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DIVIDED WE STAND

To intervene or not in the affairs of a member state? The question is
vexing ASEAN

By Roger Mitton Bangkok
With reporting by Antonio Lopez/Manila
and Santha Oorjitham/Kuala Lumpur


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IT ALL BEGAN A year ago. Malaysia's brashly outspoken deputy premier Anwar
Ibrahim boldly urged members of the Association of Southeast Nations
(ASEAN) to scrap its policy of non-interference in each other's affairs and
move toward "constructive intervention." Anwar's remarks were targeted at
Cambodia, where a violent putsch by Second PM Hun Sen had resulted in
co-premier Prince Norodom Ranariddh fleeing. The raw power grab so revolted
many ASEAN governments that the admission of Cambodia was deferred. In a
nutshell, Anwar's view was that if ASEAN were more engaged in troubled
countries like Cambodia, then such upheavals might be avoided. At the time,
the proposal met with a stony silence. But now it is being vigorously
debated, and was to be raised at least informally during the annual ASEAN
foreign ministers meeting on July 24 and 25 in Manila.

Why the new willingness to address such a thorny issue? The regional
economic crisis (and the political fallout, like the fall of Indonesia's
Suharto) is a big reason. It has shown how what happens in one country can
easily affect neighbors (as did the haze). Abiding concern about the
be-havior of Myanmar's military junta is another major factor. And more
people are simply mentioning the subject. In June, Thai Foreign Minister
Surin Pitsuwan, a good buddy of Anwar's, twice called for a review of
ASEAN's non-intervention credo. Says Withaya Sucharithanarugse, director of
the Institute of Asian Studies at Chulalongkorn University: "From [Thai PM]
Chuan [Leekpai] down to the department heads at the foreign ministry, they
are serious about it - they are not just floating the idea."

Support is limited. ASEAN Secretary-General Rodolfo Severino, after seeing
Surin, said the grouping's members "should talk frankly" with each other.
Philippine Foreign Secretary Domingo Siazon also got into the act, taking
the plunge on Myanmar. With sensitive political anniversaries approaching,
he said, the country could witness a confrontation between the government
and groups like the National League for Democracy led by Nobel laureate
Aung San Suu Kyi. Should that matter to the rest of ASEAN? Yes, says
Philippine Foreign Undersecretary Lauro Baja. He notes that the European
Union refuses to conduct a dialogue with ASEAN unless human rights in
Myanmar improve. Concludes Baja: "Myanmar's policy is affecting the
relations of other ASEAN countries with their dialogue partners."

The generals in Yangon are of course livid over the remarks by Surin and
Siazon. They fired off a terse statement warning against any change in the
Association's long-standing policies of non-interference: "It would not
serve ASEAN's interests to tamper with them." Myanmar's information
minister said that his country does not play up adverse conditions in other
member countries, and expects reciprocal treatment. Clearly referring to
Surin and Siazon, the junta rebuked "certain ministers" in ASEAN for being
"presumptuous," to which Siazon responded: "No, this is not presumptuous."

It is certainly divisive though. More officials of ASEAN governments agree
with the generals than they do with the likes of Surin and Siazon, not
least because nearly every ASEAN member is vulnerable to criticism on some
front. In the Philippines, Siazon does not have the backing of his own
president. Joseph Ejercito Estrada favors the existing policy of
non-intervention: "ASEAN countries should be left alone to decide their own
fate. The Philippines has enough domestic problems of our own - why should
we interfere in the problems of other countries?"

Indonesia's veteran foreign minister, Ali Alatas, came out against Surin's
proposal on July 14. Two days later Vietnam gave it the thumbs down. And
the day after that, Malaysian Foreign Minister Abdullah Badawi joined the
naysayers. The ASEAN way, he said, is to "discuss within ourselves without
adopting a confrontational approach and not putting to shame or
embarrassing the other party. If we make official statements, it can result
in people becoming displeased, and give rise to tension." Abdullah said he
would make Malaysia's stand clear during the ministerial sessions in
Manila. Brunei also dislikes the idea. Myanmar leader Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt's
presence at the Sultan's birthday bash on July 15 was a pretty good
indication that the two autocrats are getting along well these days and
that any notion that Brunei might back Surin's plan is pie-eyed. Even
little Laos has privately expressed displeasure. The negative vibes have
led Surin to soften the language of his proposal to "flexible engagement."

Which makes it sound awfully similar to what ASEAN has already been
practising for some time. While intervention has been a no-no, ASEAN has
propounded a policy of "constructive engagement," especially regarding new
members like Myanmar. The line pushed is for gradual reform by the junta. A
Singapore official explains: "We never expected sudden change. We knew it
would take a long time. But through attending the many meetings ASEAN
holds, through business links and so on, we feel there is more chance of
change than with isolation."

In the West this approach has been criticized as resulting in no gains. But
ongoing Western jibes - led by the U.S., which has even imposed sanctions
on Myanmar - at constructive engagement now meet with barely concealed
indignation from many ASEAN states. Admits a Western diplomat: "We
ourselves espouse constructive engagement with undemocratic countries -
Clinton did it most recently when justifying his visit to China, and
Canadian PM Jean Chretien said the same to support his policy of engaging
Cuba. So we can hardly knock ASEAN for doing the same with Myanmar, Laos
and Vietnam." Given that Thai foreign policy has always been geared to be
supportive of Washington, some people feel Surin's proposal is a sop to the
Americans. Says Withaya: "Yes, it has that kind of stigma."

Others think an intervention policy is unnecessary anyway given that ASEAN
members have been commenting on each other's affairs all along. Notes
Chaiwat Khamchoo of Chulalongkorn University's political science
department: "Already, member states can say what they want without having
to change the principle of non-intervention." For example, when Suharto
hinted in February that current In-donesian President B.J. Habibie would
become his v.p., Singapore Senior Minis-ter Lee Kuan Yew implied the choice
might be bad for Indonesia.

The upshot, says Siazon, is that "you will not get a policy shift now [over
intervention], but the time has come to start talking about it openly."
That process is well underway.


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War of Words






For constructive intervention



"Our non-involvement in the reconstruction of Cambodia contributed to the
deterioration and final collapse of national reconciliation. We should have
nursed the baby, at least through its teething period . . . [ASEAN] must
move from being a largely reactive organization to one that is proactive."

--Malaysian Deputy PM Anwar Ibrahim in Newsweek in July 1997



"When a matter of domestic concern poses a threat to regional stability, a
dose of peer pressure or friendly advice can be helpful."

--Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan on June 12, 1998



"As the ASEAN family, we should be free to talk frankly."

--ASEAN Secretary-General Rodolfo Severino on June 29, 1998



Against constructive intervention



"We accept ASEAN's role in realizing peace and stability in Cambodia, but
we do not accept interference in our internal affairs."

--Cambodian Second PM Hun Sen on July 24, 1997



"This [non-interference] principle has been subscribed to for a long time,
and has been the principle which strengthened ASEAN cooperation."

--Malaysian Foreign Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on June 17, 1998



"ASEAN was created to prevent intervention from outside powers, so it is
not for ASEAN to intervene somewhere else."

--Thanat Khoman, former Thai foreign minister and a founder of ASEAN, on
July 17, 1998


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