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The BurmaNet News, August 15, 1997



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------     
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"     
----------------------------------------------------------     
 
The BurmaNet News: August 15, 1997        
Issue #798

Noted in Passing:

``Death is our ultimate choice before we are forced to leave this country
(Bangladesh).''

-- Muslim refugee leader Mohammad Rafique Sayedi
(see REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION) 

HEADLINES:        
========== 
REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION 
BKK POST: OVER 100 FEARED DEAD IN FLOODS
BKK POST: ANTI-BURMA PROTESTERS DIFFERENT APPROACH
BKK POST: KORN, KHIN NYUNT TO CO-CHAIR BRIDGE OPENING
NLM: FROM WASHINGTON TO UNIVERSITY AVENUE
BURMA OFFICE: AUST. EDUCATION UNION SUPPORTS BOYCOTT
BKK POST: BRIDGE ONE LINK IN CHAIN SPANNING ASIA
ANNOUNCEMENT: FREE BURMA POSTER CONTEST
--------------------------------------------------------------------------

REUTER: MOSLEMS VOW DEATH BEFORE REPATRIATION TO BURMA
August 13, 1997
By Anis Ahmed

NAYAPARA, Bangladesh, Aug. 13 (Reuter) - Thousands of Burmese Moslem
refugees living in camps in southeast Bangladesh said they would rather die
than go back home to face persecution, killings and sexual assault they say
they have suffered at the hands of Burma's military.

The refugees, who have refused food rations from camp authorities since
July 21, say 25 children and old people have already died in the last three
weeks.

``Death is our ultimate choice before we are forced to leave this country
(Bangladesh),'' said Mohammad Rafique Sayedi, a refugee leader at the
Nayapara camp along the Naf river that draws the border between the two
countries.

``We can't simply walk back into the military state and let our girls be
violated or sons be killed by security forces,'' he told Reuters at his
camp this week.

``Only an appalling fate and maybe death awaits us in Myanmar,'' said
Momena Khatoon, a mother of three. ``Life for us is also bad in
Bangladesh...but not like hell in our native country.''

The refugees have been refusing rations in protest at what they said were
attempts by the Bangladesh government to send them back home by force.

In early 1992, some 250,000 Burmese Moslems, known as Rohingyas, fled west
Burma's Moslem-majority Arakan state into southeastern Bangladesh to escape
alleged persecution and forced labour.

All but 21,000 Rohingyas had been repatriated to Burma until the process
was stopped in April following complaints by the refugees and the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that many had been forced back and
subjected to torture and repression.

A 1992 agreement between Dhaka and Rangoon provided for only voluntary
repatriation supervised by the UNHCR.

Bangladesh denies anyone has been sent home against their will but
suspended the repatriation process on July 21, a day after clashes at
Nayapara between police and refugees resisting repatriation injured around
20 people, including six policemen.

The refugees have since refused food rations offered by the Bangladesh
authorities. Earlier this month, militant refugees barricaded the entrance
to their camp, shouting demands and warning of tougher action if anyone
tried to force them from Bangladesh.

The Nayapara camp, where two-thirds of the 21,000 Rohingyas live in bamboo
and straw shanties -- each housing one family irrespective of its size -- is
virtually out of bounds to law enforcement agencies.

``We will resist to the last drop of our blood anyone trying to force their
way into the camp,'' said refugee Syed Kashem Master.

The refugees said about 25 children and elderly camp inmates had died of
starvation and diseases since July 21. Sayedi showed Reuters new graves
near the camp to support the claim as the Rohingyas prepared for another
child's burial.

``This is the latest victim,'' Sayedi said.

The reported starvation deaths could not be independently confirmed.

Christiane Blessing-Win, logistics officer of UNHCR in Cox's Bazar
district, said she had been told that two children had died during the July
20 clashes.

``The situation (in the camp) has been basically unchanged (since July 20).
We are extremely concerned and are seeking latest information,'' she told
Reuters on Monday.

Both UNHCR and Bangladeshi officials believe the Nayapara inmates have a
clandestine food supply line, but no one knows who provides it.

Bangladesh insists the Rohingyas are mostly economic refugees and that they
must all go back.

``While we have repeatedly reaffirmed to the refugees and the UNHCR that no
one would be forced back to Burma, we remain firm in our position that
Bangladesh cannot give permanent residence to the Rohingyas,'' one
government official in Chittagong said earlier this month.

***************************************************

BKK POST: OVER 100 FEARED DEAD IN FLOODS
August 14, 1997
Tak, Mae Sot

More than a hundred people are feared dead and several others missing in
the floods sweeping over villages along Pegu Division and the Mon state of
Burma over the last two weeks, a border source said yesterday.

Heavy rains hit Burmese towns late last month, causing the Salween, Sittaung
and Jaing rivers to overflow and inundate hundreds of villages along river
banks.

Trade has been hit hard by the. flooding and the transportation of goods
from Myawaddy to Rangoon only resumed on Tuesday after a halt of a week,
sources said.

Six bridges along Pegu division and Mon state were reportedly damaged by the
floods, they added.

A Burmese trader from Moulmein who crossed the border to Mae Sot said
yesterday that train services on the Pegu-Paung route have been halted for
over two weeks.

******************************************************

BKK POST: ANTI-BURMA PROTESTERS TAKE DIFFERENT APPROACH
August 14, 1997
By Bangkok Post Reporters

Burmese students in exile plan to rally a nationwide strike against their
country's military government as part of a new protest strategy which has
abandoned military offensives for non-violent tactics.

The new approach, which aims to restore democracy and human rights in Burma,
was adopted by 40 student leaders of All Burma Students' Democratic Front
from different parts in Burma who met recently, ABSDF spokesman Zaw Min said
yesterday.

The new strategy will receive popular support in the wake of increasing
repression of political dissidents, worsening economic situation and growing
dissatisfaction among the rank and file of the Burmese army. an ABSDF
statement said.

"The ABSDF believes that in the foreseeable future, the people will be
driven to a level at which they can tolerate no more and at which they will
once again rise up against the dictatorship as they did in 1988 and risk
life and limb to demonstrate their desperation," it said.

Mr. Zaw Min said the group resolved to work to educate Burmese people in
remote areas and set up contacts with human rights groups and political
parties for such purposes.

Formed after a political uprising in 1988, ABSDF initially joined an armed
ethnic-minority alliance to stand up to the ruling State Law and Order
Restoration Council. The armed struggle was not successful as many
insurgencies entered ceasefire deals with the Slorc a few years ago.

Mr. Zaw Min said about 1,600 ABSDF forces remain at the Burmese borders with
Thailand, India and China.

*************************************************

BKK POST: KORN, KHIN NYUNT TO CO-CHAIR OPENING CEREMONY FOR BRIDGE
August 14, 1997 [abridged]
Supamart Kasem

Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabbaransi and Burma's State Law and Order
Restoration Council first secretary Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt will chair the opening
ceremony of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge to be held in Mae Sot
district tomorrow.

[excerpts from related articles]
--------------------------------------------------

BKK POST: OPTIMISM NOT WIDELY SHARED
August 14, 1997 [abridged]
Onnucha Hutasingh, Supamart Kasem

Local tour companies have been reluctant to use tomorrow's opening
ceremonies as a selling point for tourists. Many, wary of Rangoon's
knee-jerk reactions to boundary conflicts, are uncertain about the bridge's
future.

Paniti Tangpati, deputy chairman of the Tak Chamber of Commerce, said Burma
had steadfastly refused to sign any agreement that it felt might put it at a
disadvantage.

He believes it only agreed to joint construction because it wanted to join
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

And local vendors' stalls were demolished as a precondition for construction
to resume. Amphon Mankhong said since the removal of 143 stalls at the foot
of the bridge, vendors had had no place to sell their goods.

"I traded in Ban Rim Moei for 20 years before the bridge was constructed,"
he complained. "Today we have nothing to show for it."

---------------------------------------------------------

BKK POST: NEW ERA OF COOPERATION OPENS
August 14, 1997 
Onnucha Hutasingh, Supamart Kasem

The permanent status being simultaneously granted to three border
checkpoints will enable Thai and Burmese authorities to collect more taxes
from the transportation of goods and people.

After the bridge opens, several joint development projects involving
billions of baht are expected to flow to Thailand and Burma.

One such project, on the Mae Sot -Myawaddy-Moulemein-Rangoon route, came
before the Thai cabinet in Chiang Rai last month.
     
Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, chairman of Rangoon's ruling State Law and
Order Restoration Council (Slorc), has pledged his full support, and a
senior Thai official said the project would foster industrial growth and
create jobs.

Target areas include Mae Sot, Mae Ramat and Phop Phra districts in Tak;
Myawaddy, Kawkareik, Pa-an in Karen State, Thaton, Bilin and Kyaikto in Mon
State; and Waw, Pegu, Thilawa, Moulemein and Thanbyuzayat towns.

Thailand and Burma also plan to invest in infrastructure to pave the way for
a joint economic zone along the border. They hope the economic zone will
attract some 20 economic and industrial projects involving 21 billion baht.

Burmese authorities plan to develop deep-sea ports in Moulemein and
Kyaikkami and dredge the Jaing and Salween rivers to facilitate transport.

Paniti Tangpati, deputy chairman of the Tak Chamber of Commerce said
economic cooperation would help persuade Thai investors to expand their
bases in Burma, with its cheap labour and natural resources.

Burma would benefit from Thailand's technology, Mr. Paniti said.

"The investment atmosphere in Burma is good now that Rangoon is a full
member of the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations. Investors ... feel
more secure about investing in Burma."
     
It was hoped that foreign investment in Burma would help lure back more than
40,000 Burmese immigrants working illegally in Mae Sot.

Mr. Paniti said he was looking forward to a sharp rise in cross-border trade
between Mae Sot and Myawaddy, now estimated at 300 million baht a month,
once the bridge opened.

A long time champion of the bridge project, former Thai interior minister
Udzon Tantisunthorn, said the bridge should become a major gateway for Thai
exports to Burma and other countries.

Its construction was a long-term investment for Thailand and Burma, assisted
by a 350 million baht-contribution from Australia.

"To date Thailand has invested 79.2 million baht in the bridge. Thai
investors will benefit by penetrating new markets in Burma and in other
neighbouring countries including Bangladesh and India," Mr. Udon said.

------------------------------------------

BKK POST: BOUNDARY ROWS MAY EASE 
August 14, 1997
Supamart Kasem

Mae Sot, Tak -- Colonel Chatchapat Yaemngarmriab, Fourth Infantry Regiment
Task Force commander, expects eventual resolution of boundary disputes along
the Moei River, at Doi Lang in Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district, at Hill 491 in
Chumphon's Tha Sae district, and on three islands in the Andaman Sea off Ranong.

He believes the two countries will cooperate to solve problems involving
Burmese refugees encamped in Thailand, immigrants seeking jobs illegally in
Thailand and the smuggling of weapons and drugs.

Now a full member of ASEAN, Burma must comply with international law, which
in part would prevent it from closing its border at will, he said.

Col. Chatchapat said problems would linger over the Karen National Union,
which is fighting Rangoon. The ethnic rebels were still reportedly attacking
government forces 10 to 20 kilometres from the border.

A former diplomat living in Mae Sot said Burma was very sensitive about
foreign promises. It could withdraw from ASEAN if it felt exploited, he warned.

The former diplomat said Burma had been a member of the Non-Aligned Group
until then-president Ne Win abandoned the international cooperative during a
meeting in Havana, reasoning that many member countries did not live up to
the principles of the group. After that, Burma was effectively closed to
outsiders.

As MR. Sukhumbhand Paribatra, a former university lecturer, has said, the
Burma that Thailand knows is the Burma of 10 years ago.

****************************************

NLM: FROM WASHINGTON TO UNIVERSITY AVENUE
August 10, 1997 [abridged]
Article by Kaytu Nilar

We can't leave Daw Suu Kyi when we talk about anarchism that ruled the
nation in 1988. So also, we can't forget the rule of anarchism in 1988 when
we talk about her. Like a piece of garbage that drifted together with the
rising tide, anarchy has pushed the naive Daw Suu Kyi into politics.
We are much regretful to know that Daw Suu Kyi has also become the victim of
colonialists, who are killing her slowly.
She married an Englishman, a descendant of colonialists who
assassinated her father and her great-grand-father. As a wife, she has to
attend to his needs. There is firm evidence that Daw Suu Kyi in accord with
the wish of neocolonialists is attempting continuously to disintegrate the
independence and sovereignty that was restored with much blood and sweat and
to destroy the Tatmadaw, which is the national force. Colonialists killed
her using dollar as a weapon. She has no desire to safeguard the race. She
gave birth to children who have blood of colonialists without any shame
instead of the blood of the national leaders. She has lost pride and
integrity of the race. The names Aung San Suu Kyi or Suu Kyi no more exist
in her life. Mrs. Michael Aris is her real identity. Her life has ended
although she is alive. If she could purify herself to be free from greed,
anger and ignorance and see the truth, she would have to confess that her
life has been ruined by dollars.
These incidents have led to the creation of a story named "From
Washington to University Avenue." The end of this story is that Daw Suu Kyi
was assassinated by colonialists.
The timing of the play "From Washington to University Avenue" was set
around 1988 when anarchistic insurgency reigned at high tides. Daw Suu Kyi
senselessly accepted the life of the leader of  the 1988 anarchistic
insurgency. In fact, Daw Suu Kyi was a piece of refuse drifting with the
tides of anarchistic insurgency which was brought into shape like a
democracy revolution.
At that time, member of the Congress Stephen Solarz in Washington and
Ambassador of the US to Myanmar Burton Levin had discussions with Daw Suu
Kyi at her residence on University Avenue. Thus, the play "From Washington
to University Avenue" began. Stephen Solarz gave guidance to Daw Suu Kyi to
form an interim government. In Bangkok, Thailand, on their way back, they
said that a civil war was about to break out in Myanmar, that America
supported demonstrators morally and politically and members of the Myanma
Tatmadaw up to the rank of colonel sympathized with the demonstrators. What
they said was carried by the Bangkok Post. Congressman Stephen Solarz came
here again on 4 September 1988 and went back the following day. It can be
gauged how deep the extent of his penetration into the Myanmar political
arena was only within one day for interference and giving orders. At the
same turn
of events, it was heard that a flotilla comprising five combat ships of the
US Navy, which had to follow the guidance of the American Government in
Washington, encroached upon Myanmar territorial waters on 12 September
morning and stationed at a location, about 190 nautical miles to the south
of Yangon, at 14x 57" N latitude and 96x 33" E longitude. It comprised
combat ships No 43, 115 and 5. The ship No 43 had set two boats to the
waters for training. Another one was an aircraft carrier. The Tatmadaw asked
the officials of the American Embassy about the matter and they admitted the
truth with surprise. They gave an excuse that it was to save the American
families and citizens should situations in Myanmar become complicated.
However, in fact, 276 members of the families of the American Embassy and
other embassies had already left at 6 p.m. on 10 September 1988 by a
chartered flight for Bangkok. Moreover, in a proclamation circulated among
the people of Yangon entitled 'Warning in 24 hours' advance' and dated 12
September 1988, the names Deputy Commander-in-Chief (Navy) Rear Admiral
Maung Maung Khin and Deputy Commander-in-Chief (Air) Maj-Gen Tin Tun were
included with their bogus signatures. It caused suspicion on the Tatmadaw
and panic among the public. It was urged in the fabricated letter to form an
interim government after negotiations between all the opposition leaders and
the government in power to dissolve the present Hluttaw and government, to
systematically transfer power by the government in power to the interim
government, to proclaim all these from Radio Myanmar and TV Myanmar at 1
p.m. on 13 September 1988 at the latest with the threat that failure to do
so would lead to artillery fire by the Tatmadaw (Navy) with the support of
fighter planes of the Tatmadaw (Air) beginning 1.05 p.m. on 13 September, on
Konmyinttha, the Party Headquarters, 8th Mile Ady Road, 7 + Mile Inya Lake
bund, the Council of State Office, Inya Lake Hotel and Ching Tsong Yeiktha.
According to this letter, it was a point to ponder over whether it was a
coincidence between the stealthy invasion of the American Navy flotilla into
Myanma territorial waters and circulation of the 24 hours' advance warning
or a deliberate action. Whatever the answer was, it was an attempt to break
up the Tatmadaw. Since then, the Voice of America (VOA) and the British
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) have actively transmitted fabricated news and
features instigating disturbances up to date.
With the high tides of anarchistic insurgency in 1988, Daw Suu Kyi's
standing and movement was overshadowed the influence of Washington. She
spoke democracy language and used the word 'human rights' profusely in her
demand for formation of an interim government. Under these circumstances,
writer Min Theinkha, Champion Tin Nyunt, Gonhtu U Thein Naing and Myint
Maung Maung organized a gathering of people and led a movement of
instigation and agitation under the name of a ceremony for preaching
democracy sermons near the Ministry of Defence on 16 September 1988 and
tested the strength and challenged the ministry. They attacked and insulted
the Tatmadaw with obscene, impudent and abusive words. The Tatmadaw's
deterrence of their movement and action was rumoured to the effect that "the
army would shoot if the talks continued", "the army opened fire on the
people at the talks", leading to a convergence of armed mobs around the
ministry. The problem had not grown out of control owing to the Tatmadaw's
magnanimity, foresight and forbearance. On 17 September, the mobs accused a
platoon of the Tatmadaw on security duty at the Ministry of Trade of opening
fire on the people and resorted to terrorism, daring to the extent of
capturing  24 Tatmadawmen including an officer. However, the Tatmadaw bore
magnanimity and forbearance. In fact, the platoon was combat ready,
armed with full fire power. Higher officials gave them the 'don't shoot'
order, choosing the best way of averting bloodshed. This was a tradition of
the Tatmadaw and its attitude towards the people. If an overall view is made
of all these events, it is to be said that the responsibility was on the
so-called democracy leaders. Although they assumed the name of leader after
organizing the people to instigate disturbances and demonstration, they
could not maintain order as democracy movement. Instead, this led to a sea
of miseries under murderous anarchistic insurgency fraught with looting,
arsons and decapitation. Of the persons daring to assume the name of
democracy leaders, Daw Suu Kyi further came out to the forefront instead of
steering the people onto the path of disciplined democracy. She became
prominent. She became more and more self-conceited. However, Daw Suu Kyi had
no idea about democracy; she does not understand the mechanism of democracy;
and she does not know of democratic practice. She just has the concepts such
as "confrontation", "defiance" and "terrorism" formed in her mixed with her
deep-rooted extreme impulsiveness and severe character. These inherent
concepts compelled her to link Washington with the University Avenue in no
time. To be more explicit, Daw Suu Kyi's inherent concepts based on her
nature and character are the qualities fit to be used by the US government
and the CIA's international colonialist gang. The US government and CIA's
colonialist bloc used Daw Suu Kyi as people believe and admire her for being
daughter of a national leader who sacrificed his life for the nation which
has a great historical traditions and the race, as it is easy to mould her
the way they like for she has no political experience and as they trust her
since she is married to an ancestor of the imperialists. Such things are not
metaphysical; they are logical and reasonable; present situations stand
witness to their verifiability. Hence, Daw Suu Kyi never realizes the
national political policy of the State Law and Order Restoration Council
Tatmadaw Government which emerged on 18 September 1988 in response to
history; she never attempts to study it; and she has been opposing and
attacking it up to now. On 20 July 1989, action was taken against Daw Suu
Kyi under Section 10 (b) of the Law Protecting the State Against Danger of
Disruptive and Destructive Elements in order to prevent the dangers likely
to harm the sovereignty, national security and community peace and
tranquillity as her actions were heading for defiance from confrontation
while she was marching on the traitor's path. In reality, actions taken
against Daw Suu Kyi were less severe than the offences she committed. Though
actions had to be taken against the daughter of a national architect
unavoidably, they were carried out leniently.
However, Daw Suu Kyi was not loyal to the State and she used all available
opportunities cunningly. She exchanged letters with the international
colonialist group through her husband and sons. She was disloyal to the
State exchanging instructions and discussions and messages and conniving
with the colonialist bloc. After the restraining order imposed on her had
been revoked on 10 July 1995, Daw Suu Kyi held a press conference the next
day where she threatened "utter devastation". In fact, Daw Suu Kyi had
transformed confrontation into defiance, and defiance into utter devastation
terrorism. This is not an accusation but is concluded with reference to
firm, logical evidences.
Though Daw Suu Kyi was a legal political party leader, she made schemes to
instigate unlawful acts, incite riot and create anarchic acts. Though she
shouted democracy, she was practically gripping anarchism and terrorism.
Therefore, she makes contacts with the expatriate armed group which is
rebelling against the Government. She even supported Metharawhta
Declaration, the scheme to disintegrate the Union, adopted by the timber,
gems and heroin smugglers under the name of national races out-laws; she
drove a wedge between the Government and the armed organizations which made
peace with it to cause suspicions; she tried to disrupt political stability;
she protested against foreign investments to jeopardize economic development
of the nation; with the support of US government and international
colonialist bloc, she repeatedly demanded imposition of economic sanctions
upon Myanmar; the US government announced its imposition of economic
sanctions at Daw Suu Kyi's request, acting in synchrony like teacher and
pupil; she protested against the nation's membership in ASEAN; even her
teacher US President Clinton visited ASEAN nations, and organized and
pressured them for realization of their evil scheme; but, on the contrary,
all ASEAN nations decided to admit Myanmar into ASEAN. 
Daw Suu Kyi is colluding with dignitaries of Washington such as US
Congressman Solarz, Ambassador of US to Myanmar Burton Levin and Madeline
Albright and President Clinton, and the broadcasting stations such as VOA
and RFA, and CIA bloc. At the same time, she is taking the international
colonialist bloc's financial assistance as the cash awards for the 39
titles. In addition, she personally received the financial assistance sent
to her directly by the colonialist bloc. The situation that Daw Suu Kyi was
conniving with destructionists to destroy the nation and undermine the
Tatmadaw after taking the colonialist bloc's financial assistance was fully
exposed by Secretary-1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt's clarification on 27 June 1997. [11 Aug., p 5]  When the
revelations in the Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt's clarification is studied
either point by point or in a spot light, it has become vividly clear that
the objective of the story, "From Washington to University Avenue" is
"confrontation, defiance of authority and violence". Those who advocated
aggression in the US  at one time provided arms and supplies to the
Nationalist Chinese for their aggression against Myanmar. Moreover, at the
UN Security Council, they defended the Nationalist Chinese. With the
exception of the Ba Ka Pa (BCP), they contacted, supported and assisted all
the insurgent groups in the jungle including U Nu's expatriate
parliamentary democracy party, Pyichit Tatmadaw (patriotic army) and the
KNU. Even today, they have extended massive financial aid to the National
League for Democracy group including expatriate Sein Win and KNU terrorists
taking refuge and terrorising at the border or the so-called liberated area.
They are abetting those elements to disturb Myanmar politically and militarily.
In connection with US aiding and abetting of terrorists by giving them
assistance in both cash and kind, the Secretary-1 clarified: "The United
States of America has, in accordance with the Annual Foreign Assistance
Appropriations Act, been extending financial assistance to underground
armed groups in Myanmar's border areas. The decisions for the annual budget
appropriations are passed by the US Congress and directly administered by
the US State Department under the two headings: -- The Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labour (BDHRL), and the Bureau of Population, Refugees and
Migration (BPRM). Under the BDHRL programme, 2.38 million dollars in the
financial year of 1996 and 2.5 million dollars in the year of 1997, were
respectively utilized from the Budget Appropriations." Through the
revelations in the clarification of the Secretary-1, we can learn the exact
amount and figures of financial assistance given by the US government to
internal and external destructive armed and terrorist groups from 1990 to
1996 to commit acts of destruction in all aspects. Furthermore, the
Secretary-1 indicated that starting from the late 1988 the US government
terminated all aid programmes extended to the Government and transferred
assistance to underground armed groups and terrorist groups.
The Secretary-1 has also disclosed with firm evidence the involvement
of US citizens and their schemes to sabotage Myanmar. He went on to clarify
the plot to explode a parcel bomb at the residence of the Secretary-2 and
the role of US cohorts expatriate Sein Win, Naing Aung, Win Khet and Thaung
Tun. Those who actually initiated the act were Thein Ngwe and Thomas (a) Gon
Aung including Tun Aye, Mya Mya Win and Win Naing of Burma Association in
Japan. Bio data of those who perpetrated the bomb explosion and explosive
devices and evidence supporting the terrorist acts were also exhibited.
The terrorist group led by a stooge of the US government expatriate
Sein Win is working out plans systematically to commit sabotage and
terrorism in the townships and departments at the border and in the
country. The terrorist group comprises Maung Maung (a) Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai,
son of NLD central executive committee member U Nyunt Wai, bomb expert Thein
Ngwe, Than Lwin, Thomas (a) Gon Aung, Pyi Thein (a) Maxwell. In this way,
illegal organizations outside the country have committed atrocious acts.
They sought connections inside the country to assassinate personalities in
the leadership and explode bombs at foreign embassies. In his attempt to
maintain internal contacts, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai approached and persuaded Myo
Aung Thant. He then secured contacts, through Myo Aung Thant, with Khin
Kyaw, Daw Suu Kyi's cousin Nge Ma Ma Than and her husband Myint Swe and Cho
Aung Than who is Daw Suu Kyi's cousin and office staff. The network of the
terrorist gang of the US government's cohort expatriate Sein Win who is
resident in the US has then reached the University Avenue. The influence of
the terrorist gang in Washington has thus penetrated into the University
Avenue like a spider's web. With the arrangement of expatriate Sein Win in
Washington, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai sent the modern communications equipment,
Sat-Phone to Myo Aung Thant who then had been able to make direct contact
with Nyunt Wai in Bangkok. In his regular contacts with Nyunt Wai, Myo Aung
Thant sent news about NLD activities and concocted reports critical of the
State. Through contacts with Cho Aung Than, Myo Aung Thant managed to
videotape Daw Suu Kyi in Kayin national dress and take photographs for a
postcard. The destructionists and terrorist groups showed the video feature
and distributed the postcards at the border to serve their political and
organizational purpose. It has become obvious that Myo Aung Thant is a
hard-core of the terrorist group who made direct contact with Pyi Thit Nyunt
Wai in Bangkok and expatriate Sein Win in Washington, sent reports to them
and accepted and carried out their instructions. Myo Aung Thant, in
collusion with Daw Suu Kyi's cousin Nge Ma Ma Than and her husband Myint
Swe, made arrangements for giving US $ 80,000 to Daw Suu Kyi and NLD
Headquarters extended by NCGUB group in Washington and labour union in
Bangkok. Upon asking whether the financial assistance would be accepted and
whether an accounting of expenditures can be furnished, Daw
Suu Kyi herself replied in writing stating "Can furnish accounts of
expenditures, and the arrangements are acceptable". Following this reply,
Myint Swe and wife Nge Ma Ma Than accepted $ 80,000 from American Philip
Robertson. They transferred it to Cho Aung Than, cousin of Daw Suu Kyi, who
was in charge of office functions, on 9 January 1997. Cho Aung Than handed
the packet to Daw Suu Kyi the same day without opening it.
Similarly, Soe Paing of NCGUB in Washington and Pyithit Nyunt Wai of
Bangkok contacted Myo Aung Thant by sat-phone and told him that American
John Vincent Osolnick Jr would send more money and other items to Daw Suu
Kyi. Myo Aung Thant informed Myint Swe about the matter. Myint Swe accepted
$ 5,200 from John V Osolnick. He exchanged the dollars to FECs twice and
gave the money to Daw Suu Kyi through Cho Aung Than the same day.
American Philip Robertson, an official of a labour foundation, was the
representative of expatriate Sein Win in Washington and Pyithit Nyunt Wai of
Bangkok. John V Osolnick arrived Yangon on 24 January 1997 and left on 26
January. The act of Daw Suu Kyi and NLD who covertly accepted the cash
assistance from abroad turned them into the life of spies under the
influence of external organizations. Their real life has emerged vividly.
The expatriate Sein Win group in Washington contacted Daw Suu Kyi and the
NLD headquarters on University Avenue with the expense under the foreign aid
programme allocated under different headings by the American Government. In
so doing, they used middle persons, relatives of Daw Suu Kyi, without making
direct contacts. Whatever the plot was, the director of the play "From
Washington to University Avenue" was the American Government with its secret
organization. The producer was expatriate Sein Win. Starring in it were
leader of the terrorist group Pyithit Nyunt Wai and Soe Paing of the NCGUB
in Washington, Myo Aung Thant and his wife Khin Aye Aye Mar, Myint Swe and
wife Nge Ma Ma Than, Cho Aung Than, Khin Kyaw and Aye Cho, together with
Americans Philip Robertson and John V Osolnick. 
All the causes--taking the influence of colonialists, obtaining their
assistance, having been related to the demolitionists and terrorists and
contacting insurgents--led Daw Suu Kyi from "confrontation to defiance of
authority", and from then to "the path of terrorism". All these facts cannot
be denied, covered up or rejected as they were objective conditions based on
evidence and witnesses of sound reason.
They attempted to carry out a plot surrounded by these conditions.
Pyithit Nyunt Wai contacted Myo Aung Thant by sat-phone on 30 May 1997 and
instructed him to attend a meeting in Ranong on choosing targets for
detonation and destruction and launching labour movement. Under this
instruction, Myo Aung Thant and Khin Kyaw went to Ranong, Thailand, and had
discussions with Pyithit Nyunt Wai, demolitionist Than Lwin and ABSDF
representative Aye Maung in Room 513 of Jansumtara Hotel on 4 June 1997.
Matters discussed were to instigate labour disturbances on 26 June 1997, to
get Daw Suu Kyi and NLD clear from this instigation attempts and not to use
the words "Daw Suu Kyi" and "NLD", to assassinate leaders of the State, to
launch bomb attacks on the embassies of China and Indonesia in Yangon and to
cut communication by snapping power and phone lines by explosions. Then,
Than Lwin and Aye Maung gave manuals for handling explosives. Pyithit Nyunt
Wai bought an electric cooker for keeping explosives in it. On 5 June 1997,
Myo Aung Thant put in the bottom of the cooker eight C-3 slabs, 10 blasting
caps or detonators, two boxes of acrylic lacquer, two boxes of aluminium
powder, a five-foot-and-10-inch piece of fuse wire and a two-foot-
and-one-inch piece of fuse wire, and arranged for sending it via Kawthoung
to Yangon. Myo Aung Thant came back to Yangon by TG 303 flight on 13 June
1997 and was detained together with other persons involved in the case.
Thus, the plot collaborated by expatriate Sein Win and NLD group was exposed
in time.
These are the basic facts and evidence extracted from the clarification
given by Secretary-1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Lt-Gen
Khin Nyunt on 27 June 1997. In the spider web play "From Washington to
University Avenue", these facts and evidence have provided
clear-cut shapes of the US Government, CIA, the expatriate group, the
terrorist gang, some Americans, the NLD group and Daw Suu Kyi who obtained
the colonialists' cash assistance.
Summing up, it was only a piece of refuse senselessly drifting at the
high tides of anarchistic insurgency. When the tides ebbed, Daw Suu Kyi was
stranded on the sandbank of democracy and human rights. Today, she has come
riding a raft of terrorism and is attempting to cross the Myanma political
waters. But it is certain to foretell that she will perish after her raft
has dashed against the consolidated rock of national politics. This is my
prophecy that the play "From Washington to University Avenue" will end up in
destruction, perishing and downfall.

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BURMA OFFICE: AUST. EDUCATION UNION SUPPORTS BOYCOTT
August 7, 1997

The following article is from 7 August 1997 publication of "THE NEWS"
from Australian Education Union (AEU) -- Victorian Branch.
___________________________________________________

 Burma boycott supported
 
 TONY DELANEY
 Executive Officer, AEU International Committee
 
 The AEU Branch Executive, at its meeting held 14/7/97, unanimously endorsed
a resolution to support a consumer and travel boycott of Burma.
 
 The request to us for the boycott came from the Burma Office which operates
from Sydney and is run by Burmese people living in exile in Australia. The
purpose of the campaign is to continue to isolate the illegal and brutal
military government in Burma from international trade opportunities. In
April the US Clinton administration announced a ban on new US investment in
Burma. The boycott campaign has as one of its objectives similar action
being taken by other nations throughout the world.
 
 AEU members are asked to support the campaign through not travelling to
Burma and to not deal in any way with the following companies that have
investments or a presence in Burma.
 
 Qantas
 Jetset Tours
 Pacific Arc Exploration (gold)
 Kailis (MC) Holding PLC
 Australian Kimberley Diamond NL
 C & C Diesel Engineering & Consultants
 Ericsson Australia
 Richard Klinger Pty Ltd
 Tesla Helicopters
 Intrepid Travel
 Diversified Mineral Resources
 East West Diamond Products
 Peregrine Adventure
 Flight Centre
 Longreach Gold Oil Ltd
 Australian Mineral Resources
 Australian Civil & Structural Pty Ltd
 Heavilift
 Stefani Pure Water Australasia
 Seafood Traders
 Transmere Shipping
 World Care Travel Insurance
 Terrace Gold NL
 Hungerford Geographical Consultants
 
 PepsiCo has withdrawn its operations from Burma. The University of
Wisconsin in May divested itself of Texaco stocks following a concerted
campaign by students, local politicians and community leaders. Also in May
the City of New York decided to cease all business with companies doing
business in Burma.
 
 Members wishing to obtain more information about the campaign can contact
the Burma Office on Telephone: (02) 9264 7694 or Fax (02) 9264 7693

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BKK POST: BRIDGE ONE LINK IN CHAIN SPANNING ASIA
August 14, 1997
Supamart Kasem, Mae Sot, Tak

	It's been nearly 20 years since planners first envisioned a transportation
network stretching from Afghanistan to Vietnam.
	The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
(Escap), then known as the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East,
launched an ambitious project in 1959, in conjunction with the Asian Highway
Construction Project, to forge road links in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, China,
Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan, the
Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Thailand.
	The 65,000-kilometre Asian Highway stitches together all 15 nations'
capitals, industrial and trading centres, ports and tourist spots.
	Measuring 698 km, Route A-1 begins in Mae Sot and follows Thailand's
Highway 105 to Kampaeng Phet, Nakhon Sawan, Nakhon Nayok and Prachin Buri,
and ends at the Cambodian border in Aranyaprathet.
	To connect A- 1 with Burma, the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge was
initiated in 1976 by Tak MP Udon Tantisunthorn, a member of the Thai
delegation to the Inter-Parhamentary Union Meeting in Madrid which foresaw a
vast highway complex stringing together disparate nations.
	On September 27, 1986, Mr. Udon, serving as an adviser to then-foreign
minister Siddhi Savetsila, formally proposed construction of the Friendship
Bridge to the Prem Tinsulanonda government.
	The bridge earned approval from the Chatichai Choonhavan cabinet on August
1, 1989, and a construction committee was established, with then deputy
foreign minister Prapas Limpabandhu as chairman and Mr. Udon, by now deputy
agriculture minister, as deputy chairman.
	Thailand and Burma sealed an agreement on construction in Bangkok on
October 11, 1989, under the signatures of Sub-Lt Prapas and Burmese
ambassador U Nyunt Shwe.
	Mr. Udon and Burma's deputy construction minister, U Khin Maung Yin, signed
a final pact in Rangoon just over a month later.
	With technical assistance from Escap and the Japanese government, the
design was completed the following July. The cost was estimated at 200
million baht.
	Politics interfered, however. International aid to Burma was suspended
after the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council refused to
recognise the results of the May 1990 election, won easily by the National
League for Democracy.
	Elected Tak MP under the Palang Dharma banner in September 1992 and
appointed chairman of the House Committee on Economic Affairs, Mr. Udon set
out to revive the bridge project.
	He had the Highways Department redesign the bridge to cut the cost to 79.2
million baht and proposed that Thailand fully fund it internally.
	On October 17, deputy foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan, chairing the
construction panel, signed a final contract with Burma's deputy construction
minister, Colonel Aung San.
	The foundation stone was ceremoniously set in place on October 20 by then
transport minister Vinai Sompong and U Khin Maung Yin, who anticipated
completion within 18 months.
	But on June 7, 1995, with the bridge more than 90 percent complete, Rangoon
ordered the project suspended because of a border conflict. It accused
Thailand of letting villagers fill in the Moei riverside in a bid to lay
claim to midstream islets whose sovereignty had long been disputed.
	A full 21 months elapsed before Burma relented, this past March 7, to allow
the project to continue once a new channel was dredged in the Moei.

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ANNOUNCEMENT: FREE BURMA POSTER CONTEST
August 14, 1997

Dear friends,

You already know about the Free Burma Conference at UCLA from October 4th to
6th. Conference organizing group is planning to produce new Free Burma logo
and saying (motto) on T-shirt and flyers. If you are artistic spider or
supporter, you are welcome to compete. The theme of this contest is open but
it should be related to the purpose of this conference, which seeks to bring
unity among different ethnicities of Burma and various Free Burma movements
from various parts of the world into one global movement. Winner's logo and
saying (motto) will be used on T's and flyers related to the conference. And
winner will get free registration and guarantee housing for the conference.
The deadline to send the posters in is August 31st.

When you are sending your posters, please include name, address, phone
numbers and email address.

Please mail your stuff to:

The Free Burma Coalition - Los Angeles
P.O. Box 341196
Los Angeles, CA 90034
(310) 838-8721
(310) 450-5375
(310) 399-0703 (fax) *pls. call ahead to fax
bfla@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
asmin@xxxxxxxxxxx
aliburma@xxxxxxxxxxxxx

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