.

They also feared that cooperation would lead to the resumption of Chinese
assistance to the Burmese Communist Party.

Huang said Yunnan's Xishuangbanna region had since 1991 helped 
provide agricultural expertise to the Fourth Special Region, which could 
now produce rice for export and had reduced opium growing.

In February, China and Burma entered into an agreement on narcotic
suppression through crop substitution. (TN)

*******************************************************

BKK POST: BURMESE LIMIT VISIT OF THAI MEDIA
May 16, 1997

Burma has given Thai reporters covering the prime minister's Rangoon 
visit starting today visas that are only good for two days.

The regime, which will also ensure they stay away from Aung San Suu Kyi 
and other opposition figures, issued 14-day visas on previous press trips.

Visas issued to the 15 reporters, some of whom left for Rangoon yesterday,
expire tomorrow, which means they must return on the same day as the 
prime minister.

The 14-day visas previously issued had enabled reporters on official trips
to cover other subjects and were valid for use within three months. The
two-day visas are valid only for the duration of Gen Chavalit 
Yongchaiyudh's stay.

The regime has told reporters on the trip to stay away from the house of 
Mrs Suu Kyi and refrain from reporting her activities.

In the first letter of its kind to the Foreign Ministry, the regime made
clear the reporters would be monitored by its Information Ministry. (BP)

*******************************************************

THE NATION: SUB-REGIONAL MECHANISM FOR HUMAN RIGHTS 
PROTECTION NEEDED
May 14, 1997
Vitit Muntarbhorn

There does not exist at sub-regional level an inter-governmental 
mechanism for the protection of human rights. However, various sub-
regional organisations have emerged in Asia in recent decades to promote 
close economic ties. The two prime examples are the Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and the South Asian Association for 
Regional Cooperation. The following analysis will focus on the former as a 
case study.

Asean has been at the forefront of economic growth in Southeast Asia. It 
has broadened its emphasis on economics, trade and commerce to regional. 
security issues. In this pursuit, the Asean Regional Forum was established 
recently to provide a dialogue between the seven members of Asean 
(Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines and 
Vietnam) and outside powers. Although some of the work of Asean touches 
upon human rights issues, this juncture is indirect rather than direct. For
instance, Asean's existing programmes concerning women's development, 
child development, the anti-drug trade, and environmental cooperation are, 
to a greater or lesser extent, related to human rights issues, but they tend to 
be classified as "development" programmes rather than human rights 
programmes per se.  Moreover there is great hesitation in governmental 
circles to address the political aspects of human rights. Often, those aspects 
are shunned. 

The various concerns relevant to the regional level also apply, to a great 
extent, to the sub-regional level. For instance, the Asian values argument 
finds its most vocal proponents among some of the members of Asean, and 
the sub-region is totally against human rights conditionality or "social 
clauses". The paucity of accession to key international human rights 
instruments is another common trait in the subregion. While the region has 
grown well in economic terms and democracy has blossomed in some
countries, the region is also rife with a variety of human rights violations.

Of particular concern is Asean's reticence to put pressure on the junta in  
neighbouring Burma to abide by international human rights standards and 
to cede power to those who were democratically elected in- 1990 and their 
leader Aung San Suu-Kyi, who was until recently kept under house arrest 
by the junta. The so-called "constructive engagement" policy of Asean
behind this  approach towards Burma has meant, in practice, the casting of 
a blind eye to the egregious human rights violations in Burma which have 
been well documented by the United Nations. The policy is based upon the 
hope that gradual dialogue and economic ties will render the junta more 
malleable "step-by-step". It is a policy which opts for the primacy of 
economic and commercial ties with Burma, while marginalising the 
human rights concerns which have been voiced internationally.

The current pre-occupation of Asean is to enlarge itself to become the 
"Southeast Asian 10" incorporating the present seven members of Asean 
and three newcomers, namely, Laos, Cambodia and Burma. The 
determinants for entry into the "club" do not regrettably include respect for 
human rights. If Burma manages to gain admission soon, it is not unlikely 
that the junta will use Asean as a bastion to protect itself against outside 
influence and reprimand.

The attitude towards Burma exemplifies a trait already noted earlier 
concerning the regional level: there is a tendency among governmental 
circles to classify human rights violations (at least in the region or sub-
region) as internal matters. This contradicts the international position 
which classifies them as matters of international concern.

PRAGMATIC SELF-INTEREST

It also exemplifies a measure of political expediency or pragmatism based 
on self-interest. It is a well-known fact, for example, that a key member of 
Asean has, for many years, illegally occupied East Timor in breach of 
United Nations resolutions.

While it is politically expedient for 'that country to classify the East Timor 
issue as an internal matter, this obviously flies in the face of international 
law and human rights and conflicts with the international jurisdiction that 
legitimately seeks to protect the rights of the Timorese people.

On another front, there is a variety of cross-border issues, especially cross 
border crimes increasing in scope and complexity, with various human 
rights implications for the sub-region which government and other sectors 
of society will have to tackle, often with much room for convergent action, 
whether or not one classifies them formally and directly as human rights 
concerns. They include the following:

? Drug trafficking and related money laundering;
? Human trafficking, including the trade in women and children
for sexual and labour purposes;
? Migrant workers, most disconcertingly the large number of
illegals who cross frontiers;
? Refugees and displaced persons
? Pollution, deforestation and other environmental damage;
? Resource conflicts, especially petroleum and fisheries.

Although there is no sub-regional intergovernmental system for the 
protection of human rights, as noted earlier, several programmes touch 
upon human rights concerns, even though not necessarily classified as 
human rights programmes. The various cross-border issues noted above 
also call for more action together at sub-regional level to address problems 
which cannot be solved by one party alone. 

Have there been any statements from the sub-region on human rights 
which may indicate the types of "projects" which could help to promote 
and protect human rights?

It is worth remembering that in 1993 Asean governments, together with 
other  Asia-Pacific governments, adopted the Bangkok Governmental 
Declaration of Human Rights with its homage to national and regional 
particularities rather than unqualified acceptance of the universality of 
human rights.

The message was and is relatively clear: while the sub-region accepts that 
human rights are universal by nature, they may have to bend to various 
conditions in the sub-region. Taken to the extreme, this could mean 
lowering the universal standards to fit into the subregion's governmental 
agenda.

It should be noted that every year, Asean foreign ministers meet at their 
annual conferences and issue statements of their positions. These have 
been supplemented by more frequent summits between the heads of 
government.

In the early 1990s, at one of the ministerial sessions, there was a brief 
reference in its statement that it would explore the possibility of human 
rights machinery for the sub-region.

However, this has not borne fruit to date. On the other hand, what has 
grown is the number of national institutions, in particular National Human 
Rights Commissions and similar committees, in the Asean region; these 
are dealt with in the next part of this study. 

ASEAN'S STAND ON HUMAN RIGHTS

As an aside, it should be noted that in 1993, the Asean Inter-Parliamentary 
Organisation (Aipo) adopted the Human Rights Declaration of Aipo which 
reflected, and still reflects, to a large extent the attitude of Asean 
governments towards human rights, with the following features:

It advocates that human rights should be seen in the light of regional and 
national "particularities". The preamble of the text states as follows:

"Whereas, the people of Asean accept that human rights exist in a dynamic 
and evolving context and that each country has inherent historical 
experiences, and changing economic, social, political and cultural realities 
and value systems which should be taken into account."

? Its principles begin with advocacy of human responsibilities duties rather 
than rights. Article 1 of the text is particularly indicative of this approach:

"All human beings, individually and collectively, have a responsibility to 
participate in their total development, taking into account the need for full 
respect of their human rights as well as their duties to the community. 
Freedom, progress and national stability are promoted by a balance 
between the rights of the individual and those of the community."

? The text recognises a short listing of fundamental rights, for example, the 
right to life, freedom of thought, the right to property which would be 
found in international human rights instruments. It then has a section on 
"Basic Rights and Duties of Citizens and States", including non-
discrimination, freedom of expression, freedom of association, and the 
right to development. The latter is elaborated by Article 17 as follows:

"Each member state should undertake all necessary measures for the 
realisation of the rights to development and shall ensure equality of 
opportunity for all its citizens in their access to basic resources, education, 
health services, food, housing, employment, public services and the fair 
distribution of income."

? The text provides for the possibility of a human rights mechanism, as 
follows: (Article 21)

"It is likewise the task and responsibility of member states to establish an 
appropriate mechanism on human rights."

On analysis, the Human Rights Declaration of Aipo provides for several 
channels to lower rather then elevate international human rights standards.

The emphasis on human "duties" is potentially restrictive of the rights of 
individuals.

The attention paid to sub-regional particularities is similar in effect, and 
will dilute international standards where there is a conflict between the 
international framework and regional and national "realities and value 
systems".

Likewise the mention of "national stability" in the text converges with the 
common practice among some countries which justify human rights 
restrictions on the basis of national stability and national security, even if 
the government itself is illegitimate.

The presumptuous approach of the text is clearest in its use of "the peoples 
of Asean" when the majority of the peoples in Asean have not been 
consulted on the text.

"We the peoples", in this context, inevitably means "we the governments" 
of "we who are close to the governments" as part of the ruling elite seeking 
to legitimise their approach and rule which may not be people-centred or 
participatory at all.

More recently in 1996, Asean managed to pull together three other Asian 
countries, namely Japan, South Korea and China, for their first ever 
summit with the 15 countries of the European Union. Informally called the 
Asia-Europe Summit, this summitry avoided a direct inter-regional 
confrontation on the issues of Burma and East Timor, which were left 
more to the bilateral and/or informal "corridors" of discussion.

The concluding statement of the summit did refer fleetingly to key human 
rights instruments, including (after much negotiation) the Vienna 
Declaration and Programma of Action of the 4993 World Conference on 
Human Rights. However, the types of cooperation ensuing from the summit 
are more to do with general education, commercial, economic, 
technological and cultural interchanges between the two regions, rather 
than targeted towards the protection of human rights in the Asian region or 
sub-region (or conversely in Europe).

>From the non-governmental perspective, there is a variety of projects and 
activities in the sub-region in relation to human rights, both direct and 
indirect, both formal and informal. 

As result of the 1993 Bangkok nongovernmental Declaration of Human 
Rights, a network of Southeast Asian non-governmental human rights 
organisations was established as Seanet.

In 1996, non-governmental organisations adopted the Alternative Asean 
Declaration on Burma, calling for respect for human rights and reversion 
to democracy in keeping with United Nations resolutions.

EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMES

At the various Asean summits of heads of governments, the non-
governmental sector organises parallel conferences to highlight human 
rights concerns in the region. Several Southeast Asian non-governmental 
organisations were also involved with the 1997 Asian Charter on Human 
Rights discussed earlier. The contents of this charter equally applies to the 
various sub-regions of Asia.

Various educational and training programmes in the sub-region have 
proliferated human rights, even though not specifically called "human 
rights" programmes. 

In the past year, Child Rights Asianet organised one such Programme, and 
another two are projected in 1997 on trafficking in children.

The newly established Mekong Law Centre now has a similar project 
supported by Canadian funds in regard to the trafficking in women in the 
Mekong region. In 1997, Forum Asia organised a key training programme 
for human rights defenders from several Asian countries, including Asean.

Capacity-building through education, research, information sharing and 
data gathering is provided not only to the nongovernmental sector but also 
to state authorities, especially law enforcers.
----------------------------------------------------------------
VITIT MUNTARBHORN is a professor at the Faculty of Law, 
Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok. He is former executive director of 
Child Rights Asianet and a contributing editor to The Nation. This article 
is the third in a series on 'Regional Protection of Human Rights in Asia. 

***********************************************

BKK POST: MORE TIME FOR WORKER REGISTRATION
May 16, 1997
Suebpong Unnarat

The Interior Ministry will ask the cabinet to give employers a 45-day 
period in which to register alien workers, says a source.

The proposal is likely to go before the cabinet after Prime Minister
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh returns from a two-day visit to Burma tomorrow.

A National Security Council sub-committee, which met on Wednesday, 
also wants the matter discussed.

According to the cabinet resolution of June 25, 1996, the Labour, Interior
and Public Health ministries and the Immigration Police were to set up
centres where employers in 43 provinces could register workers within 90
days of dates between September 2 and November 29 last year.

However, only 344,096 of 733,640 workers - mostly Burmese workers in
construction, fishing, agriculture, mining, and house work - reported to the
authorities.

The NSC sub-committee said that if the proposed extension to the deadline
was not met legal action should be taken against employers and illegal
workers. It is not known when the starting date for the 45-day registration
period would be.

The source said that Gen Chavalit would ask Burmese leaders for a 
memorandum of understanding to allow the repatriation of illegal Burmese 
workers. If Burma agreed, representatives of the Interior and Foreign 
ministries and the NSC would go to Burma to discuss the details. (BP)

*******************************************************

BKK POST: MEASURES TO STOP ILLEGAL LOGGING AT NATIONAL PARK
May 16, 1997
Cheewin Sattha, Mae Hong Son

Officials unite to tackle the problem

Provincial authorities have beefed up measures to stop illegal logging at
Salween National Park after more than 1,000 rai of forest was destroyed by
Burmese refugees.

Deputy Mae Hong Son Governor Amornphan Nimaphan said soldiers from the 7th
Special Military Task Force, the forestry police, officers from Border
Patrol Police 337 and Mae Sariang Police Station, and forestry officials
would work together to tackle the problem.

He said the provincial sub-committee to prevent deforestation had agreed to
take action to prevent illegal logging in the park's Mae Sariang and Sop
Moei districts.

The team will continually patrol forested park areas on foot, by boat and by
helicopter. Checkpoints will be set up in many border areas near the Mae
Sariang-Ban Sao Hin, Mae Sariang-Barx Mae Sam Lap and Mae Sariang-Ban Mae
Sakerb highways. 
     
Another patrol team has been assigned to prevent logging in the border
tambons of Mae Yuam and Mae Khong of Mae Sariang district, said Mr Amornphan.

Udom Thanathitakorn, chief of the Salween Wildlife Sanctuary, said Burmese
refugees living along the border had played a major role in destroying
forests in the sanctuary.

************************************************************

FBC AUSTRALIA: SELECTIVE PURCHASING LEGISLATION 
May 16, 1997

Free Burma Coalition, Australia

SELECTIVE PURCHASING LEGISLATION 
BRIMBANK CITY COUNCIL

Dear Spiders,

Director of the Sunshine Christian Community Services, Mr Geoff Heaviside,
has contacted the Australia Burma Council wanting to begin the lobby process
for selective purchasing legislation at the Brimbank City Council,
Melbourne. Please contact Mr Geoff Heaviside on Tel: (03) 9311 5900 or Fax:
(03) 9311 2665 if you are able to take part in the campaign.

He has been approached by Cr. Brooke Gujinovic, Councillor, representing
Robertson Ward, and she may be prepared to table the legislation for voting.
Please contact her and encourage her to do so.  Brimbank residents should
start a petition to this effect.

The plan:  First the Councillor has to agree to draft and table legislation.
Then all Coucillors need to be lobbied, petitioned and loaded with material
which will convince them to support the bill once it is tabled.  We will
keep you informed of the progress.

Address:	Cr. Brooke Gujinovic
		Robertson Ward
		Brimbank City Council
		PO Box 70
		Sunshine Vic. 3020

Fax: (03) 9249 4309		Tel: (03) 9249 4302		Email: <info@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>

DRAFT

Dear Councillor,

I write to request that you prepare and table legislation in your council
which will prohibit new contracts being given by the Council to companies
that are currently trading with the military dictatorship of Burma and
investing in the country.  Known as, Selective Purchasing Legislation", it
is being adopted by an increasing number of states and councils in the USA.

You may be aware that the military of Burma, known as the State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC), have the international reputation of
being the most brutal and corrupt dictatorships in the world.  In 1990 the
SLORC hosted elections which were won by the National League for Democracy
(NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate.  82% of the
seats were won by the NLD 16 % won by other democratic parties and only 2%
of the seats were won by the SLORC backed National Unity Party.  The
military has refused to hand over power to the NLD and has embarked on a
massive crackdown of all democratic forces in the country.  The crimes of
the SLORC include arbitrary arrest, false imprisonment, torture, murder,
slavery and an absolute denial of basic human rights such as the right to
association, the right to a free press and perhaps the worst of all, the
right to life.

Since the introduction of an open market economy by the SLORC trade and
investment has grown from negligible to a SLORC quoted figure in excess of
two billion.  Along with the escalation of trade and investment there has
been a massive increase in slavery, forced relocation and civil wars across
the country have resumed.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has asked the international community to support the
NLD by imposing sanctions and boycotting tourism until the SLORC agree to
genuine political dialogue in the form of tri-partied talks with the
democratic forces and the leaders of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

The US and Norway have imposed economic sanctions against the SLORC, the
European Union has imposed diplomatic sanctions and various US states and
Councils have imposed "Selective Purchasing Legislation".    It is time
Australia followed suit and started sending clear signals to the SLORC that
it is not only the people of the US that care about their brutality.  

I would be pleased to meet with you at any time to discuss this further.
Hoping for your earliest response.

Yours sincerely,
_________________________________________________________
WORKING FOR THE: 
NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS, BURMA
AUSTRALIA  BURMA COUNCIL

BURMA OFFICE, SYDNEY: MINN AUNG MYINT (burma@xxxxxxxxxx) 
Labor Council Build. Suite 6, 8th Floor, 377-383 Sussex St. Sydney 2000
Fax: (612) 9264 7693		Tel: (612) 9264 7694
AUSTRALIAN REP OFFICE, CANBERRA: AMANDA (azappia@xxxxxxxxxxxxx)
PO Box 2024 Queanbeyan NSW 2620
Fax: (616) 297 7773		Tel: (616) 297 7734

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