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TESTIMONY BEFORE HOUSE PANELS ON BU



28 September 1998 

TEXT: DAS GARE SMITH TESTIMONY BEFORE HOUSE PANELS ON BURMA 

(U.S. committed to pressing Burma regime for democracy) (3320)

Washington -- The United States remains committed to pressing the
military regime in Burma to permit its citizens to have the leadership
they themselves have chosen, according to Gare Smith, principal deputy
assistant secretary of state bureau of democracy, human rights and
labor.

In a testimony before joint hearing of the House International
Relations Subcommittees on Asia and the Pacific and International
Operations and Human Rights September 28, Smith said: "We believe that
the people have suffered long enough. Burma's military leaders must
recognize that it is time -- past time -- for them to enter into
genuine political dialogue with the democratic leadership. Without
support -- either within Burma or internationally -- the regime cannot
resolve the terrible problems facing Burma. The military can, however,
retain an honorable role if it facilitates the transfer of power to
civilian rule, and resumes its appropriate place as the defender of
the country's security."

The international community can continue to play a useful role in this
process, Smith said. "On September 17, Aung San Sun Kyi said, 'I also
appeal to all the democratically elected Parliaments of it the world
to give due recognition to our Committee and to support the work we
are undertaking.' We applaud this appeal and hope that it will be
heard and acted on. We see increasing evidence that people around the
world support the Burmese people's aspirations to be represented by
leaders chosen in free and fair elections."

Following is the text of Smith's testimony, as prepared for delivery:

(begin text)

HUMAN RIGHTS IN BURMA

TESTIMONY OF
THE HONORABLE GARE SMITH, ACTING ASSISTANT SECRETARY
BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS AND LABOR
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS & HUMAN RIGHTS
AND THE 
SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA & THE PACIFIC
OF THE
HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE

September 28, 1998

Chairman Smith, Chairman Bereuter, and members of the Subcommittees,
thank you for this opportunity to appear today to report on the
ongoing struggle of the Burmese people for democracy, and to address
the work being done both bilaterally and multilaterally by the State
Department to promote freedom in Burma.

You have consistently demonstrated concern for the people of Burma,
and are to be commended for taking precious hearing time at the end of
this session of Congress to focus on Burma. Because this is an issue
that is very close to my heart, I am especially pleased that this, my
first testimony before the House International Relations Committee,
provides me with an opportunity to praise the Burmese people in their
struggle to exercise internationally-recognized basic human rights.

The people of Burma continue to live under a highly repressive,
authoritarian military government that is widely condemned for its
serious human rights abuses. Although the military government has
changed its name from the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC), to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) there has
been no real change in its repressive policies. The regime also has
tried to rename the country Myanmar. We agree with the National League
for Democracy that a country's name should not be changed without the
consent of its people.

In 1988, the people of Burma demonstrated against 25 years of military
rule in a countrywide popular uprising unprecedented in Burma's
history. The military violently suppressed these demonstrations,
killing thousands of protesters. They imprisoned additional thousands
of regime opponents in harsh -- and sometimes fatal -- conditions.
Even while holding on to power through force of arms, however, the
military promised to hold elections in 1990.

Those elections, as you know, resulted in an extraordinary victory for
the National League for Democracy, which won 392 of the 485 seats
contested. The people of Burma overwhelmingly rejected the SLORC
(whose National Unity Party won only ten seats), and showed their
support for democratic, civilian rule. This took place despite the
regime's efforts to cow its opponents, including barring major
democratic leadership figures from running for office and placing its
most prominent opponent, Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest. Despite
this definitive mandate for change, the regime never recognized the
election and the Burmese people have continued to suffer.

Almost a decade later, Burma remains mired in political repression and
economic stagnation. Despite vast natural resources, it continues to
rank as one of the poorest countries in the world. Its economic
troubles are largely a result of the regime's own mismanagement and
heavy-handed policies, which have sent the Burmese economy into a
downward spiral the regime appears unable to halt. U.S. and European
investors continue to pull out due to the unfavorable economic
situation. Asian investment has also declined, due to the region-wide
economic crisis. Sanctions also play a role in making Burma an
unattractive place to produce goods for export. When the military took
over in 1962, Burma was perhaps the richest and best educated country
in Southeast Asia. Now it has become one of the poorest and
worst-educated. This situation will take years to remedy.

Recently, the International Labor Organization published a scathingly
critical report on Burma's labor practices. The U.S. Department of
Labor's report on forced labor, issued last Friday, includes evidence
on the use of forced labor gathered by U.S. government officials. The
United States and the ILO are particularly critical of the use of
forced labor for public works construction and in support of military
operations.

Burma's unwillingness to fight drug trafficking on its territory
affects its neighbors and other parts of the world as well. Burma is
the world's largest producer of opium and heroin. It produces about 90
percent of Southeast Asia's opium and about half of the worldwide
supply. The continuing high levels of opium production, combined with
increased production of methamphetamines, has exacerbated drug
addiction rates in China, Thailand and India.

There is evidence that corrupt elements in the military may be aiding
the traffickers, and there are signs that the SPDC encourages
traffickers to invest their ill-gotten gains in a multitude of
development projects throughout the country. As Secretary Albright has
noted, criminals who traffic in drugs are treated like honored
citizens, while citizens who speak out for a more lawful society are
treated like criminals.

The regime also has failed to stem the tide of trafficking of women
and children. Burmese women and girls, especially members of ethnic
minorities, are trafficked throughout Southeast Asia to work as
prostitutes. This reprehensible practice also facilitates the spread
of HIV and AIDS. 1997 estimates show over half a million Burmese
infected with HIV. As Secretary Albright has noted, Burma has become
the epicenter of the regional AIDS crisis. The epidemic there is out
of control and is growing faster than anywhere in Southeast Asia. The
epidemic is now spreading to India, Bangladesh, and China, where 80
percent of reported HIV infections are found along the Burmese border.

In response, the government has continued to deny the existence of an
epidemic. As a result, there has been virtually no public education.
We are now working with Radio Free Asia and the Voice of America to
broadcast lifesaving information to the Burmese people.

Burma's long cycle of repression and economic stagnation can be
brought to a close. The military regime could end tomorrow its sorry
history of political repression and economic stagnation. The
parliament elected in 1990 is ready and willing to guide Burma's
return to democratic government. This summer, the NLD again called for
the government to convene the parliament. Instead of grasping that
historic opportunity for a peaceful transition to a
democratically-elected government, the regime to this day refuses to
honor the results of that election.


Chairman Smith and Chairman Bereuter, I do not need to remind you of
the regime's record of silencing democratic voices. At a time when the
Burmese people and the whole world embraced Aung San Suu Kyi as a hero
of nonviolence and democracy, the SLORC held her under house arrest
for six years. During This period, in 1991, she was awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize.

When the regime finally released her from house arrest, she
immediately resumed her efforts to reach out to the people of Burma
and to press the military regime to enter into a dialogue with the
democratic leadership. She steadfastly resisted all efforts to
intimidate her.

Earlier this year, she engaged in a series of principled
confrontations with the military as she attempted to meet with NLD
members outside Rangoon. When the military refused to allow her to
complete her trips, she refused to back down. A series of roadside
standoffs ensued. In one case, the military forcibly returned her to
Rangoon.

The United States, as you know, strongly supported her right to travel
and to meet with party members. As Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright said, "[W]e deplore the government of Burma's refusal to
allow members of the National League for Democracy ... to travel
freely in [[their] own country... [W]e are gravely concerned about the
health and safety of Aung San Suu Kyi and will hold the Burmese
authorities directly responsible for insuring her health and welfare."

This year, the military regime has stepped up its repression of
democratic forces. In May, when the NLD called on the government to
convene parliament, the regime instead detained over one hundred
democratically-elected members of Parliament. Today, the military has
two-hundred democratically-elected members of the parliament in
custody, along with hundreds of leading pro-democracy figures more
than nine hundred in all.

The NLD has responded with the formation of a "Committee Representing
the People's parliament," which includes representation from ethnic
minority parties. The Committee demonstrates the commitment of the
democratic forces to peacefully stand up for their legitimate rights
while opening a way for dialogue with the military.

Two weeks ago, the Committee asserted the right of the duly-elected
Parliament to fulfill its mandate, and pledged that the Parliament
elected in 1990 would last until a constitution based on democratic
laws is accepted by the majority of the people. The Committee also
rejected the validity of all rules, regulations, orders, and laws
issued by the regime until they are endorsed by the 1990 Parliament.
At the same time, the Committee recognized that the country needs the
military for defense and emphasized the mutual relationship of trust
and respect that should exist between the people and the military.

For the military regime, beginning a real dialogue with this Committee
could be an important first step on a path that would end Burma's
political crisis. The great majority of the people of Burma clearly do
not trust the regime, which rule by fear and force of arms. History,
and especially recent history, has shown that any government that
rules by fear is inherently unstable. If the regime continues to
repress democratic groups, it will increase the chance of instability
in Burma, with potentially grave consequences for the country and die
region.

The United States continues to seek actively a peaceful and democratic
resolution of the current crisis in Burma. The immediate goals of U.S.
policy are progress toward democracy, improved respect for human
rights, and more effective counter-narcotics efforts. Failing national
reconciliation, Burma will not be able to address adequately the many
severe problems it faces, including narcotics trafficking and abuse, a
low level of education, and poor economic performance.

We have continued to pursue a multilateral strategy as we seek
improvement in our key areas of concern. We consult regularly and at
senior levels with leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), Japan, Korea, the European Union, Australia, Canada,
and other countries that still have trade and investment interests in
Burma. At the same time, we target them to press the regime to curb
drug production and trafficking. These efforts have helped build and
maintain strong international pressure on the military regime.

The U.S. has been in the forefront of an effort to encourage
substantive political dialogue among the SPDC, the NLD and the leaders
of ethnic minority groups, who make up one-third of Burma's
population. We have maintained close contacts with the democratic
leadership and have encouraged other countries to join us in pressing
the government to initiate a dialogue with the NLD, Aung San Suti Kyi,
and representatives of the ethnic groups.

Secretary Albright is personally engaged in this effort At the ASEAN
regional forum last August, she organized a meeting of foreign
ministers to press the SPDC to accept dialogue. The Secretary met
again with her counterparts at the United Nations General Assembly in
New York last week.

To impress upon the SPDC the need to make progress in our areas of
concern, we have, in partnership with the Congress, taken a number of
tough steps: we have suspended economic aid, withdrawn GSP and OPIC,
imposed an arms embargo, and blocked assistance from international
financial institutions. We downgraded our representation from
Ambassador to charge d'affaires, imposed visa restrictions on senior
regime leaders and their families, and have implemented a ban on new
U.S. investment.

We likewise have encouraged ASEAN, Japan, the European Union, and
other nations to take similar steps and other actions to encourage
progress by the SPDC in these areas of key concern. Many nations have
joined us in our arms embargo, including European countries, Canada,
Australia, Japan, and Korea. The EU limits its assistance to Burma to
humanitarian aid.

We have been successful in persuading international financial
institutions to block loans to the regime. This is probably the single
most effective sanction we employ. Since 1988 we have taken an active
role in pressing for strong human rights resolutions on Burma at the
United Nations General Assembly and the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights, and have worked vigorously with the International Labor
Organization to condemn the lack of freedom of association for workers
and the use of forced labor by the SPDC.

In 1996, at our urging, the EU and associated European stales joined
us in imposing a ban on visas for high-level SPDC officials and their
families. In addition, the European Union and Canada withdrew GSP
trade benefits from Burma's agricultural and industrial products in
March and August 1997, respectively, bringing their trade policies
more in line with that of the United States.

Secretary Albright has stayed in close communication with UN Secretary
General Kofi Annan about Burma and has urged him to become personally
involved. While sanctions provide the incentive for the regime to
change course, we believe that a quiet diplomatic effort led by the UN
and countries in the region will be helpful to jump-start dialogue.

The members of ASEAN share many of our goals, and while they have no
interest in pursuing a policy of sanctions, they, like us, are
increasingly frustrated by the glacial pace of change inside Burma,
and concerned about the potential for instability. When Burma joined
ASEAN last year, Secretary Albright made clear that the organization
would bear a responsibility to encourage democratic change there, or
risk a "chasm within ASEAN between one part that is open integrated
and prospering, and another that is closed, isolated and poor." This
year, that danger led the foreign ministers of Thailand and the
Philippines to press for more active and flexible policies by ASEAN
countries toward the internal problems of their neighbors, including
Burma.

We also encourage other governments to meet with Aung San Sun Kyi
themselves. If they speak with her and other NLD lenders directly,
they will see that the democratic leadership is flexible and
realistic, committed to finding a solution that works to end the
impasse in which. Burma finds itself In an effort to facilitate these
contacts, our Embassy in Rangoon provided a venue for a briefing to
the diplomatic community earlier this month by Aung San Suu Kyi and
other NLD leaders.

Since FY 1996, we have used foreign assistance funds to support the
Burmese democracy movement Our main partner in this effort has been
the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Over the last three years,
we have granted NED over $4 million for its Burma programs.

NED currently supports activities in three areas: (1) media and
information; (2) institution building; and (3) training and education.
In media and information, NED supports Democratic Voice of Burma
Radio's daily broadcasts from stations in Germany and Norway.

NED also supports the New Era Journal, which is a key pro-democracy
newspaper published in Bangkok and transported into Burma For
institution building, NED helps support the Free Trade Union of Burma.
NED finding also allows the International Republican Institute to
support the National League for Democracy's organizational efforts in
Thailand. In training and education, NED will assist primary and adult
education programs for ethnic minorities in refugee camps along the
border.

At the request of Congress, the Administration is also providing
humanitarian assistance to Burmese located in Burma or to displaced
Burmese along the borders. For example, during the past three years,
we have made grants to the International Rescue Committee for its
medical work and its feeding programs through die Burma Border
Consortium. We have also supported the World Concern Development
Organization's programs for maternal-child health care.

I would like to emphasize, however, that the role of the international
community is to support the Burmese people, not to impose a solution
on them. The Burmese people, through their vote in the 1990 elections,
have demonstrated their desire to have a democratically-elected
civilian government. This is their choice, not ours.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I want to emphasize that the United
States remains committed to pressing the military regime to permit the
Burmese to have the leadership they themselves have chosen. We believe
that the people have suffered long enough. Burma's military leaders
must recognize that it is time -- past time -- for them to enter into
genuine political dialogue with the democratic leadership. Without
support -- either within Burma or internationally -- the regime cannot
resolve the terrible problems facing Burma. The military can, however,
retain an honorable role if it facilitates the transfer of power to
civilian rule, and resumes its appropriate place as the defender of
the country's security.

We believe that the international community can continue to play a
useful role in this process. The NLD has offered one way by
establishing the Committee representing People's Parliament. On
September 17, Aung San Sun Kyi said, "I also appeal to all the
democratically elected Parliaments of it the world to give due
recognition to our Committee and to support the work we are
undertaking." We applaud this appeal and hope that it will be heard
and acted on. We see increasing evidence that people around the world
support the Burmese people's aspirations to be represented by leaders
chosen in free and fair elections. This Committee represents the
leaders that the people of Burma themselves have elected, and we fully
support its work.

Despite the long struggle, we should not give up hope that Burma can
resolve this crisis and move forward to rebuild the country under
democratically-elected leadership. In the words of Aung San Sun Kyi,
"A question that is often put to me whether I believe that the
people's movement for democracy will succeed. The answer is an
unequivocal YES. Contrary to the predictions of those who are totally
out of touch with the mood of Burma today, I believe that not only
will the people achieve democracy but that once it is achieved they
will be able to make it work for the greater good of the nation."

Mr. Chairman, members of the Subcommittee, I think that we all share
her faith, and will work to make her hopes and the hopes of the people
of Burma a reality. Thank you very much.

(end text)