The BurmaNet News, September 16, 19

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------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------       
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"       
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The BurmaNet News: September 16, 1997          
Issue #821
  
HEADLINES:          
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THE NATION: NLD'S MASS MEETING' CERTAIN TO ANGER SLORC
ABSDF: MONKS RECEIVE ANONYMOUS ANTI-MUSLIM LETTERS
THE NATION: HEAVY LOSS OF LIFE REPORTED IN FLOODING 
BORDER SOURCE: SITUATION UPDATE- REFUGEES ARRIVING
ASIAWEEK: LAWYERS SEE A FINAL VICTORY
SYDNEY MORNING HERALD: AUSTRALIAN PUSH FOR DIALOGUE
THE NATION: FROM SLORC CRITIC TO APOLOGIST
BKK POST: FIRMS READY TO FINANCE ROAD PROJECT
THE NATION: TALKS CONTINUE TO FREE 36 THAIS HELD IN BURMA
SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: EXPERT QUESTIONS APPROACH 
ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CONFERENCE UPDATE
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THE NATION: NLD'S MASS MEETING' CERTAIN TO ANGER SLORC
September 13, 1997
AFP

RANGOON - The party of Burmese pro-democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi plans
to hold a two-day "mass meeting" at her residential compound here later this
month to mark its ninth anniversary, party sources said yesterday.

The chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung Shwe, has
sent instructions to all NLD district organisers and executives across Burma
to attend the meeting, slated for Sept 27 and 28, they said.

The NLD attempted to stage a party congress at the same time last year, but
military authorities effectively barred the meeting and detained over 500
party supporters. The ruling junta has not allowed the NLD to stage a major
political meeting since and imposes severe restrictions on access to Suu
Kyi's lakeside home in the Burmese capital.

Aung Shwe has instructed party officials to arrive in Rangoon by Sept 25 at
the latest and report to the NLD headquarters located about two kilometres
from Suu Kyi's compound. Observers said that the NLD effort to hold what the
party sources described as a 'mass meeting' would be certain to provoke a
reaction from the military regime. The party was stopped from holding an
election-anniversary congress in May this year, when hundreds of activists
were warned to stay at home or turned back when they arrived in Rangoon.

The NLD was formed shortly after the ruling junta, the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc) took power and announced it would hold
multi-party elections. Suu Kyi's party swept subsequent polls held in 1990,
taking over 80 per cent of the seats, but the Slorc has never recognised the
result.

The military held the NLD leader under house arrest for six years until
releasing her in July 1995. The party successfully staged a congress in May
1996 to mark the poll victory. Some 260 NLD supporters including elected MPs
were detained on that occasion, as the party discussed framing a new
constitution - challenging the junta's own long-running national convention
to frame a charter.

*************************************************

ABSDF: MONKS RECEIVE ANONYMOUS ANTI-MUSLIM LETTERS
September 15, 1997

Buddhist monks receive the anonymous letters bearing complaint

Since the last week of August, 1997, an anonymous sender has been
distributing letters, by mail, to monasteries all over Burma.
The letter exhorts monks to defend the Buddhist religion against destruction
by the Muslims. The letter suggests that the role of monks is to organise
and lead the Burmese citizens and attack Muslims.
The Buddhist monks believe the anti-Muslim letters were sent by SLORC to
create new anti-Muslim riots. The monks have appealed for a rejection of the
letters, to avoid supporting the SLORC in achieving their objectives,
according to tradesmen who arrived in Mae Hong Son from Burma.
Not only are the people worrying about the rice prices in the coming year,
since most paddy fields in Burma are flooded, but also the SLORC is sowing
dissent.
The SLORC didn't issue specific data on the damaged paddy fields, people,
houses. They have often tried to stir up religious and racial tensions in
Burma in order to divert the public attention from other political and
economic concerns.
The tradesmen and monks remarked that furthermore, the SLORC may attempt to
provoke anti-Muslim riots in Burma during Id-day(a religious day of the
Muslim) in the near future.
(The names of tradesmen and monks are not included for their security)

*************************************************

THE NATION: HEAVY LOSS OF LIFE REPORTED IN FLOODING 
September 15, 1997

RANGOON, AFP --A UN disaster management team has reported serious flooding
in across Burma leading to heavy damage and loss of life, a Japanese
embassy statement said yesterday.

"Unusually heavy rainfalls in the last week of July 1997 have caused flash
floods and high floodings in many parts of the country, particularly in Mon
State and the Pago and Irrawaddy Divisions," the statement cited a UN report
as saying.

Low-lying areas in Pago and Irrawaddy, with Rangoon, provide the bulk of
Burma's rice for its 47 million population.

"This has resulted in substantial damage and loss of life. The total number
of persons affected [in the three area] were 103,650 persons from 20,451
households," the UN disaster management team report said.

There have also been independent reports by travellers of dead bodies,
humans and animals, seen floating downriver from the affected areas.

Unconfirmed reports cited government immigration department sources as
saying in Mon State, in the southeast, that more than 200 people died after
the Mon River burst its banks.

Local military commanders who control access to the area have kept silent
about the damage and casualties.

At least three villages have been swept away on the banks of the Mon, some
25 km from the village of Kambauk, where international oil companies have a
construction base camp.

Appeals have gone out to oil companies based around Kambauk, building a
pipeline between the Thai border and offshore natural gas fields, to assist
with logistics and supplies, a Texaco source said yesterday.

Texaco has given rice and helped the Burmese Red Cross in distributing
relief aid, bypassing local military commanders, with helicopters normally
used to access offshore rigs, the source said.

The Germany embassy said on Friday it would hand over 20,000 marks (396,000
baht) to the UN Development Programme for relief. 

The Japanese statement said it would give $50,000 in cash and relief
supplies worth $100,000.

"The government of Japan decided to extend this assistance in view of the
scale of the damages caused and out of sympathy for the sufferings of the
people affected by the disaster,' the embassy said.

Burma and Japan has emphasised that the donations were humanitarian. Japan
suspended bilateral aid to Burma after the 1988 military take-over by the
State Law and Order Restoration Council, which celebrates its ninth
anniversary on September 18.

The devastation of Burma's low-lying areas during July and August, which
left thousands homeless and huge areas of paddy field, has received scant
attention in the official press.

On the east side of the Mon River where- the military has only in the last
few years established its authority road, rail and communication lines have
been cut due to landslides and damage to bridges.

The Texaco source had no information about the responses of other companies
working in the troubled area. They include Total of France, Unocal of the
United States, Britain's Premier and Nippon Oil of Japan.

**************************************************

BORDER SOURCE: SITUATION UPDATE- REFUGEES ARRIVING AT KANCHANABURI,
RATCHABURI AND PROVINCES TO THE SOUTH
September 16, 1997

KANCHANABURI PROVINCE

Ban Don Yang
The population of this camp near Sangklaburi has remained unchanged at 1,462
people.  Since the exodus of the Tavoyan group the population is
predominantly Karen.

On the other side of the border in Burma, behind the Mon resettlement site
at Halochanee, remains a group of displaced Karen at the place known as Htee
Wah Doh.  This group is increasingly a cause for concern, the population is
said to be around 2,300 and their security is precarious.  For the Mon also
there is cause for concern since their presence could create problems in
their cease-fire arrangement with SLORC. The SLORC are aware that the Htee
Wah Doh group receives assistance that passes through their cease-fire area.
The health of the group is said to have improved since the last report.
They do not have permission to enter Don Yang camp.

An estimated 300 internally displaced people are starting to move from
locations across the  border towards the Thai borderline.  Some 30 have
already arrived and the rest are following.  They come from Hla Mu Htaw, Maw
Tha Kwa, and Seiku (in the vicinity of Mytta).  The reason for this
migration is that the villagers feel unable to stay in the area where SLORC
troops are building a car road from Paw Taw to Htoo Ler.  Villagers report
having to contribute labour and numerous fees for the road.  Many are simply
unable to tolerate this any more and have started to move toward the border.
They are expected to appear near Nya Pla Kee, as this is one of the few
points along the northern border free of SLORC troops and yet also a path to
the border.  It is not known if they will receive permission from the Thai
authorities to cross the borderline and receive assistance.  On August 14
six villagers were killed by SLORC troops at Seiku village. [Nya Pla Kee is
located east of Kwe Waw Wah at the head of a small stream.]

RATCHABURI PROVINCE

Tham Hin
The population of the camp is 7,547 at present.  However, another 150 people
are due to arrive from the site further south known as Huay Satu.  This
group was given the option to move to another site by 9th Division
authorities in the area.  As reported previously, the bulk of the
population, the able-bodied members, had already been asked to move back to
the Burma-side of the border some time ago.  The remaining refugees are
those considered to be of special concern - the old, sick, and some women
and children.

The move is expected today [16.9.97].  The already over-crowded camp at Htam
Hin will have to accommodate even more refugees.

The other group of displaced people at the border in this area, those at Meh
Pya Kee, mentioned in the last update, have now largely dispersed back
across the border after being refused entry to Htam Hin by the 9th Division.
There is now a considerable population of internally displaced people at Meh
Pya Po Kee and Meh Pya Pa Doh Kee (located immediately behind the old Bo Wi
site).  Denied asylum by the Thai authorities, they are being cared for by
the KNU, to the best of their ability.  Their position at the border is not
stable and they need to be put into a stable camp environment where they can
be cared for properly.

PRACHUAB KHIRI KHAN PROVINCE

Huay Satu
As reported above, the refugees remaining on the Thai-side of the border in
this province will be moved north to join Htam Hin camp [16.9.97].  An
estimated 1,400 displaced people remain on the Burma-side of the border,
still denied access to assistance

CHUMPHON PROVINCE

No update information

*****************************************

ASIAWEEK: LAWYERS SEE A FINAL VICTORY
September 19, 1997

Activist lawyers in the U.S. are digging in for the long haul. One of the
attorneys involved in the two American lawsuits against Unocal, the U.S.
company building the controversial pipeline through Myanmar into Thailand,
says her clients have a good chance of beating the company. "And if we don't
win this time, someone is sure to win eventually." Unocal denies that it
uses forced labor, or violates worker's rights. It is working with Total,
the French firm, and the Myanmar government on the $ 1.2 billion project.

Legal activists plan to bring more such cases. Already underway is a suit
against Royal Dutch Petroleum for its activities in Nigeria. The lawyers say
their initial suits will establish the limits of the 1789 Alien Tort Claims
Act they say set responsibilities for U.S. corporate behavior overseas.

*************************************

SYDNEY MORNING HERALD: AUSTRALIAN PUSH FOR DIALOGUE APPLAUDED
September 15, 1997
Mark Baker

Burma's embattled democracy movement has applauded moves by the Australian
Government to open a high-level dialogue with the country's military rulers
in an attempt to break the stalemate on political reform.

A special envoy of the Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, left Rangoon yesterday
after a series of talks with leaders of the ruling State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), including the powerful Secretary One,
Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt.

The envoy, Mr John Dauth, the head of the South-East Asia division in the
Department of Foreign Affairs, is the most senior Australian official to
visit Burma since the army crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988 and
imposed harsh military rule.

Mr Dauth pressed the regime to lift restrictions on the democracy leader Ms
Aung San Suu Kyi - who remains under effective house arrest - and to open
negotiations with her National League for Democracy (NLD).

"He told them we'd like to see greater political movement and engagement
with the NLD on reform - that's the bottom line," a senior Australian
official said.

In a potentially controversial move, designed not to antagonise the SLORC,
the Government instructed Mr Dauth not to seek a meeting with Ms Suu Kyi
during his five days in Rangoon.

But a vice-chairman of the NLD, Mr Tin Oo, said yesterday that Ms Suu Kyi
understood the decision and welcomed Australia's attempt to break the
political deadlock.

"We fully realise and understand that the Australian Government is on our
side and working for the interests of the Burmese people," he told the
Herald from Rangoon.

The Australian Ambassador to Burma, Ms Lyndall McLean, met Ms Suu Kyi last
week and advised her of the Government's decision to adopt a "new approach"
in its dealings with the regime.

Mr Tin Oo said: "They didn't want to make any hitch in the talks with the
SLORC and we understand that. This is an experimental approach by the
Australian Government. They know our position already, so it's more
important for them to talk to the SLORC now."

Two months ago, Mr Downer ordered a review of Australia's policy on Burma,
under which all direct aid and defence cooperation is frozen, and new
investments are neither encouraged nor discouraged.

Australian officials said that while the Federal Government remained deeply
concerned about the continuing repression in Burma, it wanted to try to
encourage reform by reopening contacts with the leadership.

As part of the new approach, Mr Dauth flew yesterday to Japan to brief
Foreign Ministry officials on his talks with the SLORC, which included
several senior economic ministers.

There are concerns that Japan is under domestic pressure to break ranks with
the United States, the European Union and other Western governments,
including Australia, to resume direct aid to Burma.

*****************************************

THE NATION: FROM SLORC CRITIC TO APOLOGIST
September 15, 1997
Walden Bello

Betrayal, horse-trading, wheeling and dealing - that's all part of Asean
politics. Walden Bello has the inside story on how the Philippines switched
its position on Slorc at the crucial Asean meetings to determine Burma's
membership.

The Philippines' change of heart began with the special meeting of Asean
foreign ministers in Kuala Lumpur on May 31. At that meeting, the
Philippines joined Thailand in questioning the admission of Cambodia and Burma.

The two countries aired their doubts about the ability of the Cambodian
government and the Burmese State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc)
to "implement the 19 Asean treaties and agreements" in light of their
continuing political crises.

Indonesia, however was adamant about bringing in Cambodia and Burma, along
with Laos, in July. Finally Thailand and the Philippines withdrew their
reservation. It was, however a reluctant gesture.

The Philippine government's discomfort with Slorc stemmed partly from the
residual influence of the 1987 constitution's enshrinement of promotion of
human rights and democracy as a cornerstone of the country's foreign policy.
It was also partly a product of years of intense lobbying of Philippine
officials by pro-democracy forces in Burma and human rights groups in Asia.

Because of Asean's consensus policy, a stand on principle by the Philippines
could have blocked Burma's membership. But given the pressure exerted by
Asean's authoritarian majority, Siazon's retreat, albeit inexcusable, was at
least understandable.

What was not understandable, not excusable - and to many observers very
strange - was the way that the Philippines subsequently about-turned and
became a vociferous backer of Burma in the weeks leading up to the Asean
annual meeting in late July.

During this critical period, Asean face the task of legitimising the
controversial decision of admitting Burma in the eyes of the world. This was
especially urgent since the Asean governments would meet with their dialogue
partners in the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) in Kuala Lumpur immediately after
the Asean ministerial conference that would admit Burma, and many of these
countries are Slorc's severest critics.

A probe into the backstage of politics by analysts with access to Asean's
inner circles revealed a sorry tale of realpolitik and ambition riding
roughshod over the principles of democracy and human rights that are
supposed to guide the foreign policy of a government that claims to be East
Asia's most vibrant democracy.

Among other things, it disclosed the hand of Indonesia in the formulation of
the Philippines' Asean policy.

Suharto factor

In the last few years, Indonesian President Suharto, the longest reigning
chief executive in Asean, made Burma's admission to Asean a personal
crusade, and he underlined this with a visit to Burma in February, where he
gave Slorc an assurance of membership with no strings attached.

Suharto hated people linking Burma's admission with the 1990 elections,
which were won by Aung Sang Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD)
but the result was not respected by the military junta.

Indeed, he was not even comfortable with Asean's declared policy of
"constructive engagement". The Indonesian dictator saw that accommodating
Asean's human rights critics on Burma could set Asean on the path of
ultimately having a say on Indonesia's domestic governance and its
controversial annexation of East Timor.

The Burma issue thus became a proxy for the smoldering struggle between
authoritarianism and democracy as the principles of governance in Asean. By
aggressively pushing the Asean "principle" of strict non-intervention in
domestic affairs, the Suharto regime was deepening the trenches for the
defence of its own authoritarian rule in Indonesia.

>From the Indonesians' perspective, bringing in Burma was also critical from
another angle - it would strengthen the authoritarian pole in the balance of
power within Asean.

It would serve to neutralise the formal democratic regimes - the Philippines
and Thailand - and prevent them from following foreign policies that would
be more sympathetic to democratic forces on the ground, which in Suharto's
paranoid view were lending material and ideological aid to the rising
opposition in Indonesia.

Indonesia, however, faced a problem in the aftermath of the May 31 decision
to bring Burma into the Asean fold. Being strongly authoritarian, it did not
have the moral weight to be the prime mover in the campaign to legitimise
Burma's Asean membership.

Here is where the Philippines became useful. What could be a better counter
to the "propaganda" of the West than have the Philippines, a democratic
country, act as Burma's official sponsor and loudest backer? In this
calculation, Asean insiders say the hand of Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali
Alatas was evident, for he is, among Asean's foreign ministers, smooth and
savvy when it comes to dealing with the media and international public opinion.

Slorc official sponsor

To sandbag the Filipinos into acting as Slorc's official sponsor, the
Indonesians, according to Asean insiders, pressed a number of buttons. They
appealed to the Filipinos' utang na loob, or debt-of-gratitude, for
brokering the deal that settled the Mindanao conflict.

Alatas also made it clear to the Filipinos that, as Asean's most influential
member, Indonesia would be decisive in determining who the grouping's next
secretary-general would be.

For months, President Fidel Ramos had been lobbying the various governments
to secure that post for Rodolfo Severino, a widely respected and outstanding
Filipino diplomat. But there was one problem: the current officeholder,
Malaysia's Ajit Singh, was running for a second five-year term, and he could
count on the support of a number of Asean governments.

Malaysia's desire to retain the post stemmed from the restructuring of the
Asean secretariat carried out in 1992, which made the secretary-general a
much stronger executive with the power to implement decisions, take
initiatives and proactively offer advice to members.

Singh was the first Asean secretary-general who had been accorded the
position and power of a minister, and Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad was
known to favour his continuing in the post because it allowed Malaysia "more
say and clout" in Asean matters.

A number of member countries, however, were reluctant to support Singh for
fear of the precedent this would set, since no one had yet served two
consecutive terms. The emerging camps on the issue appeared to be evenly
matched, and it was at this point that the Indonesians told Manila they were
open to supporting Severino against Singh but on certain conditions,
including a more active and high-profile role in supporting the entry into
Asean of their protégé, Slorc.

The Philippine-led propaganda bandwagon, however, had an obstacle that could
have potentially derailed Burma's admission two days after Maung's visit -
the Hun Sen coup in Cambodian on July 6. Clearly, there was no way Cambodia
could be admitted, and since Asean had earlier resolved that Cambodia, Laos,
and Burma would come in -simultaneously, many quarters in Asean voiced
support for deferring the membership of Burma and Laos as well.

"Asean now has a way of circumventing the pressure over Burma," said Abdul
Razak Baginda, head of the quasi-government Malaysia Strategic Research
Centre, reflecting the sentiment in many Asean circles that bringing in
Burma was costing Asean greatly in terms of international credibility.

The opportunity to postpone Burma's membership came during the critical July
10 emergency meeting of Asean foreign ministers in Kuala Lumpur. Singapore
and Thailand, according to insider sources, were leaning toward deferring
Burmese membership until December, but their decision hinged greatly on
Manila's position.

However, under Alatas' watchful eye, Foreign Affairs Secretary Siazon not
only failed to make an issue about going back on the "simultaneous entry
policy" but lobbied instead for admitting Slorc and Laos while deferring
Cambodia's membership.

Myanmar, not Burma

It was left to Siazon to complete the transformation of the Philippine
government's position from being a reluctant and passive player to Slorc's
most rabid apologist. 

This occurred in Kuala Lumpur on July 29, the last day of the Asean Regional
Forum meeting. At an early morning joint press conference on bilateral
issues featuring Siazon and Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer,
what was expected to be a sedate affair exploded when Siazon, without
warning, lashed out at those in the room, including Downer, who had been
using the term Burma instead of Myanmar.

"I don't know why people keep calling it [Burma] by a name which it's not
supposed to be called," Siazon fumed.

"When people ask for cooperation with another country and you call their
country by another name, it may not feel that it's the country that's being
addressed. So you are talking to the wall.

"I think it's just appropriate that you call a country by its rightful name
whether you like it or not."

Questioned later by journalists, Siazon defend his angry words by saying
that "Ohn Gyaw [Slorc's foreign minister] explained that it was called Burma
because the British could not pronounced Myanmar right. Myanmar is what is
listed here [Asean] and in the UN, but people keep insisting on calling them
Burma. It's patronising."

One effect that Siazon's outburst did have was to get his Australian
counterpart Downer to use "Burma/Myanmar" during the rest of the press
conference. 

Said one journalist covering the event: "It [Siazon's outburst] was uncalled
for. He was coming way out front to take the flak for Slorc - far more than
Badawi [Malaysia's foreign minister]."

Siazon's role as apologist for Slorc on July 29 is understandable in light
of an earlier event which took place at the close of the Asean ministerial
meeting proper - the polling for Asean's next secretary-general.

The official Asean story was, of course, that the result was a product of
"consensus", but insider sources revealed a more complex and tense affair,
in which the Filipinos were kept hanging in suspense till the end.

At this highly restricted session, Indonesia's Alatas was delegated by the
Asean ministers to sound out each country's representative.

It came down to four ministers - Brunei, Malaysia, Laos and Burma - choosing
Singh, and four supporting Severino - Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore
and Vietnam.

It was at that point that Alatas, who, as poll-taker, was last to reveal his
choice, broke the stalemate by declaring for Severino.

The Philippines government had at last garnered the prized position. But in
the process it lost what remained of the "democratic principle" of its
foreign policy.

WALDEN BELLO is professor of sociology and public administration at the
University of the Philippines and co-director of Focus on the Global South
at the Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute.

**********************************************

BKK POST: FIRMS READY TO FINANCE ROAD PROJECT
September 15, 1997
Supamart Kasem

TAK --The Thai private sector is ready to fund the expansion of a highway
from Myawaddy to Rangoon to boost the transport of cargo between Thailand's
Tak province, via the Thai-Burmese friendship bridge, and the Burmese capital.'

PM's Office Minister Veerakorn Kamprakob said, during a discussion on
Thai-Burmese trade through the Mae Sot district of Tak, that private firms
were ready to raise the funds and seek a loan from the Export-Import Bank of
Thailand to widen the highway.

The route has a 66-km section across mountainous terrain and this section is
only three metres wide - too narrow for two-way traffic.

Mr Veerakorn said only about 100 million baht would need to be spent on the
expansion which would take about 10 months to complete. He will discuss the
issue with Burmese Commerce Minister Tun Kyi and Hotel and Tourism Minister
Kyaw Ba on Friday.

The Tak Chamber of Commerce is also working with Burmese authorities on a
longer term project to build a short cut between Myawaddy and Rangoon at a
cost of 300 million baht. This route, which could be built in three years,
will also boost Thailand- Burma traffic across the friendship bridge, which
crosses the Moei river. 

**********************************************

THE NATION: TALKS CONTINUE TO FREE 36 THAIS HELD IN BURMA
September 13, 1997
The Nation

THE Army is continuing efforts to secure the freedom of 36 Thais who have
been arrested and detained in Burma for four months for allegedly poaching
and illegal entry, an informed source from the Naresuan Task Force said
yesterday.

The Thais were apprehended in Burma opposite Chiang Mai's Chiang Dao
district in June. They are local villagers from Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai and
Phrae provinces.

An unconfirmed report stated that Burma has demanded Bt20 million for the
release of the group.

The same source said his task force staff had already contacted Burmese
officials in Saad town in order to obtain information on the arrests and the
condition of the Thais detained in jail.

The Army's help in securing the freedom of the group came after Thai loggers
who hired them to cut logs inside Burma were unable to fulfill the conditions
of their negotiations with Burmese officials for the release of the group,
the source said.

"Actually, we cannot request Burma to reduce the penalties or immediately
release the Thais as we have to abide by Burmese laws.

"What we could do, though, is coordinate with the Burmese and find out how
they are going to deal with the detainees and how much in terms of fines
they will have to pay so that we can tell their relatives," the source said.

Meanwhile, Pol Lt Col Wallop Chansaengsri, chief of police of Phrae's Sung
Men district, said relatives of the detained Thais from the district
received a threat from some logging companies.

"We have already provided protection for the relatives. The logging
companies are angry that they sought help from police and soldiers for their
release instead of letting them negotiate with Burma.

"Another reason for the threats is that the companies are illegally logging
in Burma, and therefore they fear they will face legal action if the
authorities learn of their activities," he said.

The Task Force source said, "There is only one Thai logging company which
was granted a licence to do business in Burma. Other companies that engage
in the same business, including those negotiating with Burma, are illegally
cutting Burmese logs."

*************************************************

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: EXPERT QUESTIONS APPROACH TO REGIME 
September 15, 1997
William Barnes 

Whenever Western nations hold a party these days, "except Burma" is almost 
invariably written on the invitations.
This makes the hosts feel better about their "moral" foreign policy, but is it 
the right one?
One of Britain's leading experts on Burma, Martin Smith, argues that the haste 
to fence off a military regime may be understandable, but is based on a 
fundamental misunderstanding.
British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook raised the hair-trigger hackles of 
Malaysia's Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohammad, this month by stressing
that Burma - which became an eager member of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) in July - would not be on the guest list for the annual 
Asia-Europe Meeting next year.
Mr Cook said the Burmese junta's unbending hostility ruled out any chance the 
European Union might lift its visa ban in time for the summit.
He made it clear this was fine by the new British Government when he also 
accused the regime of "conniving" with drug barons.
"The failure of the regime in Burma to address this issue, indeed their 
apparent willingness to abet and profit from the drugs trade, deserves the 
strongest condemnation," he said.
Proof indeed that 35 years after the military seized power, the West has 
finally discovered that Burma has become a useful whipping boy for
governments trying to pursue an "ethical" foreign policy - such as Britain's
New Labour. 
But is this going to change the nature of Burma's widely reviled regime?
"Not really, no. The world has woken up to the tragedy of Burma rather late. 
But how do you deal with a country which is so isolated by isolating it more?" 
asked Mr Smith.
"I think this is something European and American governments haven't quite 
understood. You can condemn a government, but if you want governments to 
change you've got to talk."
The junta's opponents in the West will argue that talking has not worked. For 
example, within days of joining ASEAN, it engaged in another bloody campaign
against a rebel minority.
Nevertheless, there has been "too much megaphone diplomacy", said Mr Smith.
"Burma is so isolated . . . It's become its own world, with its own values and 
judgments. Often it doesn't realise that in the rest of the world things 
aren't done like this any more."
Malaysia's ASEAN partners have made it clear there is no chance of them 
boycotting the Asia-Europe summit.
Mr Smith said ASEAN's arguments that dealing with Burma would help loosen it
up were "rational", but probably not enough.
"Nobody really has the answer. I suspect you need a bit of both [carrot and 
stick]," he said. "What I am pretty sure of is that simply slamming the door 
on Burma won't do much good . . . After all, that is how the generals in 
Rangoon expect foreigners to behave."

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ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CONFERENCE UPDATE
September 15, 1997

REMINDER: If you are planning to come to the Conference (Oct.4-6), please
register at a FBC website at http://wicip.org/fbc/ .

Digest Group.

Hi Burma activists!

Here are a few updates on the Conference.

As far as the situation for housing is concerned, we have 115 spaces
reserved for a youth hostel for $9 a night.  We are working hard to get
donations so we may lower the costs of housing.  Most likely, this price
will drop, but for now, plan for the amount your staying, just in case.

Also, for our convenience and yours, PLEASE ARRIVE ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3rd.
Here are the advantages:
1) The FBC staff will be able to pick you up from the airport.  If you've
never been to LAX, you'll be glad we're doing this.
2) Housing will be assured.
3) Registration will be done.
4) Conference will be starting early on Saturday, so you will be on time
with no need to register.

If you arrive on Saturday, October 4th, please note:
1) the conference is starting very early, and the keynote speaker will
begin at 11:00 am, so you will miss much of the conference.
2) the FBC staff will be busy attending to the conference needs, so we will
not be able to provide rides from the airport to UCLA.
3) we cannot fully ensure everyone housing for those arriving Saturday.

Please spread this information to everyone else planning to come, and urge
everyone to register through the web registration please.

It's looking very exciting, and I just can't wait to meet you all!  We have
some great things planned for every day, and Monday will be the climax with
the demonstrations, so please plan to stay the full length.

Thanks again, and mail me with any problems, solutions, comments, or just
to say hi.

     Ali Ahmed
     http://www.nayzak.com/~aliburma
     aliburma@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
     (562) 869-9681

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