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OPEN LETTER TO SPDC (SALAI YAW AUNG



OPEN LETTER TO STATE PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL (SPDC)


Date: August 20, 1998

My name is Salai Yaw Aung, and I am a Central Committee member of
the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF). My parents are
Daw Khin Soe Myint and U Saw Win (a.k.a. U Kyaw Zaw Lin ), a
National League for Democracy (NLD) Member of Parliament who died
in prison in August 1998. 

During the 1988 uprising, I was a student at Rangoon University
and was banned from the University because of my involvement in
politics. In October 1988, I left for the Thai-Burma border and
the following month I joined the ABSDF.
 
The purpose of this open letter to the State Peace and
Development Council's Senior General Than Shwe is to ensure that
the tragedy of my father's recent death in prison is not
repeated. I hope that my father's death is the last in the
struggle for democracy and human rights. 

I also want to remind the people that we must work together for
democracy in Burma.



Salai Yaw Aung
Central Committee
ABSDF

-------------------------------------------------------------


Open Letter To:
Senior General Than Shwe
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)


I send this letter to you firstly, so that you will understand
how the people of Burma have been suffering. I also want to see
that the country's problems are solved in a reasonable manner and
that Burma can enter the 21st century with peace and prosperity.

To understand the current situation in Burma, we need to look at
past events. After the military coup in March 1962, the situation
in Burma grew progressively worse. Many students who demonstrated
against the military in July 1962 were killed. The historical
student union building at Rangoon University was also destroyed
and student unions were outlawed. General Ne Win, the then coup
leader, also threatened his own people by saying that he would
match a "sword with a sword" and kill those who demonstrated
against the military regime. He simply ignored the feelings of
those whose sons and daughters were killed in the protests and
his comments made the people very angry. By determining that
power came from the gun, the military junta oppressed political
opponents with force, which included extra-judicial killings and
torture.
 
The military also attacked not only ethnic rebel groups who have
been fighting for autonomy for many years, but also ethnic
minorities. This, in turn, forced the ethnic minorities to
retaliate. We need to think why the military targeted ethnic
groups and think about the military's boast of national unity.
The truth is that the military have destroyed national unity,
rather than creating it as they have claimed.

The military have attempted to use guns and power to build a
spirit of unity in the Union. For example, a local authority in a
district of upper Burma one year ordered local people to attend
the ceremony of Union Day. The authority coerced the people into
attending by threatening to remove their right to purchase food
at the local co-operative if anyone was absent. This is how the
military attempts to build unity through force, but it doesn't
work. In reality, such a spirit cannot be create in such a
manner.

Under the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) from 1974-1988,
many workers, students and monks were jailed and killed. A
prominent student leader, Saline Tin Maung Oo, was hanged for
leading a demonstration against the military. Many students who
were involved in demonstrations against the military were
dismissed from their schools. Many others, particularly female
students, died or committed suicide after their release from
prison because of the poor conditions of the jails or as a result
of torture. Their relatives were not given the opportunity to
complain about the situation. It was clear that the military was
forcing the people to live in fear and that has been the reality
for the past 36 years.

Through this fear and propaganda, the military attempted to mold
the citizens of Burma so they would do everything the military
wishes. It also isolated the country from the world and, as a
result of all this, in 1987 the United Nations declared Burma a
least developed country. This led to immense discontent among the
people.

By solving Burma's problems through force and violence, civil war
has continued to rage for 50 years. The result has been that many
people have become refugees, homeless or orphans, and the
nation's economy has gone from bad to worse. Many young girls
have had to go to neighboring countries, such as Thailand, to
seek work and many of them end up in brothels and become infected
with the AIDS virus.

The AIDS virus took root in Burma in the late 1980s among
intravenous drug users. Burma is at the heart of the golden
triangle where opium poppy is harvested and almost two-thirds of
Burma's intravenous drug users are estimated to carry the deadly
virus. In Burma's prisons, the virus is rampant because needles
are used over again by prison medical staff to treat prisoners.
One National League for Democracy (NLD) Member of Parliament, U
Hla Than, died of AIDS while in prison. However, the junta has
failed to acknowledge that there is an epidemic. The fact is that
there is not a proper medical system in Burma and government
hospitals lack medicines and basic medical instruments.  
 
The education system is in a similar state of disrepair. Since
1974, the education system has been changed many times, but
nothing has improved. Indeed, most of those who have been able to
achieve a high level of education have left the country. This has
been largely because these people were never given the
opportunity to work properly in their field. In the bureaucracy,
it is military officers, skilled only in military matters, rather
than educated professionals that make the final decisions. Unable
to work under such conditions, Burma has experienced a huge
brain-drain.

In addition, during the last ten years universities and colleges
have only been open for five years, with the military closing
institutions fearing possible demonstrations from students. It is
difficult to believe that a regime would be willing to sacrifice
the educational future of a nation merely to suppress expressions
of freedom.

The fact is, although the budget for the military is more than 60
percent of Burma's Gross Domestic Product (GDP), there is almost
no money allocated for medical care and education.

We do not understand why the military oppresses its own people
and carries out ethnic cleansing of minority groups. We were all
born here together. We drink the same water, so we are not
strangers. It should be pointed out that the worse the
oppression, the angrier the people become. And the worse the
oppression, the more the people seek revenge.

The people of Burmese are patient and kind, but if they decide to
revolt their ability and perseverance are excellent. History has
already proved this and it's still true today.

If we examine the current political problems in Burma, we will
need to respect both sides - military and pro-democracy. This is
important, as world history has shown that when solutions are
imposed without considering both sides, more harm is done than
good.  

Finally, I would like to ask you what it takes to be courageous
and patriotic. Oppressing and bullying people is not courageous.
However, it takes courage to fight for the truth and to sacrifice
your life for your people and country. No hero tries to bully. If
there is a machine that can measure patriotism, you can test me
anytime. No doubt you will see that my fellow students and I will
score much higher than anyone will in the junta.

After General Ne Win said he would fight a "sword with a sword"
and a "spear with a spear", why then does the military shoot dead
students with bullets when all they have are pens? This is
neither courageous nor patriotic.

Therefore, I demand that the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) foster the process of democratization in Burma by:
 
1) Immediately releasing all political prisoners,
2) Immediately recognizing and convening the parliament elected
in May 1990,
3) Declaring a nation-wide cease-fire,
4) Holding a tripartite dialogue with the democratic forces, led
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and ethnic groups. 



Salai Yaw Aung, 
(a.k.a. Aung Aung Min)