Military winners and losers-The Tra (r)

[kzy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx]

Hi There,
	It is very nice to learn that you are concerned about it.  I post
that on the net so that we all can be aware of SPDC and its supporters'
propaganda to fool people the best of they can.   They are trying to get
recognized by all means.  They penetrate in the Burmanet, Maykha List, and
and all possible newspapers.  We had better know what they are doing.  I
sincerely post that on the net so that people who miss that can respond
directly to Asiaweek magazine and let its readers know that it is bull
shit.  It will be nicer if we all respond to the publishers and magazines
directly.  I think such pro-SPDC articles are very ridiculous and never
seem realistic.  However, we should at least know what they are planning
to seduce some who don't know the situation in Burma and we can prevent it
by responding directly to the area where they are penetrating.

Yours sincerely,
Kyaw Zay Ya



On Mon, 1 Jun 1998, KABAR AYE wrote:

>                     RE: Garry Prior
> 
> Prior's narrative of the situation of Burma seems warped with a strong 
> tendancy to sympathise with the military dictators , whom he shows a 
> high regard for. Is this because of the capacity in which he visited 
> Burma, with the primary objective of setting up a business venture and  
> obviously requiring him to have close contact and pampered reception 
> from the present powers that be.
>  
> His "new vision" that the SLORC is not a "stupid and brutal regime" can 
> arise only from the view he was exposed to. They were not stupid as in " 
> morons and imbeciles " and on the contrary are full of cunning. Their 
> "stupidity " is in trying to govern a country by the use of force and 
> managing to to drag the economy and status of Burma to hit rock bottom 
> during their dictatorial reign. We were a strong nation 30 years ago and 
> while others in the region have moved forwards in this period we went 
> the other way. 
> 
> As for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet Khin Nyunt, where does he 
> get this information which he "believes" and yet dares to put it to 
> print. It is a well known fact that SLORC/SPDC refuses to accept Daw 
> ASSK in any likely talks with the NLD and that has always been one of 
> the main obstacles.
> 
> Since when did a businessman, with one year's exposure in the bosom of 
> the miltary government get to become an expert on the economy and 
> politics of Burma , that Asiaweek should use his article.
> 
> As for Brutality, he should make another visit to the country and meet 
> the people who are denied freedom of speech, movement and news, people 
> who are uprooted and displaced , people who serve as slaves and human 
> fodder for the army, people who are raped and pillaged, people who have 
> lost their loved ones for no reason at all - and then , maybe he will 
> begin to see what the description applies to .
> 
> You can fool some of the people all of the time - or all of the people 
> some of the time- , and it seems Prior has fallen into the first 
> category. International outcries and condemnations are not made based on 
> rumours but on facts as well as eyewitness accounts of the long 
> suffering population.
> 
> I would be most grateful ,if anyone can communicate this message to 
> Prior.
> 
> K A.
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> >Asiaweek (June 5, 1998)
> >THE TRAGEDY OF MYANMAR
> >Asia's downturn threatens a reformist breakthrough 
> >GARRY PRIOR, a British businessman, 
> >has lived and worked
> >in East Asia for the past quarter century 
> >and is now based in Kuala Lumpur. 
> >
> >MUCH TO MY REGRET, a year-long stay in Myanmar ended in February when 
> my
> >planned business venture was not able to raise the requisite funds 
> because
> >of the regional economic downturn. But I maintain my interest in 
> Myanmar
> >and I hope that its people will be spared the pain of purely 
> exploitative
> >modernization. No matter how unfashionable the view, I believe that a
> >strong degree of central control is necessary to help nations make the
> >initial transition from agricultural subsistence to a modernizing
> >semi-industrial economy and that it is the job of other nations, 
> through
> >their governments, investors and commentators, to try to ensure that
> >oppression is ameliorated and that the benefits of development are 
> shared
> >with the populace. 
> >Local oppositionists are inevitably weakened during such a transition, 
> and
> >their audience is quite rightly the international media, who do much to
> >shape perceptions. In one sense, that is an extension of the 
> marketplace.
> >I do not share the view that Asian Values are dead or never existed. 
> They
> >served their purpose in most countries - without them Asia would not 
> have
> >been taken seriously on the world stage - and they should now be 
> adapted
> >to meet the new circumstances. Myanmar is among countries that still 
> need
> >to complete the initial transition. A so-called open democracy will not
> >lead to a utopia but instead allow the economy to be hijacked by vested
> >interests who may prove more unattractive than the military. Whatever 
> its
> >faults (and they are legion), the military at least recognizes that it 
> is
> >a transitional government. 
> >Until I went to Myanmar (and despite spending 26 years in the region), 
> I
> >believed what I read: that it was ruled by a stupid, brutal regime. I 
> was
> >pleasantly surprised on nearly all fronts. When I got to know them, I
> >found that most members of the State Law and Order Restoration Council
> >(SLORC) wanted workable solutions. They juggled within a collective
> >responsibility to achieve a consensus between the wildly disparate 
> views
> >of fighting generals who want the fruits of victory and the genuine
> >reformers who want more durable benefits. The ensuing inertia led to 
> the
> >virtual coup last November which brought in the State Peace and
> >Development Council (SPDC) - and possibly a temporary victory for the
> >moderates. This breakthrough came as Asia's economy slumped, drying up
> >investment. Now there is a risk that without economic progress, the
> >reformers will be rejected by the military, who were not pleased to see
> >SLORC colleagues put under house arrest. 
> >The tragedy: I believe that Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, the SPDC's 
> secretary-1,
> >was trying to create a dialogue with the National League for Democracy
> >that would have led to some accommodation with Aung San Suu Kyi. But 
> she
> >flatly rejected the overture for rather selfish reasons and put him in 
> an
> >impossible position in the SPDC and the international community. It is
> >never good negotiating tactics to totally alienate the most sympathetic
> >party in the opposing camp and yet that is what she did, encouraged by
> >some but not all of the diplomatic community. The military is a fact of
> >life in Myanmar. Although it is widely detested, even its hardcore
> >opponents know that sooner or later they will have to negotiate with 
> the
> >soldiers and co-exist. 
> >That Suu Kyi is treated as an international icon who is above criticism
> >and therefore the SPDC is seen as an international pariah, only makes 
> it
> >harder to reach a sensible solution. The SPDC is no worse than many
> >regimes and a great deal better than some. By demonizing it, the 
> (mostly
> >Western) press makes a dialogue more difficult. SPDC members feel the
> >abuse personally and it warps their perceptions of what is worthwhile 
> and
> >doable. I have talked with several of the more moderate figures shortly
> >after an attack; deeply angry and hurt, they expressed themselves in
> >understandably emotional terms. Repeated abuse makes it more difficult 
> for
> >them to defend their moderate stance and may force them to take a 
> harder
> >line just to stay in the game. Myanmar's people are not helped by this. 
> >Disenchantment with the polarity of Suu Kyi's and the SPDC's positions 
> is
> >evident among an increasing number of former "radicals" in Yangon who 
> want
> >to see some progress. In my year in Myanmar, I came to admire the 
> people's
> >cheerfulness in the face of poverty and the fear of repression. It is
> >testament to their decency that after 50 years of civil wars, there is 
> no
> >general resort to terrorism. In my year there were three bombs and one
> >fatality. During one week I was in Hong Kong when there were bomb 
> scares.
> >No one in the media suggested that Hong Kong was becoming unsafe. But
> >after the Myanmar blasts, the State Department warned Americans against
> >visiting, much to the indignation of some I knew who went in anyway to
> >find no troops on the streets and smiles on people's faces. 
> >U.S. Embassy reports are driven by a political agenda, not shared by 
> the
> >embassy staff, that interprets facts in the most hostile manner. Sadly,
> >this is not unusual in Western analysis of Myanmar today. I suppose 
> that
> >is why the very small band of us who try to look beyond stereotypes and
> >political correctness sometimes go too far in the other direction in
> >trying to present a more balanced picture.
> >
> >Letters and Comments in June 5 Asiaweek
> >HISTORY IS REPEATING ITSELF in Indonesia [COVER STORY, May 29]. World
> >leaders like Suharto rise and fall, some in a few years, others in 
> several
> >decades. There are several creative ways of "over-staying." One has 
> only
> >to review the recent history of Asia to appreciate this. One thing is
> >consistent, though: excessive and prolonged power can and will corrupt
> >anyone who receives it. It blinds the perception of human dignity,
> >reality, justice and honor. Whether it is dollars, rupiah, yen, peso or
> >ringgit, the results are always the same - corruption, nepotism, guns,
> >goons, and gold for the "powerful one." But did we ever learn? 
> >Percival Punzal
> >via the Internet
> >Philippines 
> >
> >A LONG-SUFFERING BURMESE, I will always remember the live broadcast of 
> the
> >resignation of Suharto on the morning of May 21. I was thrilled for the
> >Indonesian people. But my happiness was tinged with jealousy as the
> >Burmese are still firmly under the military yoke. The ruling Burmese
> >generals unashamedly tried to copy the Indonesian military's dwifungsi
> >[dual function] principle and are tampering with the constitution to
> >enshrine their political role. After eight years of drafting by their
> >handpicked body, they still refuse to come up with a constitution. 
> >Who would have thought that Indonesia's endgame would come so swiftly, 
> and
> >almost bloodless compared to the 1965 massacres? Having witnessed the
> >terrible nationwide killings by the Burmese army in 1988, I was
> >psychologically preparing myself for a bloodbath in Indonesia. Credit 
> must
> >go to the leaders of both sides for pulling it off in such a civilized
> >way. 
> >Perhaps Suharto's biggest blind spot was the obscene greed of his 
> family.
> >His longtime friend, Gen. Ne Win, is wiser on that front. He 
> distributed
> >corrupt wealth among the rank and file of his army and created a new 
> class
> >of Burmese belonging to the military. The only advantage the Burmese 
> have
> >over the Indonesians is Aung San Suu Kyi, a leader waiting in the 
> wings.
> >The price the Burmese will have to pay for Indonesian People Power is 
> more
> >paranoid and repressive military rulers, who will now close the 
> institutes
> >of higher learning - already shuttered for years - indefinitely. 
> >Maung Maung
> >[real name, address provided]
> >Hong Kong 
> >
> >YOUR COVERAGE OF INDONESIA is excellent [May 29]. The explosive 
> situation
> >was contained by the professionalism of Gen. Wiranto and the Indonesian
> >Army. The reports of President Suharto's family having a net worth of 
> up
> >to $30 billion may be exaggerated. Companies affiliated with the 
> Suharto
> >family may have total capitalization of that amount. But much of this 
> may
> >be bank debt, not equity. 
> >The $80 billion foreign debt of Indonesian companies is not the
> >responsibility of the people. It is, however, a big problem for the
> >foreign banks that made the huge loans. The government should assist 
> the
> >conversion of this debt to equity and help the banks collect the
> >outstanding loans. If the loans have insufficient collateral, the banks
> >should be held responsible for lending foolishly. Indonesia is
> >resource-rich with a big domestic market. With good government and a
> >financial lifeline from the International Monetary Fund, the economic
> >problems can be resolved. 
> >I have always felt that Indonesia and Burma were in a tight race for 
> the
> >third Asian government to be toppled by the regional financial crisis.
> >Next to go will be the military regime in Burma. 
> >Myint Thein
> >Dallas, Texas
> >
> >Saturday May 30 1998
> >
> >Letter 
> >Sweeping political reforms needed in China
> >
> >I read with interest Elsie Tu's letter headlined, "Stand behind 
> diligent
> >and effective leader" (South China Morning Post, May 22). 
> >It seems to me that Mrs Tu has taken a very one-sided view of things. 
> >If I am not mistaken, Mrs Tu (then Elsie Elliot) won a landslide 
> victory
> >in the 1967 Urban Council elections due mainly to her popularity with 
> the
> >Hong Kong people at the grassroots level. Since then, there has been a
> >change of tack, a move towards leftism and this resulted in her losing 
> in
> >the Legco elections in 1995. It is a pity she did not learn from
> >experience and then she would have understood Tung Chee-hwa's slump in
> >popularity. 
> >The "97 phobia" spread after the June 4 crackdown in China. The memory 
> of
> >that crackdown still lingers in the minds of Hong Kong people. They 
> will
> >continue to think about it, unless a thorough programme of reform is
> >implemented in China. 
> >By subordinating himself and the people of Hong Kong to mainland 
> political
> >thinking, Mr Tung has forfeited their confidence. They are also unhappy
> >that he lays so much stress on business interests, especially those of
> >property developers, who were also much admired by the colonial
> >administration. Current property prices are still prohibitive and far
> >beyond the means of the average wage earner. 
> >I hope that the Indonesian crisis and the student demonstrations there
> >will serve as an example to us and help the PRC leadership to wake up 
> and
> >recognise its past mistakes. 
> >PETER WEI 
> >Kwun Tong 
> >
> >The Straits Time
> >MAY 31 1998 
> >Myanmar and Brunei to boost ties in wide range of areas 
> >YANGON -- Myanmar and Brunei have agreed to strengthen bilateral 
> relations
> >in various fields, the Myanmar Foreign Ministry said yesterday. 
> >It said the two countries pledged to boost ties during a meeting on 
> Friday
> >between Senior General Than Shwe, the chairman of Myanmar's ruling 
> State
> >Peace and Development Council (SPDC), and Brunei's visiting ruler, 
> Sultan
> >Hassanal Bolkiah. 
> >It said in a statement that the two countries had agreed to form a 
> joint
> >commission for promoting bilateral cooperation in the economic, trade,
> >social and cultural fields. 
> >From June 28, Myanmar and Brunei citizens holding diplomatic and 
> official
> >passports will enjoy a 14-day visa exemption, the ministry said. 
> >Meanwhile, sources said that when the Sultan arrived on Friday, there 
> was
> >a small hiccup as his entourage apparently found the state guesthouse
> >below the standard expected for their leader. 
> >The advance party from Brunei arranged for him to stay at a modern 
> hotel
> >built with foreign funds, the sources said. 
> >His visit, a largely ceremonial one, is the latest in a series by 
> regional
> >leaders since Myanmar joined Asean last July. Reuters, AFP 
> >
> >MAY 31 1998 
> >Calls grow for return of 'Suharto trillions' 
> >JAKARTA -- Attacks are intensifying on the Suharto family amid moves by
> >the new government to curb the economic favouritism that allowed the
> >family's fortunes to flourish. 
> >As Suharto rested at his Jakarta home on Friday, playing golf and 
> jogging,
> >according to his half-brother, a groundswell grew for the return of the
> >fortune of up to US$40 billion (S$64 billion) that he and his six 
> children
> >allegedly siphoned from their country's economy. 
> >Newly-liberated newspapers competed to display ever-bolder headlines 
> about
> >the "Suharto trillions" -- counted in Indonesian rupiah -- and street
> >vendors passed out photocopied lists of the Suharto holdings, complete
> >with mugshots of family members. 
> >The mood here echoes the weeks following the 1986 ouster of former
> >Philippine strongman Ferdinand Marcos. 
> >Critics called for an investigation into the Suharto family's wealth, a
> >cancellation of questionable contracts and the return of any ill-gotten
> >gains. 
> >Public anger is particularly keen because the family's extensive wealth 
> --
> >estimated at between US$16 billion and US$40 billion -- is coming to 
> light
> >at a time when Indonesia faces its worst economic crisis in three 
> decades. 
> >"Can you imagine how many people that would feed?" asked an angry taxi
> >driver, pointing to an Indonesia newspaper article on the topic. 
> >Given the public discontent, members of the Suharto family, friends and
> >business partners should be prepared for increased criticism and 
> possibly
> >even prosecution, according to Mr Roderick Brazier, who had just 
> completed
> >an extensive study of the first family holdings for the Castle Group, a
> >Jakarta-based consulting group. 
> >"Someone is going to be made an example of," he said. 
> >"Suharto will be spared because many people believe he did much good 
> for
> >the country. In his case, the good outweighs the bad. But his kids, if
> >they stay in the country, they will suffer." 
> >With a wave of reform sweeping Indonesia, government ministers are
> >responding to the popular mood by initiating moves to dismantle the
> >family's economic grip. 
> >Arrangements in which a well-connected Suharto family member was 
> included
> >as a partner, and exclusive government-backed contracts for businesses
> >related to the family, are coming under increasing scrutiny. 
> >Pressure has also mounted to remove the former leader's children from
> >corporate boards and other positions of influence. 
> >On Friday, Chief Economics Minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita, himself a
> >Suharto appointee, announced a series of steps aimed at ending the kind 
> of
> >manipulation that produced huge profits for the former President's
> >relatives and friends. 
> >On one front, he said procedures for approving investments would be
> >streamlined, ending a long tangle of red tape that allowed Suharto 
> family
> >members to step in as silent partners, at huge fees. 
> >On a second, he said tax holidays would be made public and would be
> >available on the basis of merit, rather than being handed out, as in 
> the
> >past, as presents to Suharto family members. 
> >On a third, he said factories would be allowed to open anywhere, as 
> long
> >as land regulations were obeyed, and not be restricted to industrial 
> zones
> >owned by favourites of the Suharto family. New York Times, Los Angeles
> >Times 
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> 
> 
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