The BurmaNet News: October 19, 1998

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: October 19, 1998
Issue #1120

HEADLINES:
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SPDC: FORMATION OF NEW POLITICAL COMMITTEE (COMMENTS)
CRPP: NOTIFICATION #4 
BKK POST: BURMA ISSUES LAND TITLE DEEDS TO MONS 
THE NATION: UNHCR TO OPEN 3 OFFICES ALONG BORDER 
AFP: BRITAIN CALLS FOR TOUGHER ACTIONS 
ICEM: EU MOVES AGAINST BURMA SANCTIONS 
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SPDC: FORMATION OF NEW POLITICAL COMMITTEE 
18 September, 1998 

Order 25/98,Yangon
The State Peace and Development Council has formed the political committee
comprising the following --

(1) Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, Chairman (Secretary (1) SPDC)

(2) Lt Gen Win Myint, Member (Secretary (3) SPDC) 

(3) Gen Khin Maung Than, Member (Commander, Yangon Command)

(4) Col Tin Hlaing, Member (Minister for Home Affairs)

(5) Gen Kyi Aung, Member (Minister for Information)

(6) U Thaung, Member (Minister for Science and Technology)

(7) U Than Aung, Member (Minister for Education)

(8) U Aung Toe, Member (Chief Justice, Supreme Court) 

(9) U Tha Tun, Member (Attorney General)

(10) U Aye Maung, Member (Secretary of Commission for Multi Party Democracy
General Elections)

(11) U Thaung Nyunt, (Member Joint Secretary of National Convention
Committee) 

(12) U Thein Sein, (Member Deputy Minister for Information) 

(13) Brig Gen Kyaw Win, Member (Deputy Director General, Department of
Military Strategy Studies)

(14) Col Than Aye, Member (Director, Department of Military Strategy Studies)

(15) Lt Col Pe Nyein, Secretary (Director General, Office of the SPDC) 

(16) Col Than Tun, Joint Secretary (Director, Department of Military
Strategy Studies)

By order 
( Khin Nyunt) Lt Gen., Secretary(1), State Peace and Development Council  

ANALYSIS: KHIN NYUNT'S POLITICAL COMMITTEE by Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe
<tzang@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>

General Khin Nyunt has formed a Political Committee. The creation of
another level of authority by Khin Nyunt and his MI allies and loyalists
should be seen as a significant (and clever) move. It would be wise to
closely watch the action of the Committee and its members, most of whom are
high-level MI personnel.

The move could mean that the junta is preparing to set up a political party
(using the USDA as base) and at the same time to accelerate the
constitution drafting process.

Secondly, it could mean that Khin Nyunt is preparing for some significant
political move in order to manipulate the transition and democratization
process (which is in fashion in international circles).  In this regard,
one aim will be to outflank Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD and all
opposition forces, especially those overseas.  It is likely that the
Political Committee's  main strategic thrust will take the form of
attempting to co-opt opposition elements. The democratization and
transition aspirations of the people (and favored by the international
community) will be used or manipulated to recruit non-military elements and
transform them eventually into docile and powerless supporters.
Fence-sitting or free-floating military factions and elements will also be
similarly co-opted and rewarded.

Thirdly, the Political Committee can be seen as a tool to consolidate the
position of the Khin Nyunt-MI camp in the intra-military power equation.
The Committee will likely be used to outflank and marginalize military
factions that are hostile or indifferent to the idea of Khin Nyunt becoming
the second military strongman of Burma.

Fourthly, it is likely that Khin Nyunt and his MI allies and loyalists will
use the power which the formation of the Political Committee provides them
with, to counter-balance the Zone Commanders. Since November 1997, these
commanders have, as members of the SPDC, been elevated to positions above
the regular military line-of-command. There is certainly a need to remedy
this problem of administration and hierarchy.

The thrust of Khin Nyunt's co-option politics is clear. It is to create a
limited and controlled pluralistic political arena, manipulated by the Khin
Nyunt-MI camp. A political arena with limited and controlled form of
pluralism is the ideal situation which military power-holders strive for,
often without much success, due to lack of sophistication and political
skills on the part of the military.  The best example of a "pluralistic",
essentially authoritarian (if not autocratic), arrangement is Suharto's
Indonesia, which lasted over 30 years and has yet to be dismantled.

However, Khin Nyunt's aspiration to become a Suharto-like military ruler
will not be easy since Indonesia of 1965 is different from Burma in 1997.
Moreover, General Suharto worked to consolidate power and set up his
autocratic New Order regime within the parameters of the 1945 constitution,
already put in place by Sukarno in 1959-1960. Further, the Indonesian
military's claim to a dual political-military function was more or less
recognized by Sukarno and other elite groups in Indonesia politics, well
before Suharto's advent to power. Technically therefore, the Suharto system
was a constitutional military-authoritarian regime. This is not, nor was it
ever, the case in Burma.

In summary, Khin Nyunt's Political Committee is an important and very
significant move. It aims to create a new level of authority under his
control and direction, one which will stand above the government body (the
cabinet), the SPDC (the military junta), and the regular military
establishment (and by extension within the country as well).  The Political
Committee will also serve to empower Khin Nyunt or the Khin Nyunt/MI camp
politically, giving it (i.e., Khin Nyunt) wide political authority to
engage flexibly with non-military elements and the opposition. The aim is
of course not real transition and democratization, although this rhetoric
will be used to gain international approval.

The formation of a Political Committee by Khin Nyunt indicates the opening
of a new and perhaps very decisive phase of political struggle. The
opposition must therefore have a counter-strategy and a clear roadmap of
where the many paths (or options) will lead to, as well as have an overall
picture of the unfolding political landscape and its dynamics.  Most
importantly, the opposition -- at home and abroad -- must be careful not to
underestimate the sophistication and political savvy of, especially Khin
Nyunt's as well his close MI allies. Much more importantly, it would not be
very wise to demonize Khin Nyunt and thus shut him off completely.
Although it seems unlikely, given the crisis conditions in Burma and within
the global economy, however, Khin Nyunt and allied MI factions may be
compelled by circumstances (and against their wishes) to undertake real
reforms; in other words, to restore civilized and normal politics in Burma:
namely, to push the military back into the barracks where it rightly belongs.

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COMMITTEE REPRESENTING THE PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT: NOTIFICATION #4
13 October, 1998 

1.  There are two political connotations to the word "MANDATE". Firstly,
derived from the Latin word "MANDARE" the meaning is "a command from a
superior to a subordinate ordering him how to act."  Secondly, derived from
the French word "MANDAT" the meaning is "permission to govern according to
declared policies, regarded as officially granted by an electorate to a
particular party upon a decisive outcome of an election."

2.  According to this second definition, the political party that obtained
a working majority has been given the mandate by the electorate to govern
according to its declared policies.

3.  During the entire period when the Burmese Way to Socialism Party had
the mandate, the representatives in parliament had to act in accordance
with the policies laid down by the party. When they were not acceptable by
the party they had to resign from the parliament.

4.  The promises made by the political parties prior to the elections have
to be implemented in the parliament and this is what "MANDATE" signifies.

5.  The National League for Democracy openly declared its main policy was
to abolish military rule and to build a democratic country. Out of 485
seats, The NLD won 392. These elected representatives must abide by the
policies of the NLD. They all support the NLD and those who cannot actively
participate in the implementation of the policies have given their written
consent to the central executive committee to act on their behalf.

6.  In exercise of the MANDATE given to the NLD by the people and in
exercise of the authority vested in it by the parliamentarians-elect, the
Central Executive Committee of the NLD wrote to the State Peace and
Development Council to convene parliament Section 47 of the Pyithu Hluttaw
Law (1974) which is still in force stipulates that "If 34% of the
parliamentarians requisition a parliamentary meeting, the State Council
shall convene one." By not complying to this request, this provision of law
is contravened by the authorities. The National League for Democracy is
empowered by 251 parliamentarians which is more than the required 34%.

7.  Because the authorities have failed to act in accordance with the
provisions of the law, the National League for Democracy has had to take
this step. We again make this known to the people of the country that the
State Peace and Development Council is violating the provisions of law and
is entirely responsible for whatever consequences may result by their
flouting the law.

Committee Representing People's Parliament, Rangoon, 13 October 1998
(The National League for Democracy takes full responsibility for
distribution.) 

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THE BANGKOK POST: BURMA ISSUES LAND TITLE DEEDS TO MONS 
16 October, 1998 

Kanchanaburi - Burma has issued land title deeds to Mons living along the
ill-defined border with Thailand in violation of an agreement.

If allowed to go on, this could cause problems concerning border
demarcation to be jointly conducted by Thailand and Burma, according to
Maj-Gen Sanchai Ratchatawan, commander of the Kanchanaburi-based 9th
Infantry Division. 

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THE NATION: UNHCR TO OPEN 3 OFFICES ALONG THAI-BURMA BORDER 
14 October, 1998 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) plans to open offices
in three provinces along the Thai-Burmese border in an effort to help
protect the refugee population, a spokesperson of the agency said yesterday.

The spokesperson said the UNHCR will establish offices in the Mae Hong Son,
Tak and Kanchanaburi provinces as soon as possible. "We expect UNHCR's role
at the border, in close cooperation with the Royal Thai Government, to
contribute to enhanced protection of the refugee population," he said.

Commenting on reports issued by the London-based Human Rights Watch on
Wednesday criticising UNHCR and the Thai government for failing to give
adequate protection to more than 100,000 Burmese refugees, the spokesman
said the report had not taken recent developments into account,
particularly in terms of the agency's expanded role at the Burmese border.
Based on the principle of solidarity and burden-sharing, the Thai
government reached a common understanding on working arrangements with
UNHCR in May to enhance the agency's role in four areas namely witnessing
admission, assisting Thai authorities in registration, assisting in the
relocation of temporary shelters and helping Burmese displaced persons with
safe return.

Working arrangements are expected to be implemented this month with the
Thai government and the UNHCR jointly monitoring its development. In
addition, the UNHCR will also be granted free access to refugee shelters.

Boonsak Kamheangridhirong, National Security Council secretary-general said
on Monday, that Thailand as a host to refugees and displaced persons,
recognised the need for international solidarity and burden-sharing as the
solution to refugee problems.  Speaking at the Executive Committee of the
Programme of UNHCR's 49th session in Geneva, Boonsak urged the donor
community to provide financial support.

"Funding should be sustained and increased in order to enable UNHCR and
related organisations to cope effectively and sufficiently," he said.
Boonsak said public awareness should be promoted in donor countries so that
their public can realise, understand and appreciate the extent of sacrifice
and burden carried by top donors in the cause of refugees.

"Financial assistance should go beyond emergency relief and should focus on
reintegration and monitoring returnees to ensure the continuity of
repatriation and to prevent the recurrence of outflow," he said.

Meanwhile, UNHCR said it would continue engaging in negotiations with
interested NGO's and others on the situation of this population. In
addition to the Burmese there are some 38,000 displaced Cambodians in
Thailand.

Since October 1997, 8,177 displaced persons had been voluntarily
repatriated under the UNHCR assistance, and some 37,000 had returned
spontaneously.

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AFP: BRITAIN CALLS FOR TOUGHER ACTIONS AGAINST MYANMAR 
15 October, 1998 

LONDON, Oct 15 (AFP) - Britain called Thursday for tougher action against
Myanmar, possibly including a ban on EU transit visas for its military
junta, to pressure Yangon to improve its record on democracy and human rights.

Junior Foreign Office minister Derek Fatchett said he wanted the European
Union to step up pressure on the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC), the official name of the ruling military regime in Yangon.

The European Union has already taken a series of measures against Myanmar,
including military and economic embargoes and a ban on entry visas for
senior members of the SPDC and their families.

Fatchett, speaking at a conference here on the country, formerly known as
Burma, said the visa ban could be extended to transit visas too.

"Why should European airports or capitals be open to SPDC officials as
convenient stopping points -- and shopping or tourism havens -- on the way
to meetings in New York or Geneva?" he asked.

The SPDC refuses to recognise 1990 general elections which the National
League for Democracy under Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi won by a
large majority. Fatchett said the political situation in Myanmar was "grim"
with "callous, country-wide human rights abuses."

"We need, among other things, to have measures which make clear to the
regime that Burma will not be integrated into the world until its
government changes its ways."

Fatchett also demanded action within the International Labour Organization
(ILO), saying Britain would call for Myanmar's suspension from the UN
agency if it failed to match its obligations as a member.

Myanmar has also come under heavy pressure to improve its record from the
United States and Canada, which have enacted similar boycotts and sanctions.

Fatchett said Britain could not support investment, trade or tourism in
Myanmar or "outside assistance which lines the pockets of the regime."

"We will argue for strong action in the International Labour Organization,
including suspension, if Burma is shown to have contravened its ILO
obligations," he added.

The ILO is a specialised UN agency that seeks to improve labour and living
conditions and promote social justice. Member countries are supposed to
bring their laws into lines with internationally agreed norms.

Fatchett added however that Britain did not want to work alone. "Insular
grandstanding" would do little good.

"It must be right to work for the widest possible recognition that, without
the restoration of democracy, Burma will not be able to come back in from
the cold of international isolation."

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INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF CHEMICAL, ENERGY, AND MINE WORKERS' UNION
(ICEM): EU MOVES AGAINST BURMA SANCTIONS 
14 October, 1998 

ICEM UPDATE, No. 85/1998

E.U. MOVES AGAINST BURMA SANCTIONS - WORLD'S UNIONS PROTEST

Even at the best of times, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) is not
everybody's favourite policeman.

Set up to promote free trade and to rule on disputes over alleged trade
restrictions, the WTO mechanisms beg a crucial question about the new world
order. Is the "free" movement of goods, services and capital more important
than democratic decision-making, human rights, social justice, public
health and the environment?

The WTO is already in trouble for its decision this Monday to overturn a US
law designed to save sea turtles from inappropriate shrimping nets.

But now, the WTO itself is becoming ensnared in its most damaging test case
to date. And this time, it is all about scrapping a law intended to save
people from thugs.

The WTO is being asked to rule that the US State of Massachusetts must
rescind measures aimed against one of the world's most brutal and corrupt
dictatorships - the military junta in Burma.

Worse still, the case has been brought by the European Commission. The
Commission is the powerful civil service of the European Union.

After strong campaigning by US rights activists, including trade unions,
Massachusetts and various US local authorities decided that public
contracts should not go to companies that are still doing business with or
in Burma. That rule, now commonly known as the Massachusetts Law, applies
to all companies alike - whether US-based or otherwise. But the EU says the
measure violates the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement. So it has
taken the US government to a WTO disputes panel and is insisting that
Massachusetts and others should be ordered to rescind the measure.

The European Commission's attitude has drawn strong protests from trade
unions and other campaigning organisations.

In a letter faxed to Commission Vice-President Sir Leon Brittan today, the
20-million-strong International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and
General Workers' Unions (ICEM) urges him to withdraw the EU's complaint.

The ICEM's members include unions in both the EU and the USA, and it is in
contact with unions working clandestinely inside Burma.

"Any move by the European Union to restrict economic action against the
Burmese junta would seriously damage the EU's reputation worldwide," the
ICEM warns. "There can longer be any doubt that the Burmese economy runs on
forced labour, including child labour."

To back up this statement, the ICEM cites the very thorough report on Burma
issued this August by the UN's International Labour Organisation. A special
ILO Commission found the Burmese regime's use of forced labour to be
"widespread and systematic."  Women, children and the elderly are among
those who are forced into work which is "almost never remunerated or
compensated," the ILO reported. "Forced labourers, including those sick or
injured, are frequently beaten or otherwise physically abused by the
soldiers, resulting in serious injuries. Some are killed, and women
performing compulsory labour are raped or otherwise sexually abused by
soldiers."

The Burmese junta is also one of the world's biggest suppliers of illicit
heroin, the ICEM tells Sir Leon.

And the regime tramples freedom of association under foot. The ICEM letter
cites the cases of Burmese trade unionists U Myo Aung Thant and U Khin
Kyaw, who have been under arrest for more than a year now. U Myo Aung Thant
was recently sentenced to life imprisonment after he was found guilty of
"high treason" for attempting to form a trade union in his workplace, the
All-Burma Petrochemical Corporation. Both men are reported to have been
tortured in prison.

People everywhere have a democratic right to decide that their taxes should
be spent in line with their principles, the ICEM tells Sir Leon. Therefore,
"even if one concludes that the Massachusetts law violates WTO rules (and
we do not believe that it does), then it is the WTO rules that should be
changed, not the Massachusetts law."

In fact, the EU has already acknowledged the nature of the Burmese regime,
and the effectiveness of trade sanctions in bringing democracy back to
Burma. The EU scrapped preferential status for Burmese imports, after a
sustained trade union campaign on the issues of forced labour and child
labour.

"The EU should now move urgently to sever all trading links with Burma
until democracy is restored there,"  the ICEM insists. "In this way, the
WTO case would become irrelevant and the European Union would be seen to be
taking serious action of its own against the Burmese dictatorship, rather
than undermining the action of others."

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