The Nation (26-11-98)

[mingla@xxxxxxxxxxxx]

Junta wages war on history as crimes forgotten
Burmese modern history has been forged by anti-fascist and anti-colonialist
revolutions. However, the new junta is attempting to rewrite history, writes
Moe Aye. 

BANGKOK -- On Nov 10, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, head of the Burmese military
intelligence unit, said something startling at the opening of the Burma-Japan
Bilateral Conference on Information Technology Co-operation in Rangoon. ''We
shall never forget the important role played by Japan in our struggle for
independence,'' said Khin Nyunt, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC)
first secretary, and the most powerful general in the SPDC. 
''In the same vein, we will remember that our tatmadaw (military) was born in
Japan.'' 
Many Burmese were confused about the general's words. They didn't understand
what the general wanted to mean directly, especially by using the words ''the
important role played by Japan''. The word ''important'' is now controversial
for Burmese people. 
The term ''fascist'' and mention of the cruelty of Japanese troops were
missing
from the general's words. While Korean women have the right to claim
compensation from the Japanese government, Burmese women who were used as
concubines for the Japanese troops, and men who were used as forced labourers
to construct the ''Death Railway'' during the war, have no right to
compensation for their sufferings. 
It is not because of the Japanese government but because of the junta and the
Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). Although the Japanese government paid
reparations after the war, none of this money went to Burmese victims of
Japanese atrocities. Instead, Burmese authorities pocketed the money. 
''If such sorrowful incidents had occurred under the British rulers, the junta
would at the moment push and help the victims to claim compensation from the
British government,'' said an old politician who didn't want to be named. 
''The junta targets the British because of Dr Michael Aris, husband of Daw
Aung
San Suu Kyi. If Dr Aris was Japanese, their target would be changed and the
junta would complain about Japanese fascism.'' 
In Burma's history, there are two famous revolutions in the struggle for
independence -- the anti-fascist and the anti-colonialist revolutions. Just
before the 1988 military coup, Burmese students in primary and high schools
had
to learn about those two revolutions. Students who took history as their major
subject had to learn about these two revolutions before they could get their
degrees. 
However, under the BSPP, most of the historical movies which could be seen by
Burmese people were anti-fascist. In particular, the movies showed the
brutality and rudeness of the fascist Japanese during their occupation.
Although the movies showed the fascist Japanese troops rape, torture and
commit
inhuman acts, there were no movies about such actions by the British troops.
Every actor and actress who starred in the anti-fascist movies was awarded the
Burmese Academy Prize for acting. But everything has changed since the 1988
military coup. 
Since that coup the junta has ordered artists to ensure that historical films
must show only the situation under the British government. The state-run
newspapers report about the British colonialists' oppression very often.
Worse,
the junta has also slowly been changing the curriculum for its own students. 
There may be only one famous revolution in the Burmese students' curriculum --
anti colonialism -- and no longer an anti-fascist revolution. Why? The answer
is that Western countries strongly support the democracy movement and
constantly criticise the junta over human rights abuses. 
In the state-run newspaper published in 1990, the junta daily described a
massacre by the British troops, which occurred in Taung Tha township, Mandalay
Division. These serial articles are now being published in the state-run
newspapers again. 
The so-called journalists who were recruited by the junta had many interviews
with local witnesses who were still alive. The junta had many interviews with
the villagers who were living in Mandalay and Magwe divisions, where the
massacres by the British troops occurred during the Second World War. This
doesn't mean that the junta is trying to explore the true history. 
According to the local villagers, the massacres occurred not only under the
British rulers but also under the Japanese troops. At first, they just
wondered
why the junta only tried to dig out history about crimes perpetrated by the
British rulers. It was only after the villagers were forcibly sent to an
infrastructure site as forced labourers that they realised that the methods
the
junta used were the same as those used by the Japanese troops used during the
war. 
If every elderly person who had lived under both the British rulers and
Japanese troops were asked, they would exactly explain the true story, that
they never saw or heard about rape cases committed by British troops, only by
Japanese troops. 
''To be frank with you, there was nothing good about living under either
invader. However, the Japanese troops were more brutal and ruder than the
British. As far as I know, the British seemed to follow and respect the laws
and regulations,'' said one elderly man who had to live under both rulers. 
''The Japanese troops seemed to understand only killing, torture and rape.
I am
not confused about why the junta tries to hide the history of Japanese
occupation. It is now holding the same attitude to its ethnic minority people
on the borders. Mind you, just after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi criticised the junta
as fascist, the generals were so angry that they finally put her under house
arrest for six years.'' 
Another person with memories of occupation said: ''It is right that our army
was born in Japan. It's also right that Saya San, a famous farmer revolution
leader under the British rulers, was hanged in Tharrawaddy prison in central
Burma. It's true that Bo Aung Gyaw, a famous student leader, was killed during
the 1938 demonstrations. 
''We can try to understand those sorrowful happenings because we had to live
under invaders. But I don't understand why under our Burmese rulers we are now
treated even worse. If Bo Aung Gyaw was killed during the 1988 uprising, we
could not even see his corpse. If Saya San was arrested under this junta, he
would be tortured before his death sentence. We are now under our own
neo-fascist rulers.'' 
His explanation is very clear about the Burmese ruling junta. Although there
were many innocent people and students who were killed during the 1988
uprising, the junta claimed that just 15 were killed. So far, nobody knows
where other corpses were secretly buried. 
Many NLD members and activists have been sent to prison without trial. Many
political prisoners died in custody because of harassment and the prison
conditions. In the military intelligence centre, all political detainees have
been tortured, not by the Japanese and British, but by the Burmese military
intelligence officers. 
Although the junta claims that the civil war occurred because of the ''divide
and rule'' policy of the British, it also uses this policy towards the
minority
ethnic groups, the NLD, students and people. 
''The junta complains about the worst things of colonialism on the surface.
However, I believe that in their minds they thank the British too much for how
to divide the opposition groups,'' said a retired history lecturer. ''In
reality, the junta chose to practise even worse things than former fascist
Japan and the British colonialists. The junta has been using many laws and
rules which were adopted by the British to oppress our Burmese people,
especially the revolutionaries.'' 
Under British colonial rule, the laws regulating prisons and courts were
created. The junta uses the same laws, but has taken away the rights that
prisoners once had under the British. Now political prisoners have no right to
a lawyer for their trial. Once imprisoned, they are not allowed to read or
study. 
Ye Teiza, a prominent student activist and former political prisoner, said:
''I
had a chance to meet with many old politicians in prison who have lived in
prison under the British and the BSPP. When I ask which prison situation they
suffered under most, they all answer that the situation under the junta is the
worst.'' 
The junta always complains very loudly that Gen Aung San was assassinated by a
British government conspiracy. However, from the time of the BSPP to the
ruling
military junta, no top military leader has paid respect to Martyrs' Day on
July
19, when Aung San and other national leaders were assassinated. 
They are never interested in attending the Martyrs' Day ceremony. In the past,
Burmese people anxiously awaited the sound of sirens, which would sound on
Martyrs' Day at the time that Aung San was assassinated. This allowed them to
pay their respects to their national heroes, and they would observe a minute's
silence. Under the junta there are no more sirens as the national sign of
sorrow. This clearly means that the junta has been trying to tarnish the image
of Aung San. 
Why? The answer may be that Aung San is the father of Aung San Suu Kyi who is
supported by the majority of Burmese people. If Aung San had been assassinated
by Japanese troops, the junta would try to hide the whole history of Martyrs'
Day, and not only tarnish the image of Aung San. 
As long as British and western countries strongly criticise the junta's human
rights abuses and ignorance of the May 1990 election result, and Dr Michael
Aris is still British, the words that loudly come from the junta will be
''anti-colonialism''. 
As long as the junta, which has been accused of being neo-fascist by its own
people, holds power, and the Japanese government healthily supports so-called
humanitarian aid to the junta, the anti-fascist revolution will no lot appear
on the pages of Burmese history. However, it is the Burmese people who will
need to prove that ''history is not in the hands of the junta''. 
------------------ 
Moe Aye is a former political prisoner and now working with the All Burma
Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).

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Content-Type: text/html; charset="us-ascii"

<html>
<font size=5><b>Junta wages war on history as crimes forgotten<br>
</font></b><font face="arial" size=3>Burmese modern history has been
forged by anti-fascist and anti-colonialist revolutions. However, the new
junta is attempting to rewrite history, writes Moe Aye. <br>
<br>
BANGKOK -- On Nov 10, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, head of the Burmese military
intelligence unit, said something startling at the opening of the
Burma-Japan Bilateral Conference on Information Technology Co-operation
in Rangoon. ''We shall never forget the important role played by Japan in
our struggle for independence,'' said Khin Nyunt, the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) first secretary, and the most powerful general
in the SPDC. <br>
''In the same vein, we will remember that our tatmadaw (military) was
born in Japan.'' <br>
Many Burmese were confused about the general's words. They didn't
understand what the general wanted to mean directly, especially by using
the words ''the important role played by Japan''. The word ''important''
is now controversial for Burmese people. <br>
The term ''fascist'' and mention of the cruelty of Japanese troops were
missing from the general's words. While Korean women have the right to
claim compensation from the Japanese government, Burmese women who were
used as concubines for the Japanese troops, and men who were used as
forced labourers to construct the ''Death Railway'' during the war, have
no right to compensation for their sufferings. <br>
It is not because of the Japanese government but because of the junta and
the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). Although the Japanese
government paid reparations after the war, none of this money went to
Burmese victims of Japanese atrocities. Instead, Burmese authorities
pocketed the money. <br>
''If such sorrowful incidents had occurred under the British rulers, the
junta would at the moment push and help the victims to claim compensation
from the British government,'' said an old politician who didn't want to
be named. <br>
''The junta targets the British because of Dr Michael Aris, husband of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. If Dr Aris was Japanese, their target would be
changed and the junta would complain about Japanese fascism.'' <br>
In Burma's history, there are two famous revolutions in the struggle for
independence -- the anti-fascist and the anti-colonialist revolutions.
Just before the 1988 military coup, Burmese students in primary and high
schools had to learn about those two revolutions. Students who took
history as their major subject had to learn about these two revolutions
before they could get their degrees. <br>
However, under the BSPP, most of the historical movies which could be
seen by Burmese people were anti-fascist. In particular, the movies
showed the brutality and rudeness of the fascist Japanese during their
occupation. Although the movies showed the fascist Japanese troops rape,
torture and commit inhuman acts, there were no movies about such actions
by the British troops. Every actor and actress who starred in the
anti-fascist movies was awarded the Burmese Academy Prize for acting. But
everything has changed since the 1988 military coup. <br>
Since that coup the junta has ordered artists to ensure that historical
films must show only the situation under the British government. The
state-run newspapers report about the British colonialists' oppression
very often. Worse, the junta has also slowly been changing the curriculum
for its own students. <br>
There may be only one famous revolution in the Burmese students'
curriculum -- anti colonialism -- and no longer an anti-fascist
revolution. Why? The answer is that Western countries strongly support
the democracy movement and constantly criticise the junta over human
rights abuses. <br>
In the state-run newspaper published in 1990, the junta daily described a
massacre by the British troops, which occurred in Taung Tha township,
Mandalay Division. These serial articles are now being published in the
state-run newspapers again. <br>
The so-called journalists who were recruited by the junta had many
interviews with local witnesses who were still alive. The junta had many
interviews with the villagers who were living in Mandalay and Magwe
divisions, where the massacres by the British troops occurred during the
Second World War. This doesn't mean that the junta is trying to explore
the true history. <br>
According to the local villagers, the massacres occurred not only under
the British rulers but also under the Japanese troops. At first, they
just wondered why the junta only tried to dig out history about crimes
perpetrated by the British rulers. It was only after the villagers were
forcibly sent to an infrastructure site as forced labourers that they
realised that the methods the junta used were the same as those used by
the Japanese troops used during the war. <br>
If every elderly person who had lived under both the British rulers and
Japanese troops were asked, they would exactly explain the true story,
that they never saw or heard about rape cases committed by British
troops, only by Japanese troops. <br>
''To be frank with you, there was nothing good about living under either
invader. However, the Japanese troops were more brutal and ruder than the
British. As far as I know, the British seemed to follow and respect the
laws and regulations,'' said one elderly man who had to live under both
rulers. <br>
''The Japanese troops seemed to understand only killing, torture and
rape. I am not confused about why the junta tries to hide the history of
Japanese occupation. It is now holding the same attitude to its ethnic
minority people on the borders. Mind you, just after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
criticised the junta as fascist, the generals were so angry that they
finally put her under house arrest for six years.'' <br>
Another person with memories of occupation said: ''It is right that our
army was born in Japan. It's also right that Saya San, a famous farmer
revolution leader under the British rulers, was hanged in Tharrawaddy
prison in central Burma. It's true that Bo Aung Gyaw, a famous student
leader, was killed during the 1938 demonstrations. <br>
''We can try to understand those sorrowful happenings because we had to
live under invaders. But I don't understand why under our Burmese rulers
we are now treated even worse. If Bo Aung Gyaw was killed during the 1988
uprising, we could not even see his corpse. If Saya San was arrested
under this junta, he would be tortured before his death sentence. We are
now under our own neo-fascist rulers.'' <br>
His explanation is very clear about the Burmese ruling junta. Although
there were many innocent people and students who were killed during the
1988 uprising, the junta claimed that just 15 were killed. So far, nobody
knows where other corpses were secretly buried. <br>
Many NLD members and activists have been sent to prison without trial.
Many political prisoners died in custody because of harassment and the
prison conditions. In the military intelligence centre, all political
detainees have been tortured, not by the Japanese and British, but by the
Burmese military intelligence officers. <br>
Although the junta claims that the civil war occurred because of the
''divide and rule'' policy of the British, it also uses this policy
towards the minority ethnic groups, the NLD, students and people. <br>
''The junta complains about the worst things of colonialism on the
surface. However, I believe that in their minds they thank the British
too much for how to divide the opposition groups,'' said a retired
history lecturer. ''In reality, the junta chose to practise even worse
things than former fascist Japan and the British colonialists. The junta
has been using many laws and rules which were adopted by the British to
oppress our Burmese people, especially the revolutionaries.'' <br>
Under British colonial rule, the laws regulating prisons and courts were
created. The junta uses the same laws, but has taken away the rights that
prisoners once had under the British. Now political prisoners have no
right to a lawyer for their trial. Once imprisoned, they are not allowed
to read or study. <br>
Ye Teiza, a prominent student activist and former political prisoner,
said: ''I had a chance to meet with many old politicians in prison who
have lived in prison under the British and the BSPP. When I ask which
prison situation they suffered under most, they all answer that the
situation under the junta is the worst.'' <br>
The junta always complains very loudly that Gen Aung San was assassinated
by a British government conspiracy. However, from the time of the BSPP to
the ruling military junta, no top military leader has paid respect to
Martyrs' Day on July 19, when Aung San and other national leaders were
assassinated. <br>
They are never interested in attending the Martyrs' Day ceremony. In the
past, Burmese people anxiously awaited the sound of sirens, which would
sound on Martyrs' Day at the time that Aung San was assassinated. This
allowed them to pay their respects to their national heroes, and they
would observe a minute's silence. Under the junta there are no more
sirens as the national sign of sorrow. This clearly means that the junta
has been trying to tarnish the image of Aung San. <br>
Why? The answer may be that Aung San is the father of Aung San Suu Kyi
who is supported by the majority of Burmese people. If Aung San had been
assassinated by Japanese troops, the junta would try to hide the whole
history of Martyrs' Day, and not only tarnish the image of Aung San.
<br>
As long as British and western countries strongly criticise the junta's
human rights abuses and ignorance of the May 1990 election result, and Dr
Michael Aris is still British, the words that loudly come from the junta
will be ''anti-colonialism''. <br>
As long as the junta, which has been accused of being neo-fascist by its
own people, holds power, and the Japanese government healthily supports
so-called humanitarian aid to the junta, the anti-fascist revolution will
no lot appear on the pages of Burmese history. However, it is the Burmese
people who will need to prove that ''history is not in the hands of the
junta''. <br>
------------------ <br>
Moe Aye is a former political prisoner and now working with the All Burma
Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).<br>
</font></html>

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