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The BurmaNet News: April 22, 1998



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------  
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"   
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The BurmaNet News: April 22, 1998
Issue #989

HEADLINES:
===========
THE NATION: POLICE RESCUE NINE WOMEN
UNCHR: 1998 RESOLUTION ON BURMA
BKK POST: ASEAN'S MOVE TOWARDS HUMAN RIGHTS
EIU: MYANMAR: UGLY, UGLIER, UGLIEST
THE JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR'S KAREN AN EASY TARGET
MDN: GOV'T SKEPTICAL OF BURMA'S TAXATION POLICIES
****************************************************************

THE NATION: POLICE RESCUE NINE WOMEN
22 April, 1998

RANGOON - Police rescued nine village women who were in the process of
being trafficked to Thailand and arrested the woman who had procured them,
official Burmese newspapers reported yesterday.
     
Tin Aye, 47, was accused of luring the women, the youngest of whom was 16,
from a village in central Burma to go to Thailand with promises of jobs r
paying Bt200 a day. 
     
The newspapers did not say what the women would be doing, but thousands of
poor women from Burma have been sold into Thailand's prostitution industry.

****************************************************************

UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS: 1998 RESOLUTION ON BURMA
21 April, 1998

Adopted by Consensus

COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
Fifty fourth session
Agenda item 10
 
QUESTION OF THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS, IN ANY
PART OF THE WORLD, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO COLONIAL AND OTHER
DEPENDENT COUNTRIES AND TERRITORIES
 
Australia*, Austria, Belgium*, Bulgaria*, Canada, Costa Rica* Cyprus*,
Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia*, Finland*, France, Germany, Greece*,
Hungary*, Iceland*, Ireland, Italy, Latvia*, Liechtenstein*, Lithuania*,
Luxembourg, Netherlands*.  New  Zealand*, Norway*, Poland, Portugal*,
Romania*, San Marino*, Slovakia*, Slovenia*, Spain*, Sweden*, Switzerland*,
United States of America, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland:  draft resolution
 
 
1998/...  Situation of human rights in Myanmar
 
The Commission on Human Rights,
 
Reaffirming that all Member States have an obligation to promote and
protect human rights and fundamental freedoms as stated in the Charter of
the United Nations and as elaborated in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other applicable
human rights instruments,
 
Aware that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that the will
of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government, 
 __________
 
*  In accordance with rule 69, paragraph 3, of the rules of procedure of
the functional commissions of the Economic and Social Council.
 
GE.98 12229  (E)
Mindful that Myanmar is a party to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child and the Geneva Conventions of 1949 on the protection of victims of war, 
 
Recalling previous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Commission
on Human Rights on the subject, most recently Assembly resolution 52/137 of
12 December 1997 and Commission resolution 1997/64 of 16 April 1997, 

1. Welcomes:

(a) The report of the Special Rapporteur (E/CN.4/1998/70) and the report of
the Secretary General (E/CN.4/1998/163); 
                                        
(b) The cooperation by the Government of Myanmar with the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and international non
governmental organizations with respect to the voluntary repatriation and
reintegration of returnees from Bangladesh, and takes note of the role of
the United Nations Children's Fund in the promotion in Myanmar of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child;
                                        
(c) The accession of the Government of Myanmar on 22 July 1997 to the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; 
                                        
(d) The Secretary General's meeting with Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman
of the State peace and Development Council and Prime Minister, and the
visits to Myanmar by the Special Envoy of the Secretary General in May 1997
and in January 1998, for the purpose of discussions with the Government and
with Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders;
                                        
(e) The remission of sentences for some long-term prisoners announced by
the Government of Myanmar in December, and calls for this to be widened to
include prisoners imprisoned for their peaceful political activities;
                                        
(f) The holding of the Party Congress of the National League for Democracy
in September 1997 and subsequent meetings marking Myanmar's National Day,
Independence Day and Union Day;
                                        
 
2.  Takes note of the contact, despite its limited nature, between the
Government of Myanmar and the National League for Democracy, but deeply
regrets the failure of the Government of Myanmar to engage in a substantive
political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders,
including representatives of ethnic groups;

3. Expresses its deep concern:
                                        
(a) At the continuing violations of human rights in Myanmar as reported by
the Special Rapporteur, including extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary
executions and enforced disappearances, torture, abuse of women and
children by government agents, arbitrary seizures of land and property,
violations of freedom of movement of people and goods, and the imposition
of oppressive measures directed in particular at ethnic and religious
minorities, including systematic programmes of forced relocation, and the
widespread use of forced labour, including work on infrastructure projects
and as porters for the army;                                        
 
(b) At the severe restrictions on the freedoms of opinion, expression,
assembly and association, the restrictions on citizens' access to
information including censorship controls on all forms of domestic media
and many international publications, and the restrictions imposed on
citizens wishing to travel abroad, including the denial of passports on
political grounds; at the continued closure of most institutions of higher
education for political reasons, at the absence of due process of law,
including arbitrary arrest and politically motivated arrest and detention,
the detention of prisoners without trial and the trial of detainees in
secrecy without proper legal representation, and at the inhuman treatment
of prisoners, leading to illness and deaths in custody, as reported by the
Special Rapporteur; 
                                        
(c) At the violations of the rights of women, especially women who are
refugees, internally displaced women and women belonging to ethnic
minorities or the political opposition, in particular forced labour, sexual
violence and exploitation, including rape, as reported by the Special
Rapporteur;
 
(d) At continuing violations of the rights of children in contravention of
the Convention on the Rights of the Child, in particular by the lack of
conformity of the existing legal framework with the Convention, by
recruitment of children into forced labour programmes and into the armed
forces and by discrimination against children belonging to ethnic and
religious minority groups; 
                                        
(e) At the violations of rights of persons belonging to minorities,
including the systematic programmes of forced relocations directed against
ethnic minorities, notably in Karen, Kayan, Rakhine and Shan States and in
Tennasserim Division, resulting in displaced persons and flows of refugees
to neighbouring countries, thus creating problems for the countries
concerned, and deplores recent attacks on refugee camps on the border
between Thailand and Myanmar;
                                        
(f) That the Government of Myanmar still has not implemented its commitment
to take all necessary steps towards democracy in the light of the
democratic elections of 1990, while noting that the absence of respect for
the rights pertaining to democratic governance is at the root of all major
violations of human rights in Myanmar; 
                                        
(g) That the Government of Myanmar refuses to cooperate with and has not
yet agreed to a visit by the Special Rapporteur; 
                                         
(h) That most of the representatives duly elected in 1990 are still
excluded from participating in the meetings of the National Convention,
created to prepare basic elements for the drafting of a new constitution,
and that one of the objectives of the National Convention is to maintain
the participation of the armed forces in a leading role in the future
political life of the State, and notes also with concern that the
composition and working procedures of the National Convention do not permit
the elected representatives of the people freely to express their views,
and concludes that the National Convention does not appear to constitute
the necessary steps towards the restoration of democracy; 
                                        
(i) At the restrictions placed upon political leaders, particularly Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, at the continued harassment, arrest and detention of
members and supporters of the National League for Democracy and other
democratic groups, students, trade unionists and members of religious
orders for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression,
assembly and association, and at the harsh sentences imposed on supporters
of the National League for Democracy in December 1997, and at the forced
resignations of elected representatives; 
                                        
(j) At the imprisonment of members of the National League for Democracy,
among others, and restrictions which have substantially disrupted
legitimate gatherings of the National League for Democracy;
  
4. Calls upon the Government of Myanmar:
                                        
(a) To guarantee an end to violations of the right to life and integrity of
the human being and to ensure full respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedoms of thought, opinion, expression, association
and assembly, the right to a fair trial by an independent and impartial
judiciary and the protection of the rights of persons belonging to ethnic
and religious minorities; 
                                        
(b) To take urgent and meaningful measures to ensure the establishment of
democracy in accordance with the will of the people as expressed in the
democratic elections held in 1990 and, to this end, to engage immediately
and unconditionally in substantive dialogue with the leaders of political
parties, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and with leaders of ethnic groups,
with the aim of achieving national reconciliation and restoration of
democracy, and to ensure that political parties and non-governmental
organizations can function freely; 
                                        
(c) To take all appropriate measures to allow all citizens to participate
freely in the political process, in accordance with the principles of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and to accelerate the process of
transition to democracy, in particular through the transfer of power to
democratically elected representatives; 
                                        
(d) Urgently to improve conditions of detention and to allow the competent
international humanitarian organization to communicate freely and
confidentially with prisoners; 
                                        
(e) To cooperate fully and unreservedly with the relevant mechanisms of the
Commission, in particular with the Special Rapporteur, and to ensure his
access to Myanmar in order to establish direct contact with the Government
and with any person in the country whom he may deem appropriate, to allow
him fully to discharge his mandate;
                                        
(f) To continue to cooperate with the Secretary General or his
representatives and to broaden this dialogue, including through access to
any person deemed appropriate by the Secretary General, and to implement
their recommendations;
                                        
(g) To ensure the safety and physical well-being of all political leaders,
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and to permit unrestricted communication
with and physical access to Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders,
and to release immediately and unconditionally those detained for political
reasons, to ensure their physical integrity and to permit them to
participate in a meaningful process of national reconciliation; 
                                        
(h) To fulfil its obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the
Child, including as set out in the concluding observations of the Committee
on the Rights of the Child, and the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of
Discrimination against Women and to consider becoming a party to the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and
the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, as well as to other
human rights instruments; 
                                        
(i) And all other parties to the hostilities in Myanmar to respect fully
their obligations under international humanitarian law, including article 3
common to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, to halt the use of
weapons against the civilian populations, to protect all civilians,
including children, women and persons belonging to ethnic or religious
minorities, from violations of humanitarian law and to avail themselves of
services offered by impartial humanitarian bodies; 
                                        
(j) To fulfil its obligations as a State party to the Forced Labour
Convention, 1930 (No. 29) and to the Freedom of Association and Protection
of the Right to Organize Convention, 1948 (No. 87) of the International
Labour Organization and to cooperate more closely with the International
Labour Organization, in particular with the Commission of Inquiry appointed
in accordance with article 26 of the Constitution of the International
Labour Organization; 
                                        
(k) To end the enforced displacement of persons and other causes of refugee
flows to neighbouring countries and to create conditions conducive to their
voluntary return and full reintegration in safety and dignity including,
where these are lacking, rights of full citizenship, in close cooperation
with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; 
                                        
(l) To fulfil its obligations to end impunity of perpetrators of human
rights violations, including members of the military and to investigate and
prosecute alleged violations committed by government agents in all
circumstances; 
                                        
(m) To investigate the circumstances which led to the death in June 1996 of
Mr. James Leander Nichols while detained by the Government of Myanmar and
to prosecute the person or persons responsible; 

5. Decides:

(a) To extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur, as contained in
Commission resolution 1992/58 of 3 March 1992, for a further year, and
requests the Special Rapporteur to submit an interim report to the General
Assembly at its fifty-third session and to report to the Commission at its
fifty-fifth session, and to keep a gender perspective in mind when seeking
and analysing information; 
                                        
(b) To request the Secretary-General to continue to give all necessary
assistance to the Special Rapporteur to enable him to discharge his mandate
fully and to pursue all efforts to ensure that the Special Rapporteur is
authorized to visit Myanmar; 
                                        
(c) To request the Secretary-General to continue his discussions with the
Government of Myanmar and anyone he may consider appropriate in order to
assist in the implementation of General Assembly resolution 52/137 and of
the present resolution; 
                                        
(d) To continue its consideration of this question at its fifty-fifth
session. 

****************************************************************

BANGKOK POST: ASEAN'S MOVE TOWARDS HUMAN RIGHTS
22 April, 1998

When the Association of Southeast Asian Nations laid down its original aims
and purposes in the 1967 Bangkok Declaration, they included the
acceleration of economic growth, social progress, cultural development and
the promotion of regional peace and stability coupled with respect for
justice and the rule of law.

Intriguingly, the words "politics" and "human rights" did not appear in the
text, even though the issues mentioned in the Bangkok Declaration, such as
justice and law, would have some bearing on politics and human rights and
vice versa.

Ironically perhaps, until the 1990s the success of Asean was mainly in the
political field. Amid the turmoil of the Vietnam war and the critical
changes of government in Indochina in the wake of the withdrawal of US
troops from Vietnam in 1975, the original members of Asean could take
comfort in the fact that their political systems survived and that they
retained their independence against many odds, including ideological
conflicts.
     
Asean's founding members were Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and
the Philippines. Brunei joined in 1984. Vietnam became a member in 1995,
while Laos and Burma became members in 1997, and although it was expected
that Cambodia would join Asean in 1997, unstable political conditions in
the country undermined its bid for membership, which has now been delayed.

In the 1980s, Asean countries' joint political clout was highlighted by the
fact that they succeeded in mobilising global support for the Cambodian
government in exile under then Prince Sihanouk as the legitimate
representative of Cambodia in the UN General Assembly, as opposed to the
Vietnam backed regime which was physically in power in Cambodia.

The 1991 Cambodian Peace Accord, backed by the United Nations and
guaranteed by Asean and other powers, paved the way for elections and the
return of peace in that country.
     
It also helped to settle a long-standing obstacle to rapprochement between
Asean and its three Indochina neighbours, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. It
opened the door for the trio to become members of Asean.

On another front, it should be noted there has been much more progress on
regional economic cooperation since the 1992 Asean Summit of Heads of
Government in Singapore, which introduced the idea of an Asean Free Trade
Area (Afta).  Basically, Afta sets dual tracks, fast track and ordinary
track for effective tariff cuts as Common Effective Preferential Tariffs,
beginning in 1993, with the aim of lowering tariffs to 0-5 per cent by 2003.

The Singapore Summit also initiated the idea of "functional cooperation",
such as in regard to children, women, anti-drug trafficking and
environmental protection, which would broaden the avenues of Asean
programming to encompass social and other concerns beyond politics and
economics. These were further concretised in the 1995 Bangkok Summit, which
led to the agreement that Asean leaders would meet informally every year,
in addition to the periodic formal summits. The first informal summit took
place in Jakarta in 1996, and the second was convened in Kuala Lumpur at
the end of 1997.

Any attempt to examine the human rights situation in the Asean region and
the potential for a human-rights mechanism should bear in mind the
political culture of the region. The governments of Asean countries range
from the more liberal to the less liberal. While democracy has blossomed in
some countries, other countries are still under the yoke of
authoritarianism. In such a context, their recognition of human rights and
their responses to the question of a human-rights mechanism may be
(expectedly) muted in the regional sense. Asean's progression towards human
rights has been unequivocally ambivalent.

****************************************************************

ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT: MYANMAR: UGLY, UGLIER, UGLIEST
20 April, 1998

(BurmaNet Editor's Note: EIU is the research arm of the Economist magazine.)

For ASEAN, the main achievement of the first nine months of Myanmar's
membership was to hold a successful EU-ASEAN dialogue in London without the
presence of Myanmar representatives. Being forgotten, the Myanmar military
generals are able to get on with the job of weeding out their more venal
colleagues, preparing for an unfree and unfair election, holding together a
collapsing economy, suppressing a rural sector on the verge of a famine
induced by crop failure and bureaucratic mismanagement.  Myanmar's
difficulties will no doubt continue to attract world attention, but ASEAN
has its own plights, and will prefer to put Myanmar on the back burner.
  
 For better
  
* Shake-up in the junta. Junta leaders have realised that some military
members were more equal than others in access to the spoils of office.

This is resulting in far-reaching changes, not only in organisation and
identity of office-holders but also in ethical practices in government. The
new State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is the former State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in sheep's clothing. The big parasites,
such as ousted tourism, trade and agriculture ministers, as well as a range
of lesser scavengers, have already been ejected. A total of 14 ministers
(members of SLORC) were ousted in the changeover, followed by a revamping
of the next level down, the Cabinet of Ministers. Although these changes
have not yet resulted in major policy shifts, they are significant steps to
ease out the old guard and promote technocratic and better educated leaders.
  
* Democratisation, Myanmar style. The UN and foreign human rights advocates
demand implementation of the 1990 election results, which gave a landslide
victory to Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. The SPDC is
hinting that a follow-on event is already overdue, however it will be on
the SPDC's terms. The National Convention Convening Committee is reported
to be speeding up its lethargic constitution writing. Myanmar's rulers are
looking to Cambodia and Indonesia as models, and hoping that a less than
free and fair electoral process might be acceptable to international
critics as seems to be the case with these neighbours. While Myanmar is
likely to be treated less benignly than such countries, any moves towards
democracy will bring about an easing of tension and an eventual opening-up
of the country to more genuine reforms.
 
* Energy-led Eastern Seaboard for Myanmar. While investment and tourism
slump, the Yadana gas pipeline project -- which forms the core of Myanmar's
potential future replica of Thailand's Eastern Seaboard development zone --
has progressed. Environmental and human rights protesters have held up but
not prevented completion of the final stages on the Thai side of the
border. Gas will flow later this year, assuring success to Total of France
and Unocal of the US in what has been a highly politically risky project.
 
However, the gas pipeline is only the first stage of what may become a
major development region, linking up Thailand's nascent western seaboard
area with its mirror image across the Myanmar border. Other plans are for
road and rail links, a deep-sea port, an industrial zone and other
facilities. Though likely to be delayed by the South-east Asian economic
crisis, the concept has high enough potential to succeed in the long term.
 
* Friends in need. Despite continuing pressures for change mainly from the
Western international community, Myanmar continues to enjoy steady support
from Singapore and Malaysia, including some modest investment flows. There
is also significant, but largely clandestine, Chinese support. Were it not
for the difficulties at home suffered by ASEAN countries, support for
Myanmar might have been more vocal. Under current circumstances, however,
ASEAN members are likely to continue to downgrade Myanmar in international
diplomacy, while continuing whatever economic support they can still afford.
 
For worse
 
* Bitter harvest. Adverse weather conditions, including heavy flooding in
rice-growing areas, and the consequences of ill-conceived government
control of domestic and international trade, has resulted in severe rice
shortages locally and the virtual elimination of exports, desperately
needed to earn foreign exchange. Fearing a repetition of the 1988 crisis,
which led to civil insurrection and the collapse of the then leader Ne
Win's regime, reforms of rice-trading and pricing controls have been
instituted, and export trade has been re-opened to the private sector.
However, these reforms will be too late to alleviate the 1998 situation,
although emergency food aid from the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation
and elsewhere should ensure basic supplies. However, much of this aid risks
falling into the hands of the military, police and civil servants at
subsidised prices, instead of going to the general public as intended.
 
* Sinking the kyat. The kyat, nominally Asia's strongest currency, pegged
at Kt6:US$1, will continue to gyrate alongside the vagaries of official
monetary policy, tending closer towards Kt400:US$1 on the free (black)
market. Foreign exchange will eventually be bolstered by gas export
earnings. For the time-being, foreign reserves are likely to remain below
US$200m, depending on external payment obligations, which if met in a
timely fashion, would wipe out foreign resources altogether. In these
circumstances, investing or trading in the Myanmar market carries a high
risk premium. With tensions and intermittent shutdowns on the Thai border,
even smuggling is becoming more difficult.
 
* Investment: poor odds even for gamblers. With a US embargo in force,
restrictions imposed by the EU and Canada, and ASEAN in economic turmoil,
Myanmar has few sources to which it can readily turn, whether for
implementation of approved projects or for new investment. Over-optimism in
the hotel and tourism sector, and in other property-related sectors too,
has provided Myanmar with excess capacity for several years to come. The
weak domestic market and restricted export outlets, as well as shortages of
electricity and other handicaps, limit industrial manufacturing investment.
One source of opportunity may be privatisation of state enterprises, but
only after prices are market driven and protectionist attitudes change.
Furthermore the general investment climate is continuing to deteriorate.
  
Key economic indicators, Myanmar
 
                                    1995/ 1996 / 1997 
Real GDP growth,%a                  6.9 /  5.8 /  5.0 
Total consumption, %                6.4 /  2.6 /  3.5
Gross fixed investments, %         28.2 / 20.5 /  9.0
Consumer price inflation, %(b)     25.2 / 16.3 / 29.4 
Interest rate, %(a),(b)            16.5 / 16.5 / 16.5 
GDP at current prices, Kt bna      603.6/ 715.4/ 972.2
GDP, nominal, US$ bnc              106.5/ 120.9/ 156.1
GDP, nominal, US$ bnd               5.0 /  4.6 /  4.2
GDP per head, US$(d)                112 /  101 /   90
Trade balance, US$ bn              -1.0 / -1.1 / -1.4
Current account balance,           -513 / -515 / -814 
US$ ma
Official exchange rate, Kt:US$     5.67 / 5.92 / 6.24 
Market exchange rate, Kt:US$        120 /  155 /  230
 
Note: 1995-96 actual, 1997 estimated. (a)Fiscal years beginning April 1st.
(b)Annual average. (c)At the official exchange rate (most recent:
Kt6.25:US$1 in Feb 1998). (d)At or using the market exchange rate (most
recent: approx Kt300:US$1 in Feb 1998). The US Embassy estimates that GDP
per head is US$200-300 if the extra-legal economy and the contribution of
uncompensated labour is included.
 
Source: EIU Country Reports and Country Risk Service
 
***************************************************************

THE JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR'S KAREN MINORITY: AN EASY TARGET IN A BORDERLESS
WORLD
22 April, 1998
By Richard Humphries

As children, we are taught the difference between good and evil.  Adulthood
brings ethical dilemmas that we often circumvent with cliches: "You have to
look at the big picture," we say, or "You can't make an omelet without
cracking eggs." Sometimes, though, the cracked shells are too obvious to be
ignored. Perhaps our childhood training is more appropriate in these cases.

In Myanmar and the regions surrounding it, the current political catch
phrase is "constructive engagement." The hope is that economic assistance
will nudge the authorities in Yangon into improving their appalling human
rights record. Unfortunately, the plight of the cracked shells -- which in
this case include Myanmar's Karen minority -- clouds the picture of a
brighter future.

In what has become the world's longest-running civil war, the Karen
National Union has been battling successive Myanmarese governments over the
issue of Karen autonomy since 1949. It has been a losing battle. Until
recently, the mountainous region along Myanmar's border with Thailand
contained the last Karen strongholds. Most of these have now fallen. The
policy of the Myanmarese Army toward the now unprotected Karen villagers
has been one of continuing depredation. Over 100,000 Karen have fled across
the border into Thailand, seeking a haven from both the fighting and the
oppression left in its wake. But they haven't found it, because in today's
so-called borderless world violence does not recognize frontiers.

Until the 1980s, the KNU was useful to Thailand as a buffer against Burma
(as Myanmar was then known), a country with whom it has had a history of
mutual distrust. A decline in KNU strength and the lure of Burmese trade
led to a change in Thailand's general policy toward the Karen, which is now
ambivalent. A halfhearted wish to help the refugees and a willingness to
allow them across the border are countered by a fear of offending Myanmar,
with its powerful army and its ability to dangle trade concessions.

Employing a policy of divide and conquer, Myanmar's military helped
engineer a split in the largely Christian-led KNU in December 1994, using
religion as a wedge. A dissident faction, the Democratic Karen Buddhist
Army, was then clothed, fed, and armed by the Myanmar government. The two
groups are technically allies, but there is little doubt among observers
from organizations such as Amnesty International that the DKBA is under
Yangon's control. It has been used to attack and burn the refugee camps
inside Thailand, on the somewhat bizarre assumption that these actions will
force the refugees to return. Myanmarese soldiers have participated in the
assaults.

A strike at midnight

Early on March 11, 1998, one of the worst attacks occurred at Huay Kalok
refugee camp, home to 8,753 Karen, of whom 2,898 were children under 12.
Before the attack occurred, I met some of the Huay Kalok refugees in Mae
Sot, a Thai border town 8 km distant. One showed me samples of the artwork
that he and others had done as a way of coming to terms with their
disrupted lives. "We wanted to draw pictures that would emphasize the
themes that are important in our lives. They are fear, despair and hope. We
have to have hope," he said.

The morning before the attack a class was held at a small school inside
Huay Kalok. The teacher announced a new project. The students would work
together to make a comic book, drawing and writing about whatever they
liked. "They were so enthusiastic and immediately started sketching
pictures of superheroes," I was told. Real superheroes were needed that
night. None were available.

Soon after midnight, the attack took place. Later news reports varied as to
the numbers who crossed the border and assaulted the camp. Some said 70,
others more than 150. While most were DKBA Amnesty International reported
that "other information indicates that Burmese troops were involved." In
fact, some of the attackers were seen wearing Myanmarese Army insignia and
heard speaking Burmese. U.S. State Department spokesman James Rubin
condemned Myanmar's government for the raid.

The Thai Army and Border Patrol Police were supposed to protect the camp
They did not, although they were sta toned there. Many Karen believe the
Thais had advance warning of the raid. During and after the attack, a fire,
probably deliberately set, raged. Over 1,000 huts were completely
destroyed. At least
four people have now died as a result of the attack, and over 40 were
injured many with bullet wounds. Almost 9,000 people were left homeless and
afraid.

Ash and smoldering cinders

Just after 9 a.m. on March 11, I entered the camp with a doctor and some
medical students who work for an aid organization and were to make an
initial assessment of what was needed. The Thai Army was by now active and
posted
at the camp entrance. We passed them by, avoiding eye contact.

The devastation was shocking. It reminded me of old World War II photos of
firebombed cities. Everywhere there was white ash with patches of
still-smoldering wood and cinder. A few half-burned upright wooden posts
remained here and there, giving the place a haunted look. Scattered metal
tins, which had probably contained food, and other bits of twisted metal
littered the area. Children, many in bare feet, were poking around in the
ash with sticks, looking for food or vanished possessions. Groups of Karen
women and children were huddled near the few remaining buildings, waiting
and hoping for help.

I felt queasy with a camera, almost like a voyeur, in such a sea of misery.
A Karen woman reassured me, "I hope you took many photos. Tell others what
is happening to us but please don't use our names," she said. I was to find
that even people working for non-governmental organizations didn't want
their names or their organizations names printed, such is the pervasive
fear. At one point, a group of refugees could be seen nearby, carrying a
man in a hammock tied to a large bamboo pole. He had a bullet wound in the
upper chest area. After a brief, on-the-spot examination it was decided
that he needed treatment at the Thai hospital in Mae Sot.

On the way back to the camp entrance, I was shown all that was left of the
small camp hospital -- a microscope, melted in the fire. This instrument
had been used to protect the refugees from disease. It now seemed the
attackers were also at war with health care and recognized contagion as an
ally.

Our departure was interrupted by a sudden loud noise in the camp: A shell
had exploded. Everyone thought another attack was beginning and began to
run in panic, though silently. Children bolted through the ashes in zigzag
patterns. "Hurry up, this way," a voice called and several of us ran along
the dirt road leading out. It turned out that it had been only an
unexploded shell from the recent attack that the heat had finally reached.
Later, I was to see a remnant of the weaponry used the night before, a
shell casing from an M-79 grenade launcher. The M-79 is a Ramboesque weapon
that has devastating effects when used against unarmed refugees in wooden
bamboo huts.

At the camp entrance, a local NGO official negotiated with a Thai soldier
about the man with the bullet wound. We were informed step by step what was
being said. I thought this curious until I was told, "I am telling you
everything I tell this soldier because as a foreigner you are a useful
witness. We need to get this man out of the camp. This soldier thinks you
are with (a well-known international aid organization) so there won't be a
problem here."

Later we found a translator who could speak to another Thai soldier and
tell us what he knew of the attack. The translator told us, "This man says
that when the DKBA came, the first place they attacked was the hospital.
Then they moved in a circular pattern, hitting zones 1, 2, 3, and 4 of the
camp. Then and this is really amazing, he admits the DKBA went right past
the place where his forces were, or were supposed to be, and hit the other
zones in the camp." Saddened and angered, I felt it was time to leave.

The attacks continue

Back in Mae Sot, relief organizations were already mobilizing to aid the
victims. I went to one location where a huge amount of rice and curry had
been prepared. It was divided into portions and sent on to Huay Kalok. At
clinics in the border area, I saw some of the wounded being treated. One
was a man who had lost both his daughters in the attack. He had previously
lost a leg to a land mine and therefore was unable to outrun the fire. He
was being treated for severe burns to the head and arms. I was told of
another tragedy. A Karen woman had died horribly, her body charred by the
fire. As if that weren't enough, her young daughter was being treated for a
bullet wound in the hand.

In the days that followed, relief became more organized, especially as
media attention intensified. There were still unpleasant, perhaps isolated,
incidents. Some Thai soldiers confiscated donated water supplies at Huay
Kalok, presumably for their own use. The immediate worries concerned food
supplies, blankets, medical treatment and the possibility of another
attack. On the plus side, Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai announced that
Thailand would act more forcefully to protect the remaining camps and in
the future retaliate without giving warnings. The possibility was also
broached by Thai Deputy Foreign Minister Suhkhumbhand Paribatra that the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees would be given an active role
in running the camps, something previously taboo.

Unfortunately another camp, Mawker, 60 km to the south of Mae Sot, was
subsequently attacked on March 23. I heard from one aid worker in the area
that 50 houses were burned and 14 people injured, four seriously. A baby
suffered severe shrapnel wounds and a broken leg.

This time the Thai military did engage the attackers, killing seven. Still,
there were grave misgivings when, on March 27, 1998, Gen. Chettha
Thanajaro, the Thai Army commander in chief, suggested that his forces
might push all young Karen men back across the border, as one way to solve
the turmoil in the region. This would not be a solution; it would only be
doing what Myanmar wants the Thais to do. Concerned observers hope this
will never happen.

A diminishing world

At all the camps there is great uncertainty and fear. There are still
constant threats of attack. Mae La, which with 30,000 residents is the
largest camp, has been shelled. I noticed a sign at a Thai military post
near Mae La with the following words in English: "Welcome tourists, we are
proud to serve you." I wondered if that was where their focus should be.

As might be expected, some of the refugees have tried to avoid the camps,
opting instead to discreetly build huts in other settlements in the border
area. Some Karen have also sought jobs in the region. Thailand opposes
this, given its current economic difficulties. The result has been a
clampdown on individual refugee movements. Passes are required for travel
outside the camps, and foreigners are generally not allowed in without
reason. I was in one border village when word was passed down that the Thai
military was planning an early morning raid, looking for undocumented
refugees. The raid took place, and several huts were destroyed, although
their occupants had fled. Later, I saw a Thai military vehicle leave the
area. It contained soldiers with axes and empty containers of phosphoric
acid, a corrosive that had been used in these actions before.

The world of the Karen refugees appears to be diminishing daily. Many
people would say that this can't be helped because it's only part of the
"bigger picture." I disagree. Standing in the middle of the remains of Huay
Kalok, even a wide-angle lens was not sufficient to capture the full extent
of the destruction. That was the real "big picture," and it was a
horrifying one.

Richard Humphries is a freelance writer who teaches at Sophia University

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MAINICHI DAILY NEWS: GOVERNMENT SKEPTICAL OF BURMA'S TAXATION POLICIES
20 April, 1998
By Noriko Yamamoto 

Procedure prevents some of its citizens from returning home 

Burmese authorities have been taxing their citizens living in Japan and
preventing some of them from returning home if they haven't paid up,
sources said. Government officials have summoned Burmese envoys and urged
that the situation be rectified, as it is a "dubious stance under
international law for one country to exercise its right to collect taxes"
in another country. 

The plight of many Burmese has also attracted the attention of human-rights
activists. "It's not like we are refusing to issue the immigration
documents (needed to re-enter Burma) to people who have not paid their
taxes," a Burmese official said. "If people who need the documents have
paid their taxes, it's easier for us to believe they are our compatriots
and check their identities." Sources said that Burmese working in Japan are
required to transfer 10 percent of their income as tax payments to a
Burmese Embassy account. However, few have the money to pay the taxes after
they have covered their debts or living expenses. 

The Burmese Embassy has reportedly billed many of those who wish to return
To Burma for amounts ranging from several hundred thousand yen to 1million
yen. The embassy apparently refuses to provide those who fail to pay their
taxes with the immigration documents they need to return home, leaving them
stranded in Japan. 

Immigration Bureau officials say about 9,700 Burmese are in Japan, 3,896 of
whom are registered foreign residents. The remainder are people who entered
the country on short-term visas and stay here illegally. 

Late last month, a 31-year-old Burmese man died of AIDS in a Tokyo hospital. 
The man, whose name has not been disclosed, said he wanted to return to
Burma to see his son again before he died. However, as he could not pay a
tax bill of approximately 600,000 yen to the Burmese Embassy, it would not
issue him with the necessary immigration documents. 

A woman who attended the man's funeral said the man had complained that he
could not go home because he had not paid his taxes to the embassy. She
added that the restaurant where the man had worked fired him after he
became ill. 
Hospitalized for the last four months of his life, he was apparently in too
much pain to even talk.

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