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The BurmaNet News January 9, 1998



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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"     
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The BurmaNet News: January 8, 1998        
Issue #907

HEADLINES: 
==========
ABSDF: NLD STATEMENT NO.18/97
NCGUB (COMM. CTR): MAJOR SAI PAUK,CEC(UWSP),ASSASSINATED
NATION: BURMA TO PRIVATISE MORE STATE FIRMS
NEWSDAY: A COUNTRY IN DENIAL / LACK OF CARE AND EDUCATION 
INDEPENDENT COMMENTARY: NE WIN, A SAVIOR...?
INDEPENDENT COMMENTARY: SLORC TO SPDC
NCGUB(COMM. CTR): ARREST OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT WORKERS 
THE NATION: ASEAN PASSES THE BATON: FROM DHARSONO TO SEVERINO
BKK POST: HUNDREDS OF TROOPS SENT TO SIT-IN SITE
ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW ENGLAND BURMA ROUNDTABLE / JANUARY 1998
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----------------

ABSDF: NLD STATEMENT NO.18/97
January 8, 1998

The following is an unofficial translation of the NLD Statement
No. 18 regarding the meeting between the members of the NLD
Central Executive Committee and the Minister of Home Affairs of
the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), held at the
Ministry of Home Affairs on December 12, 1997.
==============================================

National League for Democracy
97-B, West Shwegonedine Road
Bahan Township, Rangoon

Statement No 18/97            

1. At 4:00 p.m. on December 18, 1997 five Central Executive
Committee (CEC) members of the National League for Democracy
(NLD) (not including the chairman, two vice-chairmen, general
secretary and secretary) were summoned to meet with the Minister
of Home Affairs of the State Peace and  Development Council (SPDC).

2. At about 13:30 p.m. (on the same day), an official of the
Ministry came to verbally inform the chairman of the NLD about
the meeting without formally informing the party in advance.
Despite this, bearing in mind the importance of developing smooth
relations and mutual understanding with state authorities, an NLD
delegation comprising five members went to meet with them at
their ministry.

3. The Minister of Home Affairs raised certain issues which his
superiors had wanted him to discuss with the NLD. In response,
the NLD delegation also stated its party positions.

4. The Minister for Home Affairs primarily raised, among other
things, two issues: the discontinuation of the NLD's regular
practice of issuing statements which the NLD has published so
many times, and matters regarding official activities of the NLD,
in particular the organizing activities of the general secretary
of party.

5. The NLD is a legal political party and was established with
the aim of bringing democracy and human rights to Burma. Being a
legal political party, the NLD therefore must perform its
official duties such as organizing activities and the issuing of
papers and statements promoting democracy. These undertakings do
not at all violate the  existing laws and orders.

6. In the meeting with the Minister, the NLD delegation discussed
these matters based on the  following two principles;

a) The NLD will hold discussions only with state authorities who
have the power to make decisions  on political matters:

b) The NLD will meet and hold talks with state authorities who
have the power to make decisions on administrative matters.

7. The Minister of Home Affairs never raised the issue of holding
a dialogue, (between the NLD and state authorities) which is a
political matter. The NLD delegation briefly told the minister
that the prevailing problems would be solved only through a
face-to-face dialogue. The minister however did not respond to this.

8. Regarding the NLD's official duties, the party later heard the
authorities declare, "It's time for the NLD to stop its
activities... and if these are to be continued, the holding of a
dialogue and the national reconciliation that the NLD has been
talking about will be further away from reality. The NLD not the
state government will be responsible for this. And now is the
time for the leaders of the NLD to realize this and to review
their policies." The NLD contends that the accusations are unfounded.

9. Because the NLD is a legal political party, its activities are
carried out within the framework of existing laws and orders. So
also, the publishing of necessary papers and statements is one of
the official duties of the party. This is not in violation of any laws.

10. The NLD believes that the current social, political and
economic problems of the country can be tackled only through a
meaningful dialogue. The NLD also believes that the military
authorities have avoided this most viable  option under various
pretexts because they have no genuine desire to engage in dialogue.

11. The NLD thereby states solemnly that the party has resolved
to strive steadfastly for the realization of a substantive
dialogue which it believes will offer solutions to the problems
of Burma.

Central Executive Committee
National League for Democracy

Rangoon
Date: 5 Waning Moon of Nattaw, 1359
December 19, 1997

*****************************************************************

NCGUB (COMM. CTR): MAJOR SAI PAUK,CEC(UWSP),ASSASSINATED
January 8, 1998

Major Sai Pauk, Central Committee Member of United Wa Solidarity Party
(UWSP),                            Assassinated

	Major Sai Pauk, UWSP Officer for Alliance Relations, was shot in the head
twice, killing him instantly, at about 9-30 p.m. on January 7, 1998, as he
was about to enter his car after leaving a wedding reception, at the
Empress Hotel, in Chiangmai.
	
	Major Sai Pauk attended the Meh-tha-raw-ta Nationalities Seminar as UWSP
representative and signed the Meh-tha-raw-ta Agreement on behalf of  the
UWSP. Additionally, he was elected to serve as one of the 6 members on the
"Committee for Maintenance of the Meh-tha-raw-ta Seminar Results".

	It was learnt that the reception was attended by UWSP representatives as
well as those of the Wa National Organization (WNO). The WNO had recently
held 3 rounds of talks, in 2 months, with the SLORC (currently SPDC), and
then it had to stop the process after the 3rd round, as it could not find
any reason to trust the SLORC.

	Speculations of those close to Major Sai Pauk strongly suspected SPDC
military clique, the military dictatorship of Burma, as being the culprit
of  the assassination.

Communications Center in Thailand

*******************************************************************

NATION: BURMA TO PRIVATISE MORE STATE FIRMS
January 8, 1998
REUTERS

RANGOON - Burma will speed up privatisation of state industries
following a recent shake-up of personalities in the military
government, analysts  said yesterday.

The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has listed
42 state enterprises and factories for sale to the private sector.

"A total of 42  state -owned factories under Ministries of
Industry-l and Industry-2, Ministry of Livestock Breeding and
Fishery, and Ministry of Commerce, are to be privatised," a
government statement received by Reuters said.

"Two livestock breeding farms under the Ministry of Livestock
Breeding and Fishery, and 76 cinema halls under the Ministry of
Information are also to be privatised," it said.

The newly-formed SPDC replaced the former military body called
the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) which had
ruled since 1988, last November.

Following the name change, government officials  said the SPDC
was probing several government ministries and agencies to weed
out malpractice of the past.

The government formed a powerful 19 member Myanmar Privatisation
Commission (MPC) in 1995 to boost privatisation, chairman of the
MPC is Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, now Secretary One of the
renamed SPDC.

But analysts said that privatisation of state enterprises had
progressed at a slow pace because some ministers sitting on the
MPC had refused to change with the times.

"Some former ministers in the commission were reluctant to loosen
their grip on the enterprises under them. The problem was they
also belonged to the Slorc and were more senior to Commission
Chairman Khin Nyunt,  an analyst said.

With Slorc's abrogation, former ministers have been replaced by
younger blood who were now more bullish on privatisation
added the analyst Singapore, Thai and Malaysian investors have
shown keen interest to invest in Burma in recent years.

MPC chairman Khin Nyunt, who chaired a meeting of the commission
on Dec 22, said the privatisation policy should benefit the state
and private entrepreneurs.

"State enterprises, with  exception of those vital to state
security and management, are to be transferred to the private
sector," Daw Selda Maung, MPC's Joint Secretary-Two, said.

She said privatisation could be implemented through ownership
transfers to co-operative societies, and formation of joint
ventures especially in high technology business with shares
offered to private firms, the public and foreign investors. 

She said some 37 other enterprises had been privatised through
various means without creating problems for employees since
January 1995.
 
*****************************************************************

NEWSDAY: A COUNTRY IN DENIAL / LACK OF CARE AND EDUCATION 
FUELS BURMA'S AIDS EPIDEMIC
January 6, 1998
By Matthew McAllester. STAFF WRITER

DANCING ALONE on the floor of a popular Rangoon nightclub in front of a
huge video screen playing music videos, the young Burmese woman
repeatedly glances at the very few western men in the disco. She
approaches them and makes it clear her charms come at a price.

Does she use condoms?

"Yes, condoms," says the prostitute, who calls herself  Suki, in the
Pidgen English taught to her by her mother.

Does she worry about AIDS?
   
The question provokes a laugh. She sips her Coca-Cola, stares
straight ahead and changes the topic.

Suki's laugh in the face of a disease that infects at least one in
five Burmese prostitutes is a laugh of ignorance and denial that echoes
around Burma, which is also known as Myanmar. This desperately poor
Southeast Asian country of around 50 million people is currently eye to
eye with an HIV and AIDS epidemic. Fueled by burgeoning prostitution and
the widespread availability of high-purity heroin  -  Burma produces 60
percent of the world's opium, according to the U.S. State Department  -
 Burma's AIDS epidemic faces none of the educational or health-care
restraints that have in recent years been applied against the
neighboring Thai epidemic. International nongovernmental officials in
Burma and Burmese doctors say the Burmese military government is largely
ignoring the disease, which appears in a particularly virulent strain in
Southeast Asia. Testing is occasional, educational programs rare.

"The whole country is in denial," said one European official at an
international nonprofit organization based in Rangoon, who insisted on
anonymity because the Burmese military regime might expel his
organization for his talking to a western journalist. "In Thailand, the
difference is there is an enormous AIDS program already set up. In
Thailand, infection rates are going down and here they are going up. So
in a couple of years there will be deep problems here."

Decades of economic decline and political isolationism have
contributed to this situation, officials said. Burma was completely
closed to the outside world from 1962 until just a few years ago, when
the new generation of military rulers decided to open the country to
foreign visitors and investors.

Even official government figures, compiled with the help of the
World Health Organization, chronicle a country in the grip of an
epidemic. But officials from international aid organizations and doctors
say these figures are unreliable and optimistic. A more accurate picture
of AIDS in Burma, they say, would show the following:

 A small group of government officials working hard to fight the
epidemic under the rule of an indifferent military government that has
consistently failed to address health issues.

Growing numbers of prostitutes who do not practice safe sex and
intravenous drug users who use borrowed needles.
 Expensive, unreliable and rare HIV testing.
 Large numbers of people who either haven't heard of the disease or who
don't know how it spreads.
 Negligible AIDS education.
 And, finally, the fact that few of the life-extending medications
readily available in the West, such as protease inhibitors, are
available here.

"I don't think it's a matter of potential disaster," said Dr. Bruce
Weniger, former director of the AIDS field station of the American
Centers for Disease Control in Thailand. "The reality is it's already a
disaster."

The Burmese government, meanwhile, defends its efforts but says it
also needs help.

"The policy of the government is to try to sensitize people to this
problem and to try to solve it the best way they can, to try to face
this challenge," said Thaung Tun, deputy chief of mission at the Burmese
Embassy in Washington, D.C. "And not just AIDS but all the communicable
diseases. If it is a problem, I think the world should come to the help
of Myanmar."

One example of international cooperation is a monitoring program
commissioned by the Burmese government, working with the World Health
Organization. The report shows that at the start of 1996, up to 475,000
people were infected with HIV in Burma. The first known case of HIV in
the country was in 1988 and the first reported case of AIDS occurred in
1991.

But it's clearly not enough. For instance, among the estimated
145,000 intravenous drug users in this heroin-producing country  the
level of infection in September, 1996, was found to be between 60
percent and 65 percent.

In one town in the north of the country, Myitkyina, near an area of
large opium production, infection rates among intravenous drug users
fluctuated between 86 percent and 95 percent in the years 1993 through
1996. And the two towns that recorded the highest levels of HIV
infection in the September, 1996, survey were Tachilek and Kengtung,
both of which lie in the heart of the opium-producing Golden Triangle.

Faced with an unlimited supply of heroin and stern penalties from
the Burmese police, Burma's addicts have gone underground. Even the
international non-governmental organizations that manage to work in
these distant parts of the country find it hard to reach and educate the
addicts.

"We know where the shooting galleries are, but we can't visit them
because we'll be followed by military intelligence and all the addicts
would be arrested," said one foreign aid worker in a town where HIV
infection rates among addicts are very high.

"It's very hard to get access," the officials said. "It's very frustrating."
This attitude typifies the government's response to the AIDS crisis,
officials say. "They don't want to listen to any bad news in the
country," a Burmese doctor said. "They'd rather close their eyes."

According to international health officials in Burma, the government
funds only 25 medical professionals in the Ministry of Health's National
AIDS Program. "They are dedicated, hard-working and competent," said one
foreign doctor in Rangoon. "They're doing a lot, but they're low in manpower."

Dotted around the country are a few public health billboards that
describe how HIV is transmitted. State television also features
increasing numbers of public-service announcements about the disease.

Last year, the Burmese government began to cooperate with its
neighboring countries on AIDS education programs, said Bai Bagasao,
program development officer for the region at UN AIDS in Geneva. He
noted there was "serious thought" being put into the development of
community-based care programs in the country, but added that "it has not
really taken any dramatic leap forward."

In the face of government suspicion about their motives   -
some officials say their phones are tapped and their movements traced by
military intelligence   -  the aid organizations have to make
compromises as they seek to educate Burmese people about AIDS.

So, instead of leading government officials directly to the shooting
galleries and budget guest houses that local people say are the town's
brothels, the international officials deliver lectures and question-and-answer 
sessions about HIV at bus stops, in tea shops and at their own offices.

In one distant town on a recent afternoon, a group of 15 young men
who had walked off the street to attend the regular lecture at an
international aid office sat on benches watching an AIDS-education video
made by UNICEF. As usual, no women turned up to the lecture  -   a
result of women's submissive role in sexual relations, a Burmese doctor said.

When the video ended, the young men moved to benches in front of a
chalkboard. With the help of illustrated cards, a syringe, a condom and
a teak carving of a penis, a Burmese man explained to the young men how
best to avoid contracting HIV.

"How many of you know what AIDS is?" the man asked.

About half of the men raised their hands or said yes. When the
lecturer explained to everyone what the disease is and how it's
transmitted, many of the formerly joking young men grew somber.

"Some people think wearing two or three condoms will help," the
lecturer said. "In fact, that will only help them tear. Just use one."
    "Once you've got AIDS, can you make it go away?" asked one young
man.
"No," the lecturer said. Silence followed.

Warnings about having sex with prostitutes featured prominently in
the lecture. The survey conducted by the government and the World Health
Organization found that one in five prostitutes are infected with HIV.
Twenty-one-year-old Suki's proposition in the Rangoon nightclub is one
that is becoming increasingly common in Burma, now that the once-closed
country has opened its door to foreigners who come to conduct business,
marvel at gold-covered pagodas, and, in some cases, boost the already
burgeoning sex trade, health officials say.

"Girls, sexy girls?" a taxi driver in Mandalay asked a Newsday
reporter, who had not inquired about prostitution.

"I know where the girls are," said a Rangoon taxi driver, taking a
fare from the airport. "When the businessmen come from abroad, I need to
know where they are."

The survey estimates there are 53,600 commercial sex workers in
Burma. Many of those, health officials say, are women or girls who have
returned from working as prostitutes in Thailand, where an AIDS epidemic
swept the huge population of sex workers in the early 1990s.

In at least knowing that AIDS exists and how it is transmitted, Suki
is far ahead of many Burmese in preventing infection. The artificially
low number of reported AIDS cases signals another danger, health workers
say: People with AIDS don't necessarily seek treatment.

There are three reasons for this, health officials note. First, like
half of the young men attending the AIDS education lecture in the rural
town, many who contract the disease have no idea what AIDS is. Second,
HIV testing in Burma is primitive and expensive.

The test costs around two month's salary for an individual, said one
of the Burmese doctors, "but it's not really reliable. It's not 100
percent. To be sure you have to test three times. We have a lot of false
negatives and false positives."

On the rare occasion that a Burmese citizen who is HIV positive can
afford the three tests to discover his or her antibody status, there is
none of the follow-up care that meets westerners when they go for an HIV
antibody test.

"They are without proper counseling to help them understand the
results," the doctor said. "This is not a help to people."

The third reason that HIV-positive Burmese do not seek treatment is
simple   -   it barely exists. "It does exist somewhere in the country
for the elite but there's pretty much no access," said one American
working for an international aid organization in Burma. "I really don't
factor it into my work at all. It's irrelevant. The cost of one year's
treatment  -  say, $20,000  -  could fund a whole township's education."

If only the cash-strapped and politically restricted aid
organizations had the luxury of such a choice, officials said.

"It's a tragedy not to do anything," said one official. "It is
preventable. We know how to prevent it."

******************************************************

INDEPENDENT COMMENTARY: NE WIN, A SAVIOR...?
January 5, 1998

(BurmaNet Editor's Note: Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe, a former Shan 
armed resistance leader, is a political scientist living in Canada)

NE WIN, A SAVIOR....? --------------------------- by Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe

    It seems that some members of the overseas Burmese community were 
heartened by the appeals made to U Ne Win on the 50th anniversary of 
Burma's independence by Thakin Chit, and by a Burmese group in New York, 
to facilitate a dialogue between the NLD and SPDC, and thus "save" the 
country.  
    The thought of U Ne Win riding out on his black charger to "save" the 
country is as unappealing and as it is far-fetched. It should be clear to 
all by now that whenever U Ne Win (or his "sons", figuratively) set out 
to save the country, things always get worse, not better (except for the 
"saviors"). 
    Perhaps Thakin Chit and the band in New York are doing only what 
Burmese peasants do when they perceive that they are being harassed by an 
evil "nat" (spirit). When a village suffers some kind of misfortune, an 
offering is made to the bad "nat" thought to be responsible for the 
misfortune. It is believed that by propitiating the "nat", he will take 
pity and stop bothering the village. 
    So strong has Ne Win's imprint been etched on Burmese minds, that he 
has become a living bad "nat". It is doubtful that this "nat" will have 
any pity, or that he will set out to "save" the country instead of 
himself. 
    The people in question are, without doubt, propitiating the wrong 
"nat". Instead of appealing to U Ne Win to "save" the country, they 
should have instead appealed to General Khin Nyunt, the rising star who 
has eclipsed all his rivals, and who is, according to informed sources, 
manipulating the "Old Man". The puppet is, it seems, well on his way to 
becoming the master puppeteer.   
    It is believed that the recent ousting of powerful figures like 
Generals Kyaw Ba, Tun Kyi, Myo Nyunt, Abel, etc., and the sidelining of 
both Generals Maung Aye and Tin Oo, was accomplished via the manipulation 
by Khin Nyunt of the "Old Man's" paranoia. It seemed that Khin Nyunt had 
wanted to get rid of potential and real rivals for quite some time and 
was unable to do so, nonetheless. As usual, the "Old Man" was playing one 
general off against the other.  
    The story is that Khin Nyunt was finally able to manipulate Ne Win on 
his trip back from Jakarta. It was during the stopover in Singapore that 
Khun Nyunt is said to have produced the bank accounts (in Singaporean 
banks) of those he wished to sideline. The figures shown, in millions of 
U.S. dollars, is said to have shocked and angered the "Old Man", and the 
rest is history. 
    Those who have observed Khin Nyunt very closely maintain that he is 
now able to read the "old Man" like the back of his hand, owing to his 
long association with the latter. It is the opinion of many diplomats who 
have had dealings with Khin Nyunt, that he is a whole lot smarter than 
the "Old Man's" former protege (and unofficial heir), MIS Tin U (sacked 
in the early 1980s). Given his intelligence, and given the fact that the 
"Old Man" is in physical (and mental) decline, it is very unlikely that 
Khin Nyunt is the puppet.  
    Those who think that the country can be saved by acts of propitiation 
should instead appeal to Khin Nyunt, rather than the "Old Man".  
Undoubtedly, the latter is still very influential within the military, 
but his days are -- being a mortal man -- numbered, and his mind is not 
as nimble as it was, say, even five years ago. 
    Seriously, Khin Nyunt is the man of the moment. He is a military man, 
but one gifted with a superb feel for politics -- not unlike Thailand's 
General Prem Tinsulanonda and Indonesia's Suharto. Who he will emulate -- 
Prem or Suharto -- will very much depend on the configuration of power 
within the military and the strategic skill of the opposition, the NLD in 
particular. 
    So far, it seems that reality has not registered in the minds of the 
Burmese.  They are still fixated with the "Old Man", and has as such 
dismissed Khin Nyunt as nothing more than the "old Man's" umbrella bearer 
(which he was at one time). 
    The reality for now is that Khin Nyunt is now a major player, and he 
now holds all the important cards. It is likely, given enough time and if 
the opposition ignores him (or is passive), that he will slowly but 
surely become a Suharto, rather than a Ne Win type of dictator. 
    The key to Khin Nyunt becoming a Suharto-like military ruler lies 
in his ability to "tame" the military, and subordinate it to a new, quite 
complex power circle, made up of powerful people loyal to the 
ruler-president than to the military per se. This, of course, is easier 
said than done: it might be impossible for Khin Nyunt to "tame" the 
military, given the fact that he has been more or less an "armchair" 
soldier most of his life.    
    One can definitely say that Khin Nyunt will not -- if he can help it 
-- take the path taken by Thailand's General Prem: pushing the military 
back to the barracks and restoring democracy. However, politics is such 
that political actors are often compelled to do what they do not want to 
do, or as the case may be, not able to do what they want done.  
    Khin Nyunt's position is in many ways precarious. His move against 
"corrupt" bogyoke-wungyis (generals-ministers) have undoubtedly 
frightened and angered many top military brass -- including Military Zone 
commanders, who he has elevated to positions above the government (and 
who have built up economic empires in their fiefs). As well, a lot of 
local entreprenuers, some of them very powerful, are disgusted with Khin 
Nyunt's crackdown against their patrons, protectors, and business 
"partners". 
    The political situation is therefore very fluid. And a new element 
has been recently added to the uncertain brew. In their New Year message, 
the Shans have, unexpectedly, come out with a call for the passage of an 
amnesty law, as a first step toward dialogue and the resolution of the 
almost a decade old impasses between the military and the democratic 
opposition. 
    Amnesty is something which the military wants (or needs). But the 
problem has been that it is political "hot potato", especially for the 
democratic opposition, who knows that it is necessary, but is compelled 
to avoid mentioning it for fear of popular backlash.   
    In the interest of resolving the political impasse, and kick-starting 
the long overdue process of reconciliation, the Shan amnesty proposal 
should be seriously considered by all parties concerned. This include the 
military junta, Daw Aung San Suukyi and the NLD, and as well friend of 
both the junta and the democratic opposition, such as ASEAN leaders, 
Western governments, and especially the United Nations.

*********************************************************

INDEPENDENT COMMENTARY: SLORC TO SPDC
January 1998

(BurmaNet Editor's Note: Vum Son is a Chin academic who lives in the 
United States)

The change of name from SLORC to the SPDC came because of the complaints
from Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Lee Kuan Yew was upset with the SLORC in
Rangoon because of the corruption and mismanagement by the general because
every investment by Singaporeans in Burma had lost money.  SLORC ministers
openly demanded money from investors. Lt. Gen. Tun Kyi, for example
demanded one hundred thousand kyats for seeing anybody. They have to give
the money just to say hello.  

The U Ne Win trip to Indonesia to visit the tomb of General Suharto's wife
was only an excuse. The main reason for Ne Win's  travel was to meet Lee
Kuan Yew, who had strongly complained to Ne Win.  Many Asean leaders do not
communicate with SLORC generals because they knew that Ne Win is running
the affairs of SLORC.  That is why important SLORC delegations were
accompanied by Dr. Sanda Win,  representing her father.  Without Sanda Win
Asean leaders would not take SLORC delegations seriously.

Ne Win stopped over in Singapore with the excuse to have a medical check
up.  In reality Ne Win had a conference with Lee Kuan Yew.  Then they
looked into the Bank accounts of Burmese government officials including the
bank accounts of cabinet ministers.  Ne Win took the lists of Burmese high
ranking officers who has over five thousand US dollars.in Singapore banks
and showed it to Khin Nyunt..  

Ne Win asked Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt to fire all those officers. There were
many Director Generals who lost their jobs together with SLORC ministers
and their proteges.  Of course those who were directly appointed to their
positions by Ne Win himself were exempt.  This included the four top
generals, and Ne Win proteges such as Ohn Gyaw and Abel.    The change of
name to State Peace and Development Council was ordered by Ne Win and Khin
Nyunt put together the members of the SPDC. 

Vum Son

******************************************************

NCGUB(COMM. CTR): ARREST OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT WORKERS 
IN MAESOD 
January 7, 1998

It has now been more than a month since the Thai authorities have been
arresting illegal immigrant workers in Maesod township. Beginning from the
past few days,  authorities have stepped up the arrest. This morning
(January 7,1998), the police and border police troops began the arrest at 4
a.m. in some areas, with house to house searches, after setting up a
cordon. The  activities went on until 10 a.m.

Normally, the Burmese arrested are taken to the immigration office for
registration and then  to the half-way point on the Thai-Burma Friendship
Bridge. Soon after the Thai authorities turned their back, it is not
unusual to see about half of the deportees to hurry back to the Thai
immigration office near the bridge and get the passes to Maesod. 
 
	Those who return to the other side are normally refused entry by the
Burmese soldiers manning the check-point and, as a result, most of them
have to sneak back into Thai territory. 

	The Thai authorities have now taken more drastic action against those who
try to flee. A young woman was seen beaten by Thai police this morning for
the attempt. 

	The arrests taking place this morning were areas around Maesod market and
places where the Muslim community is predominant. Those arrested from
houses could take only a few of their possessions with them. It is said
that the Thai police confiscated some of the belongings carried by those
arrested. The number arrested today was about 700.
 
  COMMUNICATION  CENTER  IN  THAILAND

***********************************************************

THE NATION: ASEAN PASSES THE BATON: FROM DHARSONO TO SEVERINO
January 8, 1998  (abridged)

Inside Southeast Asia/Andreas Harsono

Once considered a minor position, the Asean secretary-general's post changed
drastically in 1992 after the decision of Asean leaders to restructure the
secretariat and give its chief a broader mandate.

Among other changes, the post, which carries a five-year term, was elevated
to ministerial status, and the office has the mandate to initiate, advise,
coordinate and implement Asean activities.

New Asean secretary-general Rodolfo Severino Jr, a holder of a post-graduate
degree from Washington-based John Hopkins School of Advanced International
Studies, is the 10th Asean secretary-general, although he is only the second
with ministerial status.

Severino was stationed in Washington (1967-1974), Beijing (1976-1978) and
Texas (1979-1986). The seasoned diplomat served as the Philippine ambassador
to Malaysia (1989-1992) before returning to the foreign office in Manila. He
was the under-secretary of foreign affairs for policy, overseeing all
Asean-related matters, among others.

Among Asean secretaries, H R Dharsono, the first secretary-general, was
perhaps the most controversial figure. The retired Indonesian general helped
President Suharto rise to power in the 1960s. But Dharsono became an
outspoken government critic after completing his Asean job. He joined the
Petition 50, a loose forum of influential Indonesian officials and retired
generals, which has consistently criticised the Suharto administration.

Dharsono was jailed for seven years for inciting an anti-government riot in
1984 and was released in 1990. Observers, however, said that he was not
guilty and that he was jailed because of his political work. Dharsono died
in June 1996.

Anwar said Asean usually requires its secretary-general to refrain from
being involved in politics of member countries. Severino, perhaps, has
learned from Dharsono's experience. When asked whether he was going to open
a channel of communication with Burmese opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi,
he smiled and quipped, "The Asean secretary-general is not suposed to comment
on politics."

ANDREAS HARSONO is The Nation's Jakarta correspondent.

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BKK POST: HUNDREDS OF TROOPS SENT TO SIT-IN SITE
January 8, 1998  (abridged)
by WASSANA NANUAM and CHAKRIT RIDMONTRI

PROTESTERS PLEDGE TO STAY IN FOREST

A 200-strong army unit has been  sent to the area where
conservationists are trying to block the laying of the
Thai-Burmese gas pipeline. 

Army chief Chettha Thanajaro said the troops, from the 9th
Infantry Division, had been deployed in Thong Pha Phum district
at the request of PM's Office Minister Supatra Masdit.

The troops from the Kanchanaburi-based division were there to
maintain order and prevent clashes between opponents and
proponents of the project, said Gen Chettha. They would be
strictly neutral.

The unit deployed at the pipeline  site will operate as the
Rattawuth task force and include intelligence personnel.

Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai, also defence minister, had asked
Khunying Supatra to make sure the two sides would not clash. He
also wanted Deputy Prime Minister Suvit Khunkitti to ask Industry
Minister Somsak Thepsuthin to help create understanding between
them.

However, a military source said the army wanted the pipeline laid
on the original route and completed in time. "The army adheres
mainly to the country's interest," he said.

Mr Chuan said he wanted a settlement that would satisfy both the
Petroleum Authority of Thailand, the owner of the project, and
conservationist groups.

He was unaware he had been named along with the PTT and former
prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh in a negligence action in
which they are accused of keeping the public in the dark about
the project.

In October last year, the Chavalit administration approved PTT
moves to-lay the pipeline through first-class watershed areas in
violation of a July 9, 1997 cabinet resolution banning any use of
such areas.

Pipeline opponents staging a sit-in at the site insist they will
continue in spite of the presence of troops.

Phibhop Dhongchai, one of their  leaders, doubted there would be
trouble because the opponents have the right to protest in peace.
But he expressed bewilderment the government should turn to the
military to safeguard the area when responsibility should rest
with the police.

Surapon Duangkhae, deputy chief of Wildlife Fund Thailand, said
the government would be cast in a negative light for sending
troops to solve a conflict between civilians. He believed the
soldiers were sent to facilitate construction work.

However, Songkiert Tansamrit, PTT public relations director, said
the troops were being deployed in line with an agreement between
the PTT and the Banharn Silpa-archa administration to safeguard
the forest section between Thong Pha Phum and Sai Yok districts.

Opponents accuse the PTT of lying about the contract it signed
with the gas drilling consortium in Burma.

The state-owned PTT has consistently said it is liable to a daily
fine of 40 million baht if the project is delayed and that there
are no exceptional clauses.

But an adviser to the Forum of the Poor said the contract states
the project may be delayed or suspended without penalty in case
of force majeure, which includes natural disaster, sabotage or civil disputes.

Mr Songkiert admitted to the existence of the clause but said the
contractual counterpart had to agree that the  PTT or government
was unable to handle the situation in the event of force majeure. 

******************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW ENGLAND BURMA ROUNDTABLE / JANUARY 1998
January 8, 1998  (abridged)

FIRST ROUNDTABLE OF THE YEAR: TUESDAY, JANUARY 13TH 
6.30PM TO 8.30 PM

Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
130 Prospect Street, Cambridge
(close to the Central Square T on the red line)

This month's Roundtable will feature presentations by Shalini Nataraj of
the Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) and state rep. Byron
Rushing. 

Shalini Nataraj will talk about her recent visit to the border areas of
Thailand and Burma. She will lead a discussion of how we in New England can
better support the work of those on the Thailand-Burma border.

State rep. Byron Rushing will talk about the recent threat by the European
Commission (EC) and Japan to take the Massachusetts Burma law to a dispute
panel of the World Trade Organization. He will also talk about his proposal
for a dialogue between the EC, Japan, Massachusetts and representatives of
the Burmese democracy movement.

For directions to the UUSC, call the office at (617) 868-6600.  

BURMA LAW UPDATE: CAMBRIDGE, SOMERVILLE & NOW VERMONT!

Somerville Alderwoman Grace Abruzzio has introduced a Burma selective
purchasing ordinance in Somerville, modeled after the Quincy law. 
Cambridge activists are in the process of meeting with city council
members. Vermont state rep. Mary Sullivan (D, Burlington) will introduce a 
Burma bill in the Vermont legislature early next week. This bill stands a good
chance of being passed before the Vermont legislature adjourns in mid-April. 

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