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The game rules in Burma: There are



FORMULAS FOR THE FUTURE/ Aung San Suu Kyi
 The game rules in Burma: There are no rules

Special to Asahi Shimbun

It has been remarked by journalists that never elsewhere have they come
across such vicious attacks carried out by the state media against a single
individual as takes place in Burma.

The newspapers controlled by the military regime (which calls our country
Myanmar) regularly print articles vilifying me. There are times when such
articles run daily for months without respite. Periodically, some of these
articles are collected and brought out in book form. These books are, of
course widely advertised by the government controlled press.

As a normal, non-masochistic human being, I get no particular thrill out of
such attacks but I find them less disconcerting than articles or speeches
that attribute me with vaguely saintlike qualities.

To be criticized and attacked is an occupational hazard for politicians. To
be praised and idealized is also an occupational hazard and much the less
desirable of the two. As one of the drafters of the Constitution of India,
that living throbbing, impossible miracle of Asian democracy, succinctly
noted: "Hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual
dictatorship."

Hero-worship degrading
He was probably thinking of the degradation of democracy, but hero-worship
is degrading for those who worship as well as for those who are worshiped. A
hero is an imagined crystal figurine with no place among the suffering of
this earth, an unreal demigod who is not allowed human self-doubts or
vulnerability.

A hero worshiper is one who has not acquired the necessary breadth of vision
to understand that there can be no strength without weakness, no triumph
without failure. There is no room for hero-worship in a true political
struggle made up of human beings grappling
with human problems.

Most of us who are engaged in dissident politics have to leaven political
idealism with a practical down-to-earth approach that is free from illusion.
We know that we are not engaged in a party game with prizes for those who
follow the rules and come out best. In fact, we know that there are no set
rules, especially none that will protect us.

Neither are there guidelines to help us survive such a state of constant
uncertainly and danger. We simply cope as best we can within the limits of
our capabilities, knowing full well that, suddenly and without warning, the
fabric of our existence could be ripped apart by that iron-masked,
myriad-limbed monster known as the authorities.

What is it that we are struggling for? with what some might view as sheer
cussedness?in the face of such unrelenting persecution?

It is for the right to be recognized and treated as human beings with human
dignity and human needs, human frailties and human strengths. The nobility
of the cause in which we believe helps us to overcome our individual
weaknesses, to fire our human clay to a hard ness that can withstand the
pummeling of political fortune.

When I am asked what sustains me in the dark nights of the political soul, I
am inclined to answer: "understanding compassion, friendship." This is
perhaps not the kind of answer the questioners want. Perhaps they would
rather hear about mysterious inner resources, some wonderful inspiration
some memorable experience that gives us the strength to withstand the
hardships of the human lot. But our powers of endurance are slowly and
painfully developed through repeated encounters with adversity.

And often we emerge from these encounters as from a darkling wood by holding
on to the kindly hands of true friends whose concern for us cannot be doubted.
It is through unity of purpose that we give each other the necessary
support to see us safely through the worst of times and the best of times.

This support comes not only from our own fellow strugglers and sufferers but
from those who have the heart and the intellect to realize that our cause is
the cause of all who believe in the sacred principles of justice and liberty.

We have never hesitated to acknowledge our appreciation for help received
from friends across the globe. We accept that it is chiefly the
responsibility of the people of Burma to win victory in our fight for
democracy and human rights, but it is not exclusively our fight. It is the
fight of all who have the courage to care for issues beyond their frontiers,
who are not afraid to admit that their imaginations are captured by faraway
baffles and their emotions stirred by distant troubles.

It is the fight of those who understand that the battle of the weak for
justice and liberty is the baffle for the supremacy of right over might.

The fundamental rights that those who live in democratic societies take for
granted?the right to free speech and expression, the right to free
association, the right to be deemed innocent until proven guilty in a fair
and open trial, the right to elect their own govern ment?these rights were
acquired through the endeavors and sacrifices of the pioneers of liberal,
liberating movements. To be complacent about or indifferent to such rights
is to risk losing them through gradual erosion.

Rights under threat
The full value of democratic rights becomes evident only when they have been
lost, as one appreciates the importance of good health only when one no
longer possesses it.

Democratic rights everywhere are threatened whenever injustice and
absolutism are allowed to be spawned anywhere on our globe.

Democracy is not a perfected nor even a perfectible system; it is a
continuous process of endeavor based on the conviction that man is worthy
and capable of enjoying and preserving the basic rights to both freedom and
security. It is not an ideology invented by and for Western nations; it is a
movement of the human spirit that spans national frontiers and cultural
barriers. It is not a disposable alternative to be set aside in the name of
"economic progress"?because just, sustainable economic progress that is
essential for human development cannot be achieved unless there is rule of
law and an accountable, transparent government.

We are aware that there are business interests in Japan eager to "engage"
with the military regime in Burma.  Their arguments are that increased
dealings with foreign countries would make the regime more receptive to
democratic values and that as the people become more affluent they would be
in a stronger position to assert their democratic rights.

In reality, there is little evidence either that foreign business contacts
have led to a more liberal attitude on the part of the authorities or that
the juicy fruits of foreign investment are enjoyed by many outside the small
elite who see the democratic concepts of liberty, justice and equality as a
threat to their privileged status.

Burma is a country which as recently as a decade ago could pride itself on
its lack of gross social inequality. Sadly, one of today's most popular
sayings is that there are two kinds of people in Burma, those who do not
have enough to eat and those who do not have enough room to store their wealth.

Apologists for the present state of affairs insist that such a yawning gap
between the haves and have-nots is inevitable in the "transitional stage"
but if pressed for clarification as to where the transition might be
leading, the answer is usually evasive and unsatisfactory.

At this time when we are on the threshold of another new year, almost on the
verge of a new country, I would like to call upon the people of Japan and
other democratic nations to demonstrate their solidarity with the movement
for democracy and human rights in Burma. Everybody is capable of making some
contribution, big or small, through political action or economic choice.

In a society that allows freedom of information, it is an easy matter to
find out what are the fundamental issues. How many Japanese are aware that
the General Assembly of the United Nations has been passing a resolution on
the human rights situation in Burma for several consecutive years?

How many know that this resolution inter alla calls for the early
restoration of democracy in Burma, dialogue between the military government
and the democratic forces, the full participation of the people in the
political life of the country and the recognition of the will of the people
as expressed through the elections of 1990?

And how many remember that in those elections, the results of which were
blatantly set aside by the authorities, the people of Burma took a
courageous and principled stand and in spite of much intimidation and
repression voted overwhelmingly for a democratic system?
Some things should never be forgotten. Many people in Burma have given up
their lives that the future of their country might be made brighter by the
establishment of democratic institutions. Their sacrifice should be
remembered in the new year by practical action that will help turn their
dreams into reality for those who are left behind.

The author is one of the leaders of Burma's National League for Democracy
and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991

Asahi Evening News
January 25, 1998
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