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The BurmaNet News: September 21, 19



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: September 21, 1998
Issue #1100

Noted in Passing: "The military has no security, it has no money and it is
therefore making constant demands on the farmer to provide food, to provide
labour for the soldiers." - Joe Silverstein (see BBC: LIVING IN THE SHADOW
OF THE JUNTA) 

HEADLINES:
==========
AFP: MYANMAR OPPOSITION FORCES DEFIANT ON ANNIVERSARY 
BKK POST: BO MYA-THIS TIME WE WON'T BE CAUGHT OFF-GUARD 
THE NATION: DRIVING TATMADAW'S TOP BRASS MAD 
BBC: LIVING IN THE SHADOW OF THE JUNTA 
AP: US WARNS AMERICANS 
MYANMAR MONITOR: AMBASSADOR TO US DISCUSSES RELATIONS
BKK POST: CHETTHA TO GET NEW JOB AS BURMA ADVISER 
MIC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A.-0612(I) 
ANNOUNCEMENT: AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S LATEST SPEECH ON DVB 
****************************************************************

AFP: MYANMAR OPPOSITION FORCES DEFIANT ON 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF JUNTA TAKEOVER
18 September, 1998

YANGON, Sept 18 (AFP) - Ten years after the Myanmar junta seized power and
launched a bloody crackdown on dissent pro-democracy forces remain defiant
and international pressure for change is mounting.

The capital Yangon was quiet Friday on the 10th anniversary of the "coup,"
but the opposition has said it plans to convene a parliament in defiance of
government warnings.

Riot police were deployed at strategic locations around the city, as they
have been since the city earlier this month experienced its biggest
anti-junta student protests since universities were closed almost two years
ago.

"They are dotted around sensitive places, but are fairly discreet," one
Western diplomat said.

Exiled MPs from Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy (NLD) party said Myanmar was "in a state of emergency" and
military rule was plunging the country deeper into chaos.

They also confirmed the party's intention to convene this month the
parliament elected in 1990 polls, which the NLD swept but the military has
refused to recognise.

"We are very clear about our commitment to the democratic movement and the
NLD's bid to have parliament convened," said NLD MP Tin Tut.

"Ten years after (the junta's) formation, 10 years after they massacred
thousands and (in) 10 years of utter deceit, nothing has changed," he said
in a statement from exile in Australia.

Myanmar's Bangkok-based government-in-exile Friday called on dissatisfied
elements within the armed forces to join with the opposition in its effort
to convene the assembly.

"Now is the most appropriate time for members of the armed forces to become
involved in the effort," the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma (NCGUB) statement added.

The junta's anniversary comes a day after the exiled government said the
NLD's plan to convene parliament could split the military and called on the
international community to support the move.

The NCGUB said pressure from the opposition was creating serious cracks
within the armed forces which could lead to the collapse of the junta.

The NLD this week announced the formation of a 10-member representative
committee to convene the national assembly. The junta has meanwhile rounded
up hundreds of democracy advocates in recent days in an effort to stymie
the planned parliament.

Pro-democracy students who fled to Bangkok after the junta's 1988 takeover
also issued a statement supporting the planned parliament, which they
described as "a direct challenge to the generals in Rangoon."

Diplomats in Yangon played down the significance of the anniversary, saying
it may be seen as more important by the military itself than any other
parties.

The State Peace and Development Council, which until recently was known as
the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), assumed power on
September 18, 1988 after months of pro-democracy demonstrations.

The unrest began in March of that year after several students were killed
by riot police and intensified through September as the military cracked
down on protests.

As the demonstrations continued, three heads of state were forced to resign
in quick succession, including Ne Win who had been in power since 1962, in
an effort to quell the uprising. But power remained vested in the military
loyal to the strongman.

On September 18, the military staged a "coup" and established the SLORC,
comprising 19 senior officers loyal to Ne Win. The SLORC immediately
clamped down on the popular movement.

Estimates of the number killed in the crackdown range into the thousands.

Ne Win ostensibly stepped aside in a bid to placate protestors, but
analysts said 10 years on he still wields great influence in the junta,
despite reportedly suffering ill health.

"You couldn't really say it was a coup," another foreign diplomat in Yangon
said. "We all know it's basically the same players now as in 1988." 

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: BO MYA - THIS TIME WE WON'T BE CAUGHT OFF-GUARD
20 September, 1998 by Ralph Bachoe, Thai-Burma Border

**Should another 1988 event occur in Burma, the leader of the Karen
National Union (KNU) has vowed to join forces to topple the military junta.**

The Karen National Union leadership has vowed to join forces inside Burma
to overthrow the junta in the event of a repetition of the 8-8-88 uprising.

Gen Bo Mya, president of the KNU, said: "Unlike 1988, we and the Burmans
now have full understanding, and because of this, should another 1988
incident occur we will definitely give a hand."

When the Burmese populace exploded in anger in 1988 after 26 years of
military rule, the KNU was more or less caught off-guard, he said. "The KNU
had no understanding with the Burmese populace so it was difficult for us
to enter the country.

"We were not sure the people would welcome us or join forces with the
ruling regime to repel us," said Gen Bo Mya, also chairman of the National
Council of the Union of Burma. "That is why we did not do anything about
it. But now all this has changed. We understand each other perfectly."

The warning came after Aung San Suu Kyi, the 1991 Nobel laureate, and her
National League for Democracy, expressed determination to convene a
People's Parliament this month with members from the May 1990 election.

The league scored a landslide victory in the free and fair election but the
result was negated by the then State Law and Order Restoration Council.

The junta's reply was parliament could not be called because it needed
first a constitution. It has convened a constitutional convention since
1993 with hand-picked members comprising 700 delegates from political
parties, ethnic nationalities and workers.
To date, nothing has materialised. The league, which was originally
included, withdrew citing political differences.

The junta has warned of unspecified stern action should the league go ahead
with its plan to convene parliament. This could mean Aung San Suu Kyi and
her party members could be taken into custody. She could even be deported.

To date, says the league, the junta has arrested 783 of its members, among
them 196 elected representatives, in an apparent attempt to discourage or
thwart the convening of a parliament.

Gen Bo Mya said: "If they arrest or deport Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, there will
be more than unrest in the country. There will be chaos because these days
the people are behind her 100-percent."

Popular demand for democracy is overwhelming, he said, not least because
the economy in the country of 45 million is a shambles. "People used to two
square meals a day can't do so now; the one-time rich have become paupers
and won't take it any more."

Not only the Burmans but also ethnic nationalities have suffered much under
the dictatorial rule of the military government. Because of this, "If Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi is arrested or deported, the people will revolt."

Describing the suffering of the people, the KNU leader said the families of
military personnel, particularly those in lower ranks, are no exception.

"Soldiers have families as well and are going through the same hardship as
anyone else in the country. So this is not only a civilian issue.

Remarking on accusations by the State Peace and Development Council,
formerly Slorc, that Aung San Suu Kyi is in league with the democratic
forces and the ethnic nationalities branded "terrorists", Gen Bo Mya said:

"First, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not a terrorist. She has neither suppressed
nor killed anybody in her life. What she is doing is to restore peacefully
the freedom and rights of the people and re-establish democracy.

"Second, we have to take a look at who is suppressing the people,
committing atrocities such as rape, murder and forced labour. So their
accusation of us being terrorists is groundless."

He also denied direct links existed between the charismatic league leader
and the KNU. However, he admitted sharing the objective to restore democracy.

"If Daw Suu restores democracy and her party comes to power, she will do
her best for the well-being of the country and in also solving the ethnic
nationalities situation."

On the latest student demonstrations in Rangoon, the 73-year-old Karen
leader said the fault lay with the military government. Apart from
dissatisfaction about the examination issue, the protests were related to
continued violations of human rights, rampant inflation, and so on.

The demonstrations were not instigated by the democracy movement or any
other groups. "They happened because of the SPDC's actions."

Gen Bo Mya believes matters will change for the better once the military
realises the time has come to honour the results of the 1990 election and
allow the people to establish a democratic system of government.

"If they do so, it will not only benefit the nation, but will also bring
great honour to them." 

****************************************************************

THE NATION: DRIVING TATMADAW'S TOP BRASS MAD 
20 September, 1998 by Aung Zaw 

THERE ARE SIGNS THAT CRACKS ARE APPEARING IN BURMA'S POWERFUL AND COHESIVE
ARMED FORCES

Burma's opposition group in exile claimed recently that the ruling junta
arrested several senior military officers. The reason: the military
officers, the opposition group said in a statement, were planning to meet
with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Moe Thee Zun, vice chairman of the All Burma Students' B Democratic Front
(ABSDF) said the arrest carried out in September included Col Myo Myint,
commander of Rangoon Military Command No. 4 and are believed to be under
interrogation.

The vice chairman said those who were arrested are Suu Kyi sympathisers.
However, it wasn't crystal-clear and there was no independent confirmation
on the arrest of high-ranking military officers.

But there are signs that cracks are appearing in Burma's powerful and
cohesive armed forces, the tatmadaw .

Recently, the National League for Democracy [NLD] sped up its campaign
against the military dictatorship. The party recently sent its appeal
letter to the tatmadaw personnel.

In the letter, the party asked soldiers to support the NLD's call for a
parliament. The proposal was rejected by the junta known as the State Peace
and Development Council (SPDC). It is believed that the appeal letters were
distributed among military officers and soldiers.

As the NLD comprises a significant number of retired high-ranking army
officials, analysts observed, the appeal letters were distributed and
"studied" by tatmadaw personnel. Moreover, the appeal letter was repeatedly
broadcast by foreign radio stations.

In the letter Suu Kyi said, "I address all the people in the army and say
that because of your love of your country it is your duty and
responsibility to provide hack-up support to fulfil the wishes and desires
of the people. In so doing you will gain the respect and the love of the
people and the world."

She also denied the accusation of splitting the tatmadaw. The opposition
leader said, "We have no desire for the army to split. That is why we
always claim that the people includes the army."

But the generals were not sitting idly They reacted very quickly.

The state media warned that deputy opposition leader Tin Oo, vice chairman
of the NLD, could face possible arrest for trying to split the tatmadaw.

"These days the NLD is sowing the seeds of discord among the tatmadaw by
distributing the so-called 'An appeal to the tatmadaw men' .... it is quite
clear that U Tin Oo masterminded these plots," it said. Tin Oo was a former
army chief in 1970s.

Opponents fear that the arrest of the  NLD deputy leader is imminent. "His
house was surrounded by troops," said one witness.

"U Tin Oo still has good contacts in the armed forces," said Ko Ko Aung
(not his real name) in Rangoon. He added, "There are some officers who
sympathise with Tin Oo and NLD."

"We need Burmese Ramos," an activist participating in recent street protest
said after learning of the arrest of army officials, referring to the
former Philippine president and former general who supported the "people
power uprising" and helped to topple the Marcos regime.

But analysts in Rangoon argued that mutiny on a large scale is unlikely.

A veteran journalist in Rangoon said, "The army is still in charge of the
country. The generals never tolerate any dissent. Some officers may want
change but they dislike NLD and Suu Kyi."

Then he said, "Remember how Ohn Kyaw Myint was punished?" Captain Ohn Kyaw
Myint was tried and was hanged in 1977.

The captain's crime was to attempt to assassinate state leaders including
Gen Ne Win. He and his fellow coup plotters were opposed to Ne Win's
Burmese Way to "Socialism which they felt had led the country to ruin. At
that time, U Tin Oo, who is now deputy chairman of the NLD, was also
arrested in connection with Ohn Kyaw Myint's case.

So are there any "good soldiers"?

Activist Naing Ko, now in exile, said there was no shortage of "good
soldiers and Ramoses" in the tatmadaw.

"There is a pro-democracy camp within the army but I'm not sure if they are
a majority. There are liberal and open-minded soldiers in the army but they
never had a chance to head to the top. They were suspended or purged," he
said.

In 1988, hundreds of navy and airforce personnel were forced to resign or
thrown into jails. The crime was they joined the street demonstration in
Rangoon.

Ten years later it won't be surprising to discover pro-NLD and
pro-democracy soldiers in the tatmadaw as ordinary soldiers and their
families voted for the NLD in 1990 general elections.

In May 1990, when the NLD's landslide victory was announced, soldiers who
were guarding the NLD offices in Rangoon cheered and danced. Moe Thee Zun
said, The majority of the army voted for the NLD in the 1990 election just
like ordinary citizens did."

Analysts now acknowledge that there is growing dissent among ordinary
soldiers and low-ranking officers.

Significantly, in recent years, many soldiers deserted their battalions and
came to border areas with Thailand, India and China where they found odd jobs.

Lieutenant Ye Yint, 21, talked about daily hardships and mistreatment in
his battalion based in Moulmein, Mon state.

"We wanted to flee, we have little salary (1,100 kyat per month) - we have
to work every day." Ordinary soldiers earn between 600 to 800 kyat.
Lieutenant Ye Yint, who fled to the Thai-Burma border this year, said,

"We are forbidden to listen to foreign broadcasts such as BBC, VOA and
RFA," he  said, "We know nothing of what's going outside."

Moe Thee Zun thinks not only ordinary citizens but members of the tatmadaw
also suffer under military rule.

"They, too, are fed up with a handful of generals at the top working only
for their own benefit. The soldiers want to take pride in their army. They
want to work for the people, not for a group of thugs who have brought the
country to economic ruin."

Retired Brigadier-General Aung Gyi, once thought to be Gen Ne Win's heir
apparent, believes the tatmadaw has an image problem. In his exclusive
interview with Washington-based Radio Free Asia (Burmese Service), Aung Gyi
lamented, "People despise the tatmadaw . This is a bad sign. The people of
Burma have lost faith in the tatmadaw."

He talked about corruption and the nepotism of top junta leaders. Aung Gyi
warned that the army is divided and the generals couldn't even feed their
own soldiers.

As Aung Gyi is no longer considered to be a force to reckon with and his
antiNLD policy is appreciated by the generals, he wasn't arrested for his
comment.

But analysts said the NLD's recent appeal letter to military personnel
drove the generals mad. "They will never forgive such a thing - this act is
inexcusable in this country," one said.

But Suu Kyi said she respects and loves the tatmadaw, which was in fact
founded by her father, Gen Aung San. The army is held in high esteem by the
NLD, she said.

"Because my-father founded the army, I have a special attachment and
regards for it. When my father founded the army, it was not for the purpose
of interfering in politics. Rather, it was for the purpose of supporting
the people in their political struggle.

Suu Kyi, who has been threatened with deportation, said the people of Burma
wanted to see soldiers who were the product of the people " as our good
sons and precious jewels".

But it seems he top generals are intent on proving her wrong. 

****************************************************************

BBC: LIVING IN THE SHADOW OF THE JUNTA 
18 September, 1998 by Christopher Gunness 

East Asia Today

It's ten years since troops were sent in to crush pro-democracy protests in
Burma. On that day - September the eighteenth, 1988 - martial law was
declared and a military council known as the State Law and Order
Restoration Council, or SLORC, was formed. A decade on, the generals are
still in power, though younger faces are in evidence, and the junta is now
known as the State Peace and Development Council.

A decade of international engagement with the Burmese military regime, has
produced little, in terms of dialogue with the democratic opposition. The
National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, is still isolated -
over seven hundred of its members and hundreds of its MP, elected in 1990,
have been detained.

But what of ordinary people, say in the run of the mill coffee shops, in
rural areas? Have political developments in the capital really touched
their lives? East Asia Today presenter, Christopher Gunness, asked the
Burma scholar at Rutgers University in the United States, Joe Silverstein:

Joe Silverstein: I think it has affected it in a number of ways. If I were
a young person looking forward to some kind of education, I would have been
in great difficulty because the universities have been closed for most of
this period. When they have opened, they haven't been opened on a regular
basis so that a student could actually get involved and it has dipped down
into secondary schools. So Burmese young people have lost a half a
generation of education. Secondly, if I were a person living under the
military, I would certainly see that I am not able to live an ordinary
life. The fact that we are sitting in a teashop and talking, we will both
look over our shoulders to see who is listening. If anyone is listening we
will be very cautious if we are going to go down the road, especially if we
are in a rural area, that there could be a military patrol about. They
might stop us, they might demand money from us, they might attack us
because they would assume that we were somebody preparing underground
activity. So life would be very dangerous for us.

Christopher Gunness: But a lot of human rights abuses took place where
there was a lot of ethnic insurgency going on. Arguably because we have
seen cease-fires in these areas there are fewer human rights violations in
these places. Is that true?

Joe Silverstein: Not necessarily. This doesn't mean that the military
hasn't pressganged men, picked up young people at night, put them into army
trucks and taken them away for military service. More importantly in the
Burma area as opposed to the minority area, the military is much more
dubious about people because they believe they are better able to organise
resistance and are essentially the enemy that has to be controlled.

Christopher Gunness: The army argues that particularly in the ethnic
minority areas, they have brought some stability. Is there some truth in
that argument?

Joe Silverstein: I can't imagine what they are proving except the stability
of the dead, or the absolute dominance of people so they cower in their
presence. The military has no security, it has no money and it is therefore
making constant demands on the farmer to provide food, to provide labour
for the soldiers. If they can't pay for it, they are forced to raise money
and buy their way out of service. The urban population, which is seen as
much more revolutionary and dangerous, is in far greater danger from being
informed upon or under surveillance and thus their lives have been
interfered with.

****************************************************************

AP: US WARNS AMERICANS 
19 September, 1998 

WASHINGTON (AP) -- The State Department, warning of a possible terrorist
threat to U.S. diplomatic and business interests in Myanmar, on Saturday
advised Americans in the southeast Asian nation to take greater precautions
for their personal safety.

American government workers and private citizens in Myanmar, also known as
Burma, should keep a low profile, vary their travel routes and regard mail
from unknown sources with suspicion, the State Department said in a statement.

The statement gave no details about any threat, but the State Department
has issued several travel warnings for countries around the world since
last month's terrorist bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

****************************************************************

THE MYANMAR MONITOR: AMBASSADOR TO US DISCUSSES EXTERNAL RELATIONS AND
INTERNAL POLITICS 
20 September, 1998 

[Editor's Note: The following article appeared in Information Sheet
N0.A-0614(I) (20 September, 1998) by the Myanmar Information Committee,
Yangon.  The information sheets distributed from the Okkar66129 account
generally carry re-prints of material published in the New Light of
Myanmar, the state-sanctioned English-language daily newspaper of Burma.
The Myanmar Monitor is a newsletter of the Public Relations firm, Jefferson
Waterman International, headed by Ann Wrobleski, a former U.S. assistant
secretary of state for narcotics control.  The Washington Post (Feb 24,
1998) disclosed that Wrobleski received nearly $600,000 to do PR work for
the junta.]

1998 has been a pivotal year for Myanmar as it marks the 50th anniversary
of its founding as an independent nation and the 10th anniversary of the
military Intervention which brought the current leadership to power. In
recent months, Myanmar has been the focus of much international attention
as tensions rise between the government and the opposition movement led by
the National League for Democracy (NLD). Despite the widespread media
attention on Myanmar and its political and economic future, the government
and its leaders remain relatively unknown and not well understood. To help
provide the international community with some insight into Myanmar and its
current situation, The Myanmar Monitor presents the following interview
with U Tin Winn, Myanmar Ambassador to the United States, held on September
15, 1998.

Q. How would you assess the current state of US Myanmar relations?

A. Frankly speaking the current state of US-Myanmar relations are at the
lowest ebb One of the basic tenets of Myanmar's foreign policy has been to
promote and maintain good and friendly relations with all the countries in
tile world and the United States is no exception We wish to restore our
traditionally good relations with the United States, however, it takes two
to tango

In order to get US-Myanmar relations back on track, I believe that there
must first be recognition from Washington that the present government,
SPDC, is acting in the interest of the nation and the people Washington
should also have a better appreciation of the recent history of Myanmar,
its ethnic and cultural diversity, its deep-rooted traditions and the
compelling reasons for the military's leading role Unlike other armed
forces around the world, ours is quite different and very unique.  The
military is the most disciplined institution and organized entity in our
country

Secondly, the US should realize that democracy cannot be built in a day, in
a month, or in a year For democracy to find roots, it must take into
account the circumstances that I have explained tile country's history, the
people's traditions, the culture and purposes of a nation and its people We
must be allowed to transform ourselves into a democracy over time and be
given breathing space to develop our own institutions, infrastructure and
characteristics

Q. Recent events within Myanmar-including the arrest of foreign students in
August university protests in Yangon, and the "calling in" of National
League for Democracy members by the government-have attracted worldwide
media attention especially in the United States. Could you elaborate on
Myanmar's current internal situation?

A. The opposition group the National League for Democracy (NLD) and their
supporters abroad have been using all means that are fair and foul to
embarrass the government In recent months, they have been trying to seize
the opportunity presented by anniversaries, say for example 8.8.88, to
foment unrest so that they can grab tile reins of power. It is very
significant that the 18 foreigners were not arrested by the police or
uniformed individuals, They were arrested by ordinary citizens who do not
wish to see our country destabilized They will not tolerate acts of
instigation such as inciting the public to go against the government or to
go out into tile streets to demonstrate.

In the case of the Yangon Institute of Technology, some disgruntled
students initiated a protest against the university administration for what
they consider as exceedingly tough examinations due to lack of preparation
time But political figures tried to redirect the anger against the
government-they issued some statements supporting tile students and turned
it into an anti- military government protest To their credit, the
authorities working with university administrators were able to blockade
the students and reassure them of a fair consideration. All untoward
actions were avoided and the students finished their examinations at the
Yangon Institute of Technology this week The tact and understanding with
which those perturbations were dealt underscore the orderly manner in which
internal issues are being resolved in Myanmar. Those who wish Myanmar ill
would of course like to see a more heavy handed response by the Government
causing civil unrest. If the government makes some wrong actions, for
example by dispersing students with force with water cannons or batons, the
opposition will take issue.

The reason why the NLD has become emboldened is that when the government
allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to hold larger and larger party conventions and
conferences in her compound since 1996, she became confident and challenged
the government. That is the reason that the NLD issued an ultimatum last
May calling on the government to convene the parliament by August 21, 1998.
Now that the day has come and gone and the government has refused to accede
to their unreasonable demand, they are planning to convene the parliament
unilaterally. This unilateral action is not only unlawful but also
treacherous according to our criminal codes. The government has therefore
warned the NLD that it could face serious action if it tried to realize
this threat. In order not to have to take drastic action, like outlawing
the NLD and arresting leaders of the party, the authorities have tried to
diffuse the situation by inviting some NLD members from outside of tile
Yangon area to come to the guest house and discuss the situation and the
NLD's intention. I think that all these people are very cooperative with
the government. In fact, they are not charged with any criminal law nor are
they put in a jail or prison or even in the police station, just in the
government guest house.

This is not the first time, you see. In 1996 the government detained about
300-350 people, and last year about 400-450 people were detained, and so
on. So whenever there seems to be a danger that can destabilize the
situation, the government uses this as a preventative measure. The Western
media, not fully aware of the way differences are resolved among ourselves,
have been making a mountain out of a mole hill and have seized every
opportunity to lash out at the Myanmar government.

I think from the side of the United States they can help improve relations
by abandoning or jettisoning prejudices and focus on positive developments.
For example, it should not hold the entire bilateral relationship hostage
to the single issue of human rights. There are many fields where we can
cooperate with each other such as narcotic drug suppression, health,
education, exploitation of natural resources, and so on. As a first step
the US should seriously consider lifting sanctions Without lifting the
sanctions, I think it is very difficult to cooperate in the economic field.

Q. How is Myanmar's economic climate? Is it attractive to American businesses?

A. Not only to American businesses, but after promulgating our New
Investment Law in 1989, it is favorable for all foreign nations to invest
in Myanmar. Those who have invested in Myanmar-Asians, Europeans as well as
Americans-have noticed quite a number of changes in the legal and
investment climate.

Notwithstanding the US sanctions, investment opportunities in Myanmar
abound We are the largest country in mainland Southeast Asia with abundant
natural resources and a motivated and educated population The thirty years
of self- imposed isolation that kept it from fulfilling its potential have
ended and investment is now encouraged even as the logistics of it are
still being ironed out Consider that Myanmar's population of 46 million is
85% literate and that two-thirds of the population still earns its living
in agriculture Despite these facts, only 12% of Myanmar's cultivatable land
is being farmed Myanmar has a continental shelf of 230,000 square
kilometers by the fishing industries extract barely half its sustainable
stock Also, our country has 80% of the world's teak forest, and huge
reserves of oil, gas, coal, tin, tungsten, zinc, iron, copper, gold and a
variety of precious tones, that await extraction . The question is not
whether Myanmar will become a major center of economic activity, but when,
and who will be best positioned to participate when this happens.

Q. Last month Human Rights Watch proposed a new strategy focused on co
-ordination and engagement to encourage improvement in Myanmar's human
rights situation, as well as to develop positive relations with the
international community Do you have any comments7

A. You may notice that Human Rights Watch has been in the vanguard of those
opposing the Myanmar government. That it is now proposing a new strategy
focused on coordination and engagement underscores the fact that in the
past it was guided more by the heart than the head Once there (is)
recognition that the situation in Myanmar is unique and that the Myanmar
citizens are capable of resolving their problems and differences among
themselves without outside interference, a good start can be made. The
international community can best help in the process by being patient and
refraining from interfering in what is essentially domestic affairs [ ... ] .

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: CHETTHA TO GET NEW JOB AS BURMA ADVISER 
20 September, 1998 

ARMY CHIEF TO TAKE ROLE AFTER RETIREMENT

Army Commander-in Chief Chettha Thanajaro is looking forward to a new job
as special adviser on Burma after retirement at the end of the month.

The army chief said he expects to be appointed as special adviser to the
Supreme Command on Burmese affairs when he retires.

"I am also thinking about setting up a consultant firm specialising in
Burma," he said, adding that he in tends to help coordinate the issue
because the army still has no expert on Burma.

The outgoing commander returned from an official visit to Burma Friday. It
was his last visit to foreign countries as the army commander-in-chief.

Burmese military leaders also expressed their welcome to Gen Chettha's
expected appointment as a special adviser on Burma.

"Although he retires from the army, Gen Chettha is always welcome here. If
there is any problem, he can act as a coordinator," said Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt,
first secretary of State Peace and Development Council.

Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt also said that he hopes the Thai army's policy towards
Burma under the leadership of Gen Surayud Chulanont will remain unchanged.

Gen Chettha received a red-carpet welcome from Burmese military leaders
during the visit between Sept 16-18 as part of his farewell-bidding trip.

The army chief also secured the release of 101 Thai prisoners in Burma. All
of them are due back in Thailand on Monday.

However, Burma refused to release some 29 Thais, claiming they are being
tried on more serious charges.

Meanwhile, the Burmese commerce minister will travel to Tak on Tuesday to
discuss trade cooperation including joint fisheries between Thailand and
Burma.

Gen Chettha is expected to attend the meeting which was scheduled during
the army chief's visit.

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MYANMAR INFORMATION COMMITTEE: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A.-0612(I) 
18 September, 1998 from OKKAR66129@aol 

[Information Sheets issued under the email addresses MYANPERSP@xxxxxxx and
OKKAR66129@xxxxxxx match those issued by the Directorate of Defence
Services Intelligence (DDSI) in Rangoon, and can be assumed to reflect
official SPDC opinion.]

Minister for Foreign Affairs Leaves to Attend 53rd Session of UN General
Assembly Myanmar delegation led by Minister for Foreign Affairs left Yangon
by air on 17 September for New York to attend the 53rd Session of the
United  Nations General Assembly which is currently in session there. On
his way to New York, he will attend the Environment Congress for Asia and
the Pacific, ECO ASIA 1998, a ministerial conference, in Sendai
International Centre, Sendai, Japan, from 19 to 20 September 1998.

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ANNOUNCEMENT: AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S LATEST SPEECH ON DVB 
20 September, 1998 from euburma@xxxxxxxxx 

The latest speech of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi: Explanation to the people of
Burma - the reason to form Representative Committee for People Parliament
and appeal for support, is now available at DVB's Web site at -
http://www.communique.no/dvb/archive/1998/audio/speeches/. Which was
broadcast from DVB on 19th Sept 1998.

Thida , http://www.communique.no/dvb/
Coordinator, DVB Web Page
Democratic Voice of Burma

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