A brief History of Students' Moveme

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A Brief History of Students' Movements in Burma

Student movements in Burma have always been connected to the politics of
Burma.  Students' movements have historically been linked to popular
struggles and democratic ideology, such as in the anti-colonial struggle,
the anti-fascist movement, the movement for national independence, internal
peace and reconciliation, and the struggle against military dictatorship.
students' movements in Burma continue to  be an important element in the
peoples' struggles. If we study the students' movements throughout history,
we can learn about the political climate of each era.  Active students'
participation in a certain phase witnessed an amelioration of the political
situation in that phase.  

The political involvement of people can be gauged by the momentum of student
movements.  In other words, the demands of students are not restricted to
educational issues. Student's demands represent the needs and the voices of
the entire populace.  In particular, students unions like the All Burma
Students Union (BA KA THA), which leads the entire student population, the
Rangoon Universities Students Union (TA KA THA), and the Rangoon District
Students Union (YA KA THA), not only represent students, but also consider
national needs. Students unions always stand on the side of the people
wherever and whenever there is a conflict between the oppressors and the
oppressed.  This is an admired tradition of the students.  The love of this
student tradition, a commitment to truth, the tenacity of student beliefs,
and the sacrifice for such beliefs are known and accepted by every student
as student ethics or 'peacock morals'. Our proud student tradition, along
with understanding and friendly relations with ethnic groups is called the
union spirit.  Students movements have roots in the first general strike,
which occurred in 1920, during the era of British colonial rule. 

Before British rule, under the ruling authority of the Burmese monarchy,
there was no state-sponsored educational system for people.  At that time
monastic education was the only option.  Scientific studies, as we know them
today, did not exist. Only the princes had a chance to study the ancient
scriptures, laws, administrations, medicine and social studies.  These
studies were often far removed from the concerns of ordinary people.  During
the Kaunbaung Dynasty, only princes were given the opportunity to study
abroad.  Only the royal elite were active in international relations.
Moreover, due to the strict prohibitions of  feudal lords, ordinary Burmese
had very little access to modern technology.  During the industrial
revolution, Burma, under an absolute monarchy, lagged far behind the
accelerated pace of modernization elsewhere. On January 1, 1886, Burma was
occupied by Britain and declared a colony of the British Empire. 

Under British colonial rule, the Burmese economy, culture and education
system were mere tools of the imperialistic administration.  It could be
said that the education system improved due to the administrative change
from feudalism to colonialism.  However, education was designed to support
colonial rule.  From the beginning of  British colonial rule, Burmese people
manifested their desire for independence . They also made efforts to
establish their own national educational system. The first students' strike
in 1920 was the beginning of the mass rejection of the colonial education
system and the establishment of a national education system. Simultaneously,
the students' movement sought to overthrow colonial ideals, thus arousing
the national spirit. This movement had its root in the students'
dissatisfaction with the Rangoon University Act, which they felt would limit
access to  higher education to the privileged few. National schools, geared
towards a national education system, were established as a result of the
strike. The strike won great support from the people.  This strike was not
merely a struggle for a better education system, it was also oriented
towards national independence.  The student council declaration of December
11, 1920 announced that the ultimate goal of national education is national
independence and freedom from the yoke of British imperialism.  From the
first students' strike, the National Education Council was formed by
strikers, students, townspeople, and nationalist leaders.  The day the
first national strike started has been commemorated as Burma's National Day
ever since.

Before 1926, there was no students' union in Rangoon University.  In 1931,
the Rangoon University Students' Union was formed, but it was controlled by
sycophantic, pro-British students.  The majority of the executive members of
TA KA THA did not represent the will of the students.  Unhappy with the
situation, student leaders Ko Aung San, Ko Nu, Ko Kyaw Nyein, Ko Thein Pe,
Ko Ohn, and others took part in the Ta Ka Ta elections. During the 1935-36
Rangoon University Students' Union election, the pro-British candidates
favored by the university administrative council lost the election and
student leaders with strong national spirit won seats in the TA KA THA.  In
February,1936, Ko Nu, the chairperson of TA KA THA, and Ko Aung San, the
editor of OWAY Journal were dismissed from the university.  Incensed by the
expulsions, students joined the second university students strike, led by TA
KA THA.  Three months after the strike, the First Students Conference was
held on May 8, 1936.  From this concerence, BA KA THA (Bama Naingngan
Longsangya Kyaoungthamya Thamagga), the All Burma Students' Union was
formed.  The frist chairperson was Ko Yarship and the deputy chairperson was
Ko Aung San. 
 
After the emergence of the Dohbama Asiayone (Our Burma Association) which is
a prominent political organization in the history of Burma's independence,
student leaders Ko Nu, Ko Aung San, and Ko Ba Hein had contact with its
members and the students movements became increasingly connected to broader
political movements.  Political awareness grew among the student populace,
which in turn contributed to the momentum of the national movement. In this
way, students took part in a great movement called the Year of the
Revolution or the 1300 Movement. The great movement took place in 1938, at
the same time as the Third Students' Strike. Simultaneously, oil field
workers were beginning a long march of protest to Rangoon.  The oil workers
were blocked in Magwe, and many of the workers' leaders were arrested. To
lead the workers' strike, Dohbama Asiayone chose the following men: Thakin
Soe, Thakin Pe Than, Thakin Tun Khin  and Thakin Htein Win.  Together with
these leaders, student leaders Ko Ba Hein (chairperson), and Ko Ba Swe were
also chosen. In this way , students' unions as well as student leaders were
involved in the nationalist movements.

In the struggle for the independence of Burma, the political struggle of
nationalists was not enough.  Armed struggle was also necessary. Student
leaders have held this view ever since the anti-colonial struggles.
Moreover, it was accepted that there must be a party or an alliance which
could offer the proper guidance and clear policy. Students  learned this
lesson from the 1300 Year Movement. Under the guidance of TA KA THA, the
students' force was viewed as an amateur force.  In 1940, leaflets and
instructions  were distributed and preparations were made for the creation
of an underground students' union. Politically active students began to take
part in underground organizations together with other political groups and
armed organizations which were working to overthrow imperialism. Student
leaders Ko Aung San, Ko Ba Hein, Ko Thein Pe and Ko Nu played roles in the
nationalist movement, as national leaders, people's leaders and leaders of
the armed forces. 

TA KA THA took part in the First Student Youth Festival, held in 1946 by the
International Student Union.  In 1947, in the executive members of TA KA THA
held a special meeting, where they passed a political declaration in which
they set out their goals: to obtain absolute freedom, to hold a referendum,
and to seek unity among the organizations. This declaration voiced the
wishes of the populace. In this way, the student's chapter was distinct
amongst nationalist fighters.  After gaining independence, students went on
fighting for freedom of education and improved national education.
Moreover, students had worked hard for the  country's internal peace, and
unity among the nationalities.  In July, 1948, a BA KA THA conference was
held and educational demands and ten nationalist proposals were made to the
AFPFL (the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League) government. In August 1948,
student meetings were held at the Shwedagon pagoda and the struggle for
democratic education continued.  In 1949, the political situation became
complicated, therefore a students meeting was called by the TA KA THA.
During this meeting, the actions of the current government were severely
denounced.  In February 1949, students merged with civil servants during  a
general strike. The government cracked down on the students, and many
student leaders of BA KA THA, TA KA THA, and  YA KA THA  were captured.  The
rest of the leaders went underground. Some joined armed groups, and the
student unions  nearly collapsed.

In 1950, secret meetings were held in an effort to revitalize the student
unions.  TA KA THA was reorganized.  In 1951, despite the atmosphere of
oppression and the dissent sowed by the government crackdown, students
banded together to form the BA KA THA, in English, All Burma  Federation of
Student Unions(ABFSU). 

BA KA THA Central Committee members were active in both education reform and
in peaceful campaigns for national democracy. The central committee
announced a declaration of national unity and internal peace.  Angered, the
government used force to crack down on the students again and attempted to
created dissent among the students.  In 1952-53, pro-government students
tried to penetrate the student unions as Democratic Students Organization
(DSO).  However, students were aware of the government's motives and opposed
the government's attempt to intervene.

In October, 1953, the BA KA THA  Central committee and TA KA THA and YA KA
THA united to encourage ethnic students and students in other universities
to join the strike.  At the same time, they accelerated the momentum of the
struggle for the rights of the students and freedom of education. The
government again severely suppressed the students, labeling them as
insurgents and rebels. Many students were injured, student leaders were
arrested and some became outlaws.  30 students were expelled from university
forever. But the ABFSU struggled on and led the student movement holding
three flags: democracy, internal peace and national unity.

Amid these difficulties, in January, 1954, the BA KA THA Central committee
convened the Third Students Conference, and new committee members were added
for those lost to the crackdown and the struggle went on.  They demanded an
end to the civil war, a reduction of army expenditures, and materialization
of democratic education. They also urged political parties to resolve their
political problems through dialogue.  In January 1956, during the Second
Conference of all universities, an appeal for a total ceasefire in the civil
warfare.  The students easily related to the people's movements for peace.

In March 1956, a student strike broke out due to the leakage of the 7th
Standard final examination questions.  The authorities used force to crack
down on the strike, and Herry Tan, a 7th Standard student lost his life
while many other young students were wounded.  BA KA THA Central committee
and the rest of the student unions denounced the actions of the authorities.
Many students were arrested.  Such student movements like the struggle for
the rights of students, the political campaign were in a position to lead
the above ground people's movements.  The ideology of the students
represented people's ideas and it was in accord with the ideology of the
opposition organizations. 

Consequently,  the authorities increased pressure on the students and told
the students that unions would be abolished within 30 days, and Student
Councils would take their place.  The authorities attempted to enforce their
will in October, 1956.  However, because of the students unity, standing and
people's support, the governement effort failed.  In August 1958, all the
student unions joined together to hold an educational  conference. At that
conference, important issues included achieving freedom of education,
understanding the current education system, and addressing necessary reform
measures. Agreements were reached.  In September 1958, the BA KA THA Central
committee passed a declaration on the military's takeover of the government
and voiced the people's feelings. After Bo Ne Win's army took power as a
caretaker government, it tried to gain firm control over the universities.
In 1959, changes in the University Acts were made to abolish the University
Council. The leader of BA KA THA was captured and sent to Coco island. Many
student leaders were arrested and thus the student union had to stand
somewhat like an underground organization.

In 1960, the Sixth BA KA THA Conference was held and students were
reorganized. From that conference, the 5 policies for students unions were
issued with the approval of the entire student body.
  
In 1961, a great struggle to bring reform to the existing deteriorating
education system was in full swing.  On June 26, 1961, the central committee
which was working to alleviate the  suffering of the students, led the
students body by making  4 demands to the government. On July 14, 1961, more
than 3000 students went on strike under the guidance of  the Mandalay
District Student Union.  On July 21, 1961, under the leadership of BA KA THA
Central committee, students and other people from all  over the country,
took part in the strike. In September 1961, a conference for the students
unions was held and planning was drawn, policies and strategies were drawn.
Open discussions on establishing national education, abolishing the existing
unsystematic education as well as the violation of democratic codes by the
AFPFL government were made. Moreover, the discussion included establishment
of national conciliation and economy which are the prerequisites for
education. After that, Rangoon 5 districts strike was started and the battle
began. 

In 1962, after the coup by Bo Ne Win's military group, the dictators tried
to demolish and control the students because of their long tradition of
political activism. In their attempts, the Rangoon University Act was
terminated and Students Council was abolished.  In this way, all the freedom
of education which students had enjoyed before came to an end.  Strict
hostel rules were imposed and disturbances were done to the existence of
students union.  So, the BA KA THA central committee together with TA KA THA
continued the fight for the rights of the students. They had already
denounced officially the coup d'etat of Bo Ne Win's group. The military
government did its utmost  to crush the students' movement and thus wipe out
the role of students. On July 2, 1962, the headquarters of Rangoon
University was blocked and student leaders were rounded up. Students went on
strike that evening. The army fired guns into the students and hundreds of
students were slaughtered.  Many more students were injured.  The dead and
wounded students were taken away and executed. Many students went missing
without any trace.  The worst act came the next morning.  At 6 o'clock on
July 8, 1962 morning, the military dictators dynamited the  historic and
respected Students' Union building calling it the headquarters of rebels.
Students unions had to function secretly ever since that time.  On that day,
the cruelty of Bo Ne Win's military dictatorship was highlighted by the
sacrifice of so many students' lives.  

Under the military dictatorship, not only the democratic rights of the
entire populace were denied, but the rights of students and freedom of
education completely disappeared.  Students suffered a lot under the
education system of military government.  The national economy, culture and
politics faced crisis as the education system deteriorated. Students unions
did not dare to work openly and could only function as underground
organizations.  However, the students movements never stopped even under the
severe pressure of the military government.

In 1964, students took an active role in the people's peace movements. It
was accepted that to pursue peaceful education, there must be national
reconciliation and the cessation  of civil war. In 1969, students held a
demonstration to highlight the condition of Burma under military
dictatorship.  It was ignited by the fact that only the army people could
participate in the Southeast Asia Games, 1969.  In the June 1974 Workers'
Strike, students not only supported but also fought together with the
workers.  In December 1974, students were angry with the way military
government treated the death of U Thant, the Secretary General of the United
Nations.  This military government never gave a place nor recognized the
educated people and those leaders who did not support them. When U Thant
passed away, instead of holding a state funeral, he was buried normally in a
cemetery in order to downplay the important role U Thant had played abroad.
On the day of the funeral, the coffin of U Thant was seized by the students,
who then held their own funeral for him in the Rangoon University Campus.
Then, the students asked for a suitable site to bury U Thant, but their
request was ignored.  So, the students entombed U Thant in the university
campus.   Public speeches explaining the act of military government were
held and the strike continued. The military rounded up the whole university
campus and indiscriminately massacred the students who were holding a
peaceful demonstration. The memorial building where U Thant lied was
unearthed by a bulldozer and the coffin was taken back. Many students were
arrested, sentenced to long terms of imprisonment and dismissed from the
university.        

In 1976, in the ceremony held to commemorate the centenary of Sayagyi Thakin
Kodaw Hmine's birth, the students marched and paid respect to the national
peace leader.  The demonstration was to ask for the end of the civil wars
and the start of a national reconciliation process which Thakin Kodaw Hmine
had longed for.  Many students were arrested and many students went
underground. One of the student leaders, Ko Tin Maung Win, was sentenced to
death.  He was the first student who was officially hanged by the military
government.. 

In November 1987, when the military government announced the demonetisation
of 75 kyat bank notes, the entire populace suffered tremendous economic
hardship.  Students held a strike on this account.  However, because of the
great pressure exerted by the dictatorship, the students population could
not organize very well.

In March 1988, once again students were up against the military regime's
lawless actions, and they were severely crashed.  Ko Phone Maw and Ko Soe
Naing from Rangoon Institute of Technology were killed instantly.  The event
was covered up and false information was given through the tightly
controlled media.  The students were outraged, and a new strike began.  On
March 16, the students who were marching were trapped near the Inya Lake and
beaten to death. The dead and injured students were dumped aboard  the
trucks, and more than 60 students died from suffocation.  When the
universities once again opened in June 1988, the students denounced  the
brutality of the riot police and the present situation of the country under
military dictatorship. On June 21, 1988, the students marching towards the
city  was blocked near Myenigone ( about half way to the city center) and
beaten and fired at.  Many high school students were injured.  The public
was enraged with such brutality against the peaceful young demonstrating
students. Thus the public joined the students in their fight against the
government.  So, all schools and universities were closed and martial law
was declared.  At that time, the students union which had been working
underground appeared again among the people.  The declaration that Min Ko
Naing was now the chairperson of ABFSU was spread among the people, and a
call was made for a nation-wide general strike to be initiated on the August
8, 1988. 

Together with ABFSU, there appeared another students organization called All
Burma Students Democratic Organization (Ma ka da). That organization also
made preparations for the 8888 general strike.  3 days before  8888,
students were marching around Rangoon.  On 8888, the entire populace was on
the streets marching and shouting slogans.  On that very night, the army
opened fire indiscriminately on the strikers in front of the City Hall.
Hundreds of people were killed. Bo Ne Win, the leader of the BSPP (The Burma
Socialist Programme Party) avoided responsibility for the incident. 

On August 28, 1988, an All Burma Students Unions conference was held and
ABFSU was officially established with Ko Min Ko Naing, as chairperson and Ko
Moe Thi Zun as general secretary.  At the same time, various students unions
such as MA KA THA (All Myamma Students Union), YA KA THA (Rangoon
Universities Student Union), Rangoon Institute of Technology Student Union,
Institute of Medicine Student Union, High School Student Union, Rangoon
District Students Union, were formed according to respective universities or
regions. These student unions worked together with other people's
organizations on matters of local security and administration. To be able to
reorganize the various students unions which took different forms and
perspective, a committee which consisted of 119 students leaders from these
unions were formed during that time. 

On September 18,1988, the military group within the BSPP staged a coup
d'etat and took over the power under the name of SLORC (the State Law and
Order Restoration Council).  Mass rallies took place in opposition to the
coup. Many students and monks were slaughtered.  Thousands of people died
again.  Many students and people went underground. 

In this situation, the newly reorganized students union faced a great
challenge.  Student movements were prohibited and controlled.  Many student
leaders had to go hiding. On the other hand, the students became highly
spirited. At that time, the student union held a meeting to decide what
their positions, strategies, and tactics should be.  The outcome was to
divide the students forces into 3 groups.  It was also agreed that  the
ultimate goal for students union was to abolish military dictatorship and
the last resource was armed struggle.  To face the SLORC from the political
front, a political party which had its base on students must be established.
To represent the entire student populace, a students union which had its
base on the students must be formed secretly and function as an underground
organization.  To lead student movements, a student army must be  built up.
These are the decisions made in the meeting. The student leaders divided up
the responsibilities to lead the three groups of students towards their goal.  

On October 14, DPNS (the Democratic Party for  New Society) was formed under
the leadership  of ABFSU general secretary Ko Moe Thi Zon. and some student
leaders.  In November 1988, ABSDF (the All-Burma Students' Democratic Front)
was established in the armed forces area. ABFSU( All-Burma Federation of
Student Unions) continued its movements under the guidance of Min Ko Naing,
the chairperson. In 1989, many above ground student movements were activated
under the guidance of DPNS and ABFSU.  

On the other hand, there were many instances of dissension among the
students, which were created by SLORC. The inexperienced students had to
face difficult problems. There were so many students unions which were
formed according to universities such as Rangoon Institute of Technology
Students Union, Institute of Medicine Students Union, Rangoon University
Students Union, and student unions which were formed according to schools
such as Rangoon District Students Union, High School Students Union,
students unions which were formed according to regions such as All-Burma
Students Union (Upper Burma), Central Region Students Union.  In 1989, a
student organization which called itself All-Burma Students Union Reforming
Committee appeared with the consent of SLORC.  However, it was severely
denounced by the students.  The students found it difficult to work together
because of the closure of all schools and universities and the great
pressure which the SLORC  had exerted on the students.  However, in every
student movement, various levels of committees were formed and they were
mainly led by ABFSU. 

DPNS became the second largest political party while trying to reconcile the
dispersed students unions.  This had shaken and frightened the SLORC. The
leading role played by ABFSU became widespread and it could organize the
student population.  At the same time, the students army (ABSDF) worked
together with the armed ethnic groups' resistance organizations and thus
could resist the military oppression of the SLORC.  While such students'
movements were gaining momentum, Min Ko Naing, the chairperson of ABFSU was
arrested in early 1989.  Because the SLOCRC was seeking after Ko Moe Thi
Zon, the chairperson of DPNS, he had to flee to the armed forces area, where
he joined and led All Burma Student's Democratic Front (ABSDF). Early that
year, All-Burma Students Unions conference was held in Mandalay. In 1989,
many students leaders were arrested and sentenced to long terms of
imprisonment. 

In 1990, each students union tried to reunite the dispersed students forces
and to reform the leaderless students unions central committee. so in Upper
Burma, ABFSU Central Committee (Upper Burma) was established.  In April
1990, ABFSU Central Committee (Lower Burma) was formed.  In June 1990, an
ABFSU conference was held in Mandalay with the cooperation of Upper and
Lower students unions. From that, the Central Committee of ABFSU(Burma)
could be formed. Also a central organization committee could be formed to
promote the organizational movement and to control the students' movement.

Regarding the 1990 May Election  as an opportunity to show people's will,
students tried to organize the people not to divide the votes. Preparation
was made to contest in the election.  At the same time, the All-Burma Youth
Unions Central Committee, Workers Union, Young Monks Association and All
Burma Federation of Student Unions, four organizations were combined and
formed a front called National Democratic revolutionary Front( NDRF).  After
that, many people's movements were ignited in various towns.  For that
cause, in December 1990, many student leaders were arrested and sent to
jail. At the same time, many leaders of DPNS were arrested.  The
accelerating political movements  were crashed by the SLORC. Many political
parties were abolished. DPNS could no longer stand as an official
organization and so had to move to the armed forces area. 

Students movements became less active because of the SLORC's oppression and
annihilation on the students forces and political forces.  On December 10,
1991, in the demonstration which demanded the freedom of Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, many student leaders were arrested and
put in prison.  Because there was not enough preparation, the student
movement was easily crushed by SLORC and it was difficult to get contact
among the students.  However, in 1992 when the universities reopened,
students unions shared the responsibilities of challenging the military
dictatorship and revitalizing democratic student movements.  Those who had
worked in various students unions met together and the Central Executive
Committee (Temporary) was formed.  Many activities including refusal of
SLORC's artificial national convention were launched. So, some students were
arrested and some leaders had to flee to the armed forces area.  In 1993,
the remaining student leaders reorganized  and stood as the ABFSU Central
Organizing Committee(COC). Oway journal and newsletters of the students
unions were published. A dialogue for national reconciliation among the
various ethnic groups was proposed to various political forces,
organizations, unions and individuals. 

In 1995, after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from house arrest, the
political forces quickly activated and students' movements revitalized
again.  Even under the close watch of SLORC's military intelligence service,
students could organize among the related groups.  Many students unions
sprouted not only ABFSU(COC) but also there were ABFSU Central Executive
Committee, ABFSU Central Information Committee, ABFSU(Upper Burma) and
Rangoon University Students Union and many others. DPNS  was also active as
an underground organization. 

When the student forces are united, the students' active participation
geared towards the same direction, towards the common goal.  In this way, in
December, 1996, the strike for the students' rights exploded.  It spread not
only to all the universities in Rangoon, but to universities in the
provincial towns.  In this movement, the students demanded the official
standing of students unions which had to exist as an underground
organization for nearly 30 years.  The military regime, as usual, accused
the students movement of being under the wing of the Communist Party of
Burma and closed all the schools and universities again.  Many students
union  leaders were followed and arrested.  Many students were sent to
prison. ABFSU Central Committee (Central Organizing Committee) was crushed.
Some student leaders escaped to the armed forces area.  Nonetheless, this
very December students' movement pin-pointed that however hard the SLORC
tried to crush the students, the revolutionary spirit of students will never
die out and it would be passed on from one generation to the next.  A
committee which will safeguard the rights of the students (which is the
outcome of the December students' movement) can unite the entire student
population.  Students' movements which originated in 1920 have been emerging
until December 1996 without any intervals. These struggles will also exist
until the fulfillment of the students' demand for educational  and national
requirements.

In conclusion, students' movements in Burma can always highlight the
conditions of the populace.  It is natural that those dictator governments
which are against the wills of the people must always be frightened of the
students' movements.  Such governments always regarded the students unions
as enemies and attacked and put to an end. To disunite the students,
dissension was created and military supporters were introduced into the
students bodies. To separate the students from the public, false propaganda
was spread.  To minimize the importance of students movements , to distort
the direction and to halt the motion of each students' movement, all means
of indoctrination, seduction and  oppression were used.  Generations after
generations of students were slaughtered, brutally tortured, imprisoned,
dismissed.  Because of lawless actions, students could no longer stay where
they were and had to retreat to the forest and take up arms.

Students movements in Burmese history are not goal-less struggles.  They
were first geared towards the abolition of colonial education.  They had
demanded freedom of education.  They had requested National Independence.
They had fought for democracy.  They had aimed at bringing about an end to
civil war. They had worked for national reconciliation.  They had aimed for
the destruction of military dictatorship.  Consequently, students' movements
are not mere students' affairs, nor educational requests only.  Every
students' movement is part of the people's struggles.  Students will always
stand for the everlasting truth and the entire nation. This is the
never-betraying, respected tradition of the students. Therefore, students'
movements in Burma are the wings of the Burmese people's struggles for freedom.
  
Thar Nyunt Oo,
Ingjin Naing.
(October,1997)
DPNS