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Defector sees Kim's regime as incre
- Subject: Defector sees Kim's regime as incre
- From: suriya@xxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Sun, 11 Oct 1998 17:56:00
Running Against History
Defector sees Kim's regime as increasingly brittle
October 15, 1998
H wang Jang Yop, 75, is the highest-ranking North Korean official to
have defected. The principal architect of Pyongyang's ideology of juche,
or self-reliance, he escaped in February 1997 to South Korea, where he
now lives under Seoul's protection. For 38 years prior to his defection,
Hwang had mostly worked side by side with the communist north's former
"Great Leader" Kim Il Sung, and his son, Kim Jong Il. In an exclusive,
late September interview with Olaf Jahn, Asia correspondent for
Germany's Axel Springer Group, Hwang provided a rare look at North
Korean elite politics, the army and Kim's absolute grip on the populace.
Excerpts:
Four years after the death of his father, Kim Jong Il occupies his
nation's
highest post as chairman of the National Defence Committee, but not the
position of state president, which has been abolished. Is this a sign of
weakness?
On the contrary. Kim Jong Il has practically been the sole strongman in
North Korea since 1974. So, when Kim Il Sung died, Kim Jong Il had already
had the real power for 20 years. He didn't need the title of state
president.
And as state president he would have to attend public events. That is
something he doesn't like. One reason that he tries to appear in public as
seldom as possible might be in order to maintain his mystique.
Then is Kim Jong Il responsible for the deadly assault in 1983 on South
Korean cabinet members in Rangoon and for the bombing of a South
Korean passenger plane in 1987?
Absolutely! There is no doubt about it. Every single mission of every spy
has to be approved by him so the major attacks definitely had his hand
behind them. This man is a terrorism genius.
What kind of man is Kim Jong Il? Is he ill?
Kim Jong Il is healthy. He can think and make decisions very clearly and
very quickly. He is absolutely impatient and wants to see his orders
implemented immediately . . . Since his youth he has admired Adolf Hitler
for his capability to totally control his people. Like Hitler, he
guards his
power jealously.
He typically doesn't like to function in public or with institutions.
He does
everything secretly, behind closed doors, together with a handful of his
closest advisers. That's why he loves terror and violence. He does not
convince people, but rather pushes his conviction through by force. As for
his capabilities . . . he has destroyed the achievements of his father,
he has
ruined the economy, the people are starving. So as a leader he has failed.
But still he manages to keep the system running. That means, he is able to
tie the elite [consisting] of powerful party members and military
leaders to
himself and to control them.
What is the army's role today?
Kim Jong Il has strengthened the position of the army very much. Today
his power is dependent mainly on the army, which is the prime example for
all other organizations in North Korea. In fact, he has transformed the
former dictatorship of the party into a military-dictatorship. That
suits his
penchant for force and orders. At the same time, the army does not have
much political influence.
How well-informed is North Korea's political elite about international
events? Where and how are political decisions made?
The elite consists of fighters of the partisan war and their families,
members
of the Kim family and very loyal party workers. The inner circle of
this elite
is well-informed. These people are allowed to visit other countries. They
have access to TV and radio, and to five special magazines which cover
world events. They are especially well-treated by the system and enjoy a
very good life. For that reason they back the regime. Kim Jong Il himself
has access to several international TV and radio channels. In addition, he
gets a special newspaper which is printed only for him. Having read it, he
passes it on to his closest aides. The elite outside the inner circle
gets only
very little information about what happens abroad.
Important decisions are made only by Kim Jong Il. His ideas and proposals
are sent to the party, which implements them into plans. Concrete plans
are
submitted for his approval.
How and where do the elite live?
They are dispersed throughout 10 guarded ghettos. Kim Jong Il has an area
to himself. Underground tunnels lead from there to the other ghettos. This
way Kim can reach nearly every building without being seen. By the way,
there's a 40-kilometre-long tunnel system surrounding Pyongyang. It will
provide shelter in case of war. In peace time, it provides a passageway
primarily for Kim Jong Il.
To what extent are the elite watched?
Almost all the time. I myself was watched in my office and at home, in the
kitchen, the bathroom, the garden; there were bugs and video cameras
practically everywhere. By the way, this equipment came from the stash of
the former East German state security service. A technician warned me
once: "Mr. Hwang, it would be best if you said nothing here."
How did the elite react to communism's collapse in the East Bloc at the
end of the 1980s?
It came initially as a great shock, of course. But later it was
interpreted as
the result of weak socialism . . . but North Korea, armed with its
ideology of
juche, did not need to worry. Suddenly it was said: We have to strengthen
our dictatorship. So after the collapse, the secret services were
drastically
strengthened. Today there is a secret service for the military, one for
the
party and a general secret police. This surveillance system encompasses
the entire population, from the top to the smallest district. Special
emphasis
is placed on the universities where all disciplines are saturated with
secret-service moles.
The former East Germany had niches of criticism--for example, within the
church. Is there anything comparable in North Korea?
There are no niches. Although, officially, freedom of religion exists,
and is
theoretically guaranteed by law, we don't even have a real church. Two
churches were built for the World Youth Games in 1986 in Pyongyang but
only for public-relations purposes. Those that really go there are
state-ordered "believers." If someone really wanted to attend church, or
declared allegiance to it, he would be shot within five minutes. The
people
should only believe in Kim Jong Il.
You describe the awful poverty in North Korea. Are famine revolts
possible?
No, something like that could never happen.
Even if tens of thousands die from malnutrition or inadequate medical
care?
Even then. You must understand that the North Korean system is much
more brutal and inhumane than Stalinism. It totally and completely
controls
the soul of the ordinary citizen. Their thoughts have been bombarded for
decades with propaganda about the heroism of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il
. . . Most of these people are simply incapable of thinking about being
critical. Anyway, anyone who tries to organize a gathering will be shot.
On what does the leadership in North Korea base its ideology?
At the end of the day the "Leader" is the source of life of the
individual.
Because he lives, they live. He is like God, or like the sun. The
people really
believe that . . . Every crisis is viewed as a natural catastrophe or
as a result
of a malicious U.S. policy.
What about reports that critics of the establishment were imprisoned in
gulags.
. . . If they weren't shot. Yes, there are two types of prisons.
Members of
the upper echelons of the elite are detained in labour camps, ordinary
people are sent to non-arable, isolated areas in the middle of nowhere
where they are left to survive on their own. In North Korea there are 10
such areas and approximately 30,000 "prisoners" living in each. They are,
of course, never shown to the human-rights groups.
Is any change possible?
Certainly, but as is said among party members, the army must make the
first
move. [Although it gets preferential treatment, the military] still has
its
problems. The soldiers, for instance, don't have proper uniforms. The army
has too little nourishment and demands an ever-increasing portion of state
food reserves. The decline in troop morale is a big worry in Pyongyang.
Another catalyst for change could be the dissatisfaction of the normal
population. Despite all their faith in Kim, their hunger has made them
unsettled. If only somehow they could be convinced that their predicament
was due to governmental mistakes and not a natural catastrophe, perhaps
change could come from the bottom up. The attempt to bring such
information to the masses must come from South Korea.
What would happen if Kim Jong Il were to die suddenly?
The system is not prepared for it. It would force immediate political
change.
Not only that, in reality only maybe 20% of the elite really stands behind
Kim. The others . . . would try to take the chance for change. Many of
them
have already been hit by the repercussions of the current economic crisis.
Does the elite really perceive a military threat from South Korea or the
U.S.?
No, they are convinced that North Korea cannot be attacked, even by big
powers . . . After the Soviet Union and China were lost as allies, North
Korea has become politically and mentally independent. War scenarios
serve only the propaganda machine. On the other hand, North Korea still
believes that it could conquer South Korea--should the Americans ever
leave the peninsula. This withdrawal is one of Pyongyang's most important
goals in all its international negotiations.
Were you surprised by Pyongyang's recent launch of a missile across
Japan?
No, not at all. This kind of three-stage rocket has been in existence
for quite
some time. I think in 1994 its development was well under way. To my
knowledge, the technicians had already solved the problem of solid-fuel
for
those rockets by that time. [The North Koreans waited five days before
explaining the launch was not of a military rocket] probably because they
first wanted to be sure that the satellite actually reached its orbit
and that it
was sending the planned propaganda signals.
How do you see the system today?
It will fall. The hardening of the dictatorship and the downturn of the
economy are indicators of impending decline. I don't know how long Kim
Jong Il can hold on, but he's running against history. That's why he'll
fail.