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HEADLINES
---------------
Ne Win As Happy Retiree
A summit exposes ASEAN as divided, but trying to hang together
Confrontation remains in western disputed zone
Chinese dissident sent to labour camp
China celebrates Deng's reforms, rules out democracy
Mahathir lashes out at US and Anwar
UN official blames army for rapes
Chinese Dissident Exiled to U.S

NEWS
---------

Ne Win As Happy Retiree

SOME OBSERVATIONS ABOUT "DEALING  with Gen. Ne Win," the pipe dream that
appeared in VIEWPOINT [Dec. 11]. I do not know Myint Thein, his credentials or
antecedents. But I presume he knows as much about Myanmar as the man in the
moon, though one can hardly blame him seeing that he lives halfway across the
world. Myint Thein, claiming to be for the interests of the people, is either
totally misinformed or plain ignorant of the situation and personalities in
Myanmar. 

His comparing Kyandaw to Arlington is stretching things (as anyone who has
seen both cemeteries would agree). The destruction (desecration) of Kyandaw
was initially committed by the "democracy" activists in the 1988 disturbances.
His claim that ex-Brig.-Gen. Aung Gyi was an emissary of U Ne Win is a
fabrication, clear to all who have known about the relationship between the
two since 1962. 

All who know U Ne Win know he is a man of his word. Ever since he announced
publicly that he had retired from Myanmar politics, he is just that - a
retiree and enjoying his retirement. There is no reason for him to get
involved in the running of the country, which is under the able leadership of
the Tatmadaw (Army). The quality of the "Burmese Resistance" can be judged by
the appointment as senior adviser of this ill-informed columnist. 

Saw Ba Tun
Embassy of Myanmar 
Colombo
ASIA WEEK - DEC 25, 98
					------------------------

HURTING IN HANOI
A summit exposes ASEAN as divided, but trying to hang together
By Roger Mitton and Alejandro Reyes / Hanoi

SINGAPORE PRIME MINISTER Goh Chok Tong's stark opening statement to the 6th
Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Hanoi said it all:
"This has been a traumatic year for ASEAN members." And how. The region's
devastating economic crisis has certainly left the member states reeling. What
has made the year even more troubling is the seeming discord in the group's
ranks. Never before have the members differed with each other so intractably
and so publicly - leading many observers to even fear for ASEAN's very
survival. 

In Hanoi, the point was underscored by an unresolved split over what should
have been a simple decision: the admission of Cambodia into ASEAN as its 10th
and final member. "It's never happened like this before," said Thai Foreign
Minister Surin Pitsuwan, referring to the tawdry impasse that festered on
until it clouded the summit meeting itself. 

Yet, in truth, the unseemly charade over Cambodia's entry was merely
symptomatic of other fault lines that have wracked the association over the
past year. ASEAN's once-inviolable principle of non-interference in each
other's affairs remains an issue causing much dissension and debate. The
Crisis should have acted as a common foe for the members - but instead they
have been going their own separate and often conflicting ways in search of a
solution. Little wonder Malaysian PM Mahathir Mohamad remarked at the meet:
"ASEAN's responses to the challenges confronting the region have created the
impression of an ASEAN in disarray, its members at odds with one another." 

Philippine President Joseph Ejercito Estrada echoed Mahathir's views: "Doubts
have been raised about the ASEAN spirit, about our solidarity, about our
credibility." Thai PM Chuan Leekpai said bluntly: "Some have gone so far as to
write us off." The only consensus, it seems, is that there is no consensus.
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Roth has struck a dark note, 

voicing his concern at the potential for instability. "Given the importance of
a cohesive ASEAN to regional stability, the recent rise in tensions between
several ASEAN members is necessarily troubling, even if these tensions will
not likely escalate into conflicts," he said. How did the much-lauded
grouping, which celebrated its 30th birthday last year, descend to this? 

It all began in July last year when Thailand's currency was depegged from the
U.S. dollar and promptly went into free fall. The region's other currencies -
and their economies - followed. That same month, plans to admit three new
members to ASEAN hit a snag when one of the trio, Cambodia, erupted into
violence during Hun Sen's putsch against his then fellow co-premier Prince
Norodom Ranariddh. Myanmar and Laos were inducted, but Cambodia's entry was
deferred until it fulfilled certain conditions - namely forming an effective
government. Last month, it did just that and its admission at the Hanoi summit
was widely predicted. 

Given that host Vietnam was avidly pushing for his country's entry, Hun Sen
may have thought he had a done deal. But the group split over the issue in a
most public fashion. A six-strong faction led by Vietnam and Indonesia
championed Hun Sen's cause. Opposing were Singapore, Thailand and the
Philippines. Both sides dug in and openly acted as if their view was certain
to prevail. The Vietnamese, for instance, arranged for the Cambodian flag to
fly alongside the other nine and even set up a seat for Hun Sen on the stage
for the opening ceremony. But the two sides were still stubbornly at odds when
their leaders arrived on Dec. 14. 

That night, the summiteers locked horns behind closed doors. Indonesia's new
president, B.J. Habibie, led the pro-admission attack. An official at the
meeting later told Asiaweek: "Habibie was going into all this mechanical and
aerospace lingo: Let's get Cambodia in now and lift the ASEAN spirit up into
the skies, that type of thing. You guys are just looking at the micro picture,
you have to look at the macro! We can have a win-win situation - that was his
favorite phrase."
GOH, WHO WAS CHAIRING the meeting, listened politely and then responded in
very practical terms, saying that while the Cambodians now have a government,
they have not met the other admission terms - namely, setting up a Senate and
amending the Constitution. Such was the stand-off, says the unnamed official,
that "there was even a proposal to break the tradition of consensus and have a
vote. The majority would prevail. But we felt that would not have been a good
way for Cambodia to come in. Better to let the dust settle and then they can
come in with honor and dignity later." 

To appease host Vietnam, a compromise was reached whereby a special ceremony
admitting Cambodia would be held in Hanoi at a later date, after Hun Sen had
met the outstanding conditions. But even after this agreement, members
conspired to give the impression of divisiveness. The losing six tried to
convince people that what had not happened, had happened. At the opening
ceremony, Habibie gushed: "May I seize this opportunity to join my colleagues
in warmly welcoming Cambodia to the ASEAN family as a full member" - leaving
Goh to clarify in his speech that Cambodia had not yet been admitted but would
be sometime "in the not-too-distant future." Still the contradictions
continued as Vietnamese Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam referred later to
"full member" Cambodia. With both sides speaking at cross-purposes, the summit
reinforced the leaders' own comments about perceptions of a weakened grouping
that had already lost much credibility and effectiveness. 

Another aspect of this issue rankled: the way it distracted the summiteers
from the far more important issue of dealing with the Crisis. "Economic
recovery is the key," says Sukhumbhand Paribatra, Thailand's deputy foreign
minister. The leaders did issue a "statement on bold measures" designed to
bring about a recovery. But the group's reaction to the Crisis was as divided
as its sentiments over Cambodia's immediate admission. 

Mahathir derided the kind of rigorous fiscal regime recommended by the
International Monetary Fund to deal with the Crisis. He said Malaysia
abandoned such measures because they "worsened the economic situation and
failed to restore foreign investor confidence." Yet sitting behind him was
Chuan, whose government has steadfastly - and fairly successfully - followed
an IMF program. Meanwhile, Brunei's Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah appeared to reject
insulation measures taken by Malaysia when he said: "It is vital we regain
investor confidence and keep our economies open." 

Other contrasts were evident in the behavior and standing of the leaders. Most
noted was the weakened clout of Indonesia, whose veteran former leader,
Suharto, was forced out of office earlier this year. His successor Habibie was
effusive in the closed-door sessions, but failed to make much impact. Said one
attendee: "Suharto would have spoken two or three words and that would have
carried a lot of weight. But with Habibie, there is an assessment that he
might not be there long and that he's a sort of gadfly. So there were quick
ripostes from Goh Chok Tong and the others." In the past, noted ASEAN
officials, no one would have talked back to Suharto as Goh did to Habibie. It
was another sign of ASEAN's traumatic rite of passage. 

Fellow new boy Estrada acquitted himself well by all accounts, but few expect
him to help galvanize the group. The normally provocative Mahathir - perhaps
distracted by the trial of ousted deputy PM Anwar Ibrahim at home - "was
relatively restrained and sober by his standards," says one official. Chuan
arrived with a high-powered ministerial delegation, but some felt he was not
asserting himself enough on the international stage. "We wanted him to exert
more leadership," says Thai academic Suchit Bunbongkarn. "It's time for
Thailand to play a more leading role, because Mahathir has problems, Estrada
has problems, Habibie has problems. We need somebody." 

Indeed, there seems to be a dire need for new leaders of the stature of
Suharto and Lee Kuan Yew. The sense is that the veterans are jaded and the new
ones lackluster. "East Asia lacks a common vision," says Singapore diplomat
Tommy Koh. Then again, says a diplomat in Kuala Lumpur says, "ASEAN needs time
to adjust to its new, less-developed members. It has to let the situation
stabilize in Indonesia, and Malaysia's leadership may change within a few
years." 
For all ASEAN's problems, all is not gloom and doom. Japan, a guest at the
summit along with China and South Korea, pledged additional aid to help
revitalize East Asian economies. The Chinese, for their part, proposed a high-
level regional meeting on the Crisis. And a slow recovery has already begun in
some countries. 

The open verbal jousting may not necessarily be a bad thing either, with some
seeing it as a healthy sign of the group's maturation. Thailand and the
Philippines, in particular, who have pushed for the open expression of
differing views, are not dismayed by the bickering. "It proves we can have
real differences without creating a permanent cleavage," says a Thai official.
Adds Sukhumbhand: "Far from being divisive, this attitudinal change can alert
ASEAN to the gravity of domestically generated transnational problems." Says
Surin: "We will find a way out of this image of division - it's a learning
process." The members clearly need to learn fast. And if they do, do not write
ASEAN off just yet.
ASIA WEEK - DEC 25, 98
					----------------------

THAI-BURMESE BORDER / DEMARCATION TALKS PENDING
Confrontation remains in western disputed zone
The area is only 32 square kilometres

Wassana Nanuam
Three years have passed since the beginning of the stand-off between Thai and
Burmese troops in a 32-square-kilometre disputed area on Doi Lang in Mae Ai
district of Chiang Mai. And there is no sign that the confrontation is coming
to an end, as Bangkok and Rangoon have not yet entered demarcation talks.

On the peak of Doi Kiew Hung, some 775 Thai soldiers from an army battalion
have been posted in six areas to ensure security in the disputed zone on the
Thai side.
At each of these six points, a large Thai flag is erected to declare the
sovereignty of Thailand over the land. Several small cottages are there for
Thai troops to use as their living quarters and strongholds to keep a close
watch on Burmese soldiers and to gather military information.
Military operations at Doi Lang cost the army almost ten million baht per
month or some 100 million baht a year, according to an army source.

According to the commander of the 3rd Cavalry Regiment's special task force
Col Akradet Songworawit, all Thai soldiers there must follow orders and
discipline strictly to avoid doing things which may spark hostilities with
Burmese troops, as Doi Lang has become a "sensitive" area.

"We must carry out our military mission. But personally, we must keep our
relationship (with Burmese troops) as Burmese and Thai soldiers are good
friends. The disputed area is only 32 square kilometres. But we cannot give up
as it means our dignity. That's why we are here," he said.

According to him, both sides know each other's moves using binoculars to see
what the other side is doing from their strongholds.

"For this reason, we must be careful and not do anything to provoke the
Burmese troops or cause misunderstandings that we will resort to weapons to
solve the problem. Thai soldiers are forbidden from standing on hills carrying
guns. They must keep watch in bunkers or trenches, or there will be
misunderstanding." Col Akradet added.

A shift of both Thai and Burmese soldiers posted at Doi Lang lasts four months
to allow them to relax, he said.

According to Col Akradet, Thai troops in the disputed area are, in fact,
outnumbered by Burmese soldiers as five Burmese battalions led by Col Seng
Khoo have been posted deep into the border to support one Burmese battalion at
Doi Lang.

However, the two sides are not confined to eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation
all the time. Thai and Burmese soldiers sometimes meet as friends during sepak
takraw matches and dinners while talks by unit commanders are frequently held.

However, all of their contacts must be with the permission of the authorities
without the use of alcoholic drinks and drugs to prevent disputes or brawls.

Thai troops have also agreed to buy food supplies and seek medical treatment
for Burmese soldiers if requested.

"Burmese soldiers usually ask us to buy food for them because we can access
markets more easily than they can. It is about humanity. We treat each other
as neighbours," Col Akradet said.
"As soldiers, we have duties to carry out here to protect the sovereignty and
dignity of the country. I insist that the relationship of Thailand and Burma
is good. But we must distinguish between the relations and military missions
and must be careful about everything because both sides have weapons and are
so near that there may be misunderstanding or accidents," said Lt-Col Sanchai
Jooman, commander of the 138th Cavalry Battalion.

The confrontation between Thai and Burmese troops at Doi Lang began when a
number of Burmese soldiers, who were deployed to take over Doi Huay Ha from
the defeated Mong Tai Army (MTA) late in 1995, allegedly encroached on the
ridge of Doi Huay Ha, or Doi Lang which was claimed by Thailand as its
territory.

After the encroachment, the Thai army set up a special command task force
under the 7th Infantry Regiment on Doi Kiew Hung to guard the disputed area
since January 2, 1996.
Since October 1, 1998, a special task force of the Third Cavalry Regiment has
been in charge there while the 138th Cavalry Battalion has been working as an
operations unit. According to Col Akradet, the border dispute was caused by
the use of two different maps by Thailand and Burma. 
Burma has used a map of 1958 (from the survey of October 19, 1911) which marks
the border along Doi Pha Hom Pok, Soi Maklang, the ridge of Doi Lang, Doi Lak
Teng, Doi Lak Taeng and Doi Laem.

Thailand has used a map of December 1986 which marks the border along Doi Pha
Hom Pok, Doi Maklang, the ridge of Doi Huay Ha, and Doi Laem. However, the
situation is under control due to an agreement between Bangkok and Rangoon
which requires Thai and Burmese troops to work in the disputed area in peace
and try their best to avoid conflicts, prohibits more military deployments to
the area, and authorises only the Thai-Burmese border demarcation technical
committee to seek resolutions, he said.

Col Akradet added that both Thai and Burmese troops who strictly abide by the
pact and have a good relationship are longing for negotiations of Thai and
Burmese authorities for peace so that they can return home to meet their
beloved families.
Bangkok Post - Dec 20, 98
					----------------------------

Chinese dissident sent to labour camp 

A member of the fledgling opposition China Democracy Party (CDP) is reported
to have been sentenced, without trial, to three years in a labour camp for
trying to set up a branch in the south-western city of Chongqing. 

The Hong Kong based Information Centre on Human Rights and Democracy in China
said the dissident, Xu Wanping, was detained in October. He is a former
factory worker who served an eight-year prison sentence after being convicted
as a "counter-revolutionary" for trying to organise an independent labour
union during the 1989 democracy protests.  Correspondents say 
Mr Xu's sentencing is part of a growing government crackdown on CDP activists.

Since June they have been seeking legal recognition of their party. The
government has refused to allow formal registration of what would be the first
opposition group to the Communist Party since it took power in 1949. 

Subversion of the state 
In a further move against dissidents, the Chinese authorities have informed
the wife of a veteran activist, Xu Wenli, that his trial on charges of
attempting to subvert state power will be on Monday in Beijing. 

A verdict is still awaited in the case of two other party members, CDP founder
Wang Youcai and Qin Yongmin, who were tried on Thursday.  On Friday Chinese
President Jiang Zemin vowed to "nip in the bud" any attempts to destabilise
the state politically or socially and stressed the dangers of political
liberalism. 

Mr Jiang was speaking on the 20th anniversary of the start of China's economic
reform programme launched by Deng Xiaoping.  His comments underline the
Chinese government's determination to keep reforms strictly within the field
of economics. 
BBC - Dec 19, 98
					---------------------------

China celebrates Deng's reforms, rules out democracy
Communist Party is "indispensable'; we'll crush subversion, says Jiang 

CHINA marked the 20th anniversary of Deng Xiaoping's reforms yesterday with
praise for his capitalist-style policies but also with a stern warning from
President Jiang Zemin that Western-style democracy will not be 

To underline the message that economic reform will not result in political
pluralism, China on Thursday staged a trial for two leading dissidents charged
with subversion. 
Yesterday families of the two men, Wang Youcai and Qin Yongmin, sought in vain
to get word on the fate of the activists who had tried to form the Chinese
Democratic Party to challenge the communists' monopoly on power. 

Both men face up to life in prison if convicted. They defended themselves in
their trials after being denied lawyers, and pleaded not guilty to all
charges.  Addressing about 6,000 at Beijing's Great Hall of the People, Mr
Jiang described Deng's theories as the ""Marxism of modern China''. 

Deng's reforms, unveiled at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central
Committee on Dec 18-22, 1978, steered China out of its Maoist misery.  By
abolishing the ""People's Communes'' and encouraging private farming, Deng
sparked an explosion of rural wealth that lifted 200 million people out of
absolute poverty. 

Coastal cities boomed as a result of ""open door'' policies that attracted
floods of foreign investment into factories that pumped out exports. Deng also
gave his blessing to markets in everything from stocks to futures contracts.
Mr Jiang pledged to push forward Deng's reforms, but also vowed to crush
""subversive activities''. 

""The Western political system model must never be copied,'' Mr Jiang said.
Mr Jiang said the Communist Party ""does not have all the answers to the
future'' and admitted that there were ""shortcomings and inadequacies'' in the
party and government's work. But the party was indispensable, he said."

It would be unthinkable to be without the unified leadership of the Communist
Party,'' he said. 
He also said Beijing would crack down on ""splittist activities'', a reference
to agitation in Tibet and the Muslim region of Xinjiang.  In a front-page
editorial, the official People's Daily heaped praise on Mr Jiang, who also
holds China's top jobs in the military and the party. ""We are proud because
we have a firm and mature party Central Committee with comrade Jiang Zemin at
the core,'' the Communist Party organ said. -- Reuters 
Business Times - Dec 19, 98
					------------------------
Mahathir lashes out at US and Anwar

MALAYSIAN Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad accused the United States yesterday
of supporting a move to topple his government while blaming ousted deputy
premier Anwar Ibrahim for ``rioting'' in Malaysia.  ``He caused the rioting
and he seemed to be aided by foreigners such as Americans who have interfered
in our domestic affairs,'' Dr Mahathir was quoted as saying by the official
Bernama news agency.
 
``The United States does not like me to be the prime minister of Malaysia and
when the service of the deputy prime minister was ended, it got angry, came
and supported the move to topple the government,'' he reportedly said.  Dr
Mahathir, who was speaking during a meeting with 1,500 rural settlers,
appeared to be referring to American Al Gore.
 
During a speech in Kuala Lumpur last month, Mr Gore praised ``brave
Malaysians'' calling for political reforms. His remarks were seen as a direct
reference to Anwar supporters and unleashed a torrent of anti-US sentiment in
the local media.  Dr Mahathir, whose sacking of Anwar in September led to
mammoth street protests, reiterated his view that foreigners were trying to
recolonise Malaysia. 

``We need to be aware that foreigners wished to recolonise us. A
misunderstanding among ourselves is a different matter but to fight
colonisation, we must be united,'' he said. 

Anwar's wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, plans to register a pro-reformist group
called the Social Justice Movement as a non-government organisation, the group
said yesterday. 
- Agencies 
Hong Kong Standard - Dec 19, 98
					----------------------

UN official blames army for rapes

A UNITED Nations investigator yesterday accused the Indonesian military under
former President Suharto of carrying out widespread rapes in various parts of
the country. 
Radhika Coomaraswamy, UN special rapporteur on violence against women, backed
reports by non-government organisations in Indonesia that many women of
Chinese ethnic origin had been raped in the Jakarta riots in May which
preceded Suharto's fall.  Indonesian officials, including military chief
General Wiranto, repeatedly denied that any rapes had taken place in the
riots. 
``During the May riots, with regard to women there was mass rape and they were
all Chinese (women). We met many victims and it was clear it was conducted in
a widespread manner,'' said Ms Coomaraswamy. 

``Secondly it seems to have been conducted in an organised manner,'' she said.
Ms Coomaraswamy also accused Indonesian authorities of perpetrating violence
before Suharto's fall in May against women in East Timor and the troubled
provinces of Aceh in northern Sumatra and Irian Jaya, on New Guinea island.
``The problem was with the military. The troops were not sensitised to sexual
violence and there was widespread rape,'' she said. 
Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 after the former colonial power,
Portugal, pulled out of the island. 

Ms Coomaraswamy recently visited Indonesia to compile a report for the UN on
violence against women during the May riots.  Non-governmental organisations
had recorded complaints of rape from some 168 women but she said she believed
the figure was much higher.  ``So many victims we spoke to had not made
complaints to the police,'' said Ms Coomaraswamy, who is expected to submit
the report on Indonesia to the UN Human Rights Commission next March. 

An government-appointed team in November blamed some members of the army for
the violence.  Human rights groups estimate that nearly 1,200 people died last
May in Jakarta in rioting which forced president Suharto to step down after a
32-year rule. Most of those who died were looters trapped in burning buildings
and ethnic Chinese bore the brunt of the violence. 
Ms Coomaraswamy said the Indonesian government needed to pay more attention to
reforming the country's antiquated legal system. ``There seems to be a huge
lack of confidence in the criminal justice system with regard to victims of
violence,'' she said. 
- Reuters 
Hong Kong Standard - Dec 19, 98
					---------------------------

Chinese Dissident Exiled to U.S 

Saturday, December 19, 1998; 11:43 p.m. EST 
BEIJING (AP) -- China released an ailing labor rights campaigner from a prison
work camp Sunday and immediately sent him into exile in the United States, a
human rights group reported. 
Liu Nianchun's release contrasted with a relentless three-week-old crackdown
against dissidents trying to form an opposition political party. A leading
organizer of the China Democracy Party and the group's most prominent leader,
Xu Wenli, goes on trial for subversion Monday. 

Liu was taken from the Tuanhe labor camp on the outskirts of Beijing, driven
to the capital's airport and put on a Northwest Airlines flight, the
Information Center of Human Rights and Democratic Movement in China reported.
It added that he was ultimately headed for New York. 
Authorities released Liu exactly six months before the end of his prison term,
but they made his freedom conditional on his going into exile, the Hong Kong-
based group reported. 

Liu was one of the most respected figures in China's fractured, persecuted
dissident community. His more than 3 1/2 years in prisons and labor camps
illustrates the way China's ruling Communist Party punishes people it deems a
threat.  Liu was imprisoned three times during the past 17 years and was never
put on trial. His last arrest came after he signed a petition calling for
labor rights in May 1995. Fourteen months passed before his wife, Chu Hailan,
learned of his whereabouts: a labor camp in frigid northeastern China. 

Police have the power to send criminal suspects to labor camps for up to three
years without trial. Labor camp officials later extended Liu's sentence by a
year for trying to escape, a charge Chu claimed was fabricated.  Inside the
labor camp, Liu once started a hunger strike to protest his treatment. He was
beaten with cattle prods and confined to a room of 2 square yards where he
could only sit or stand. 

His wife campaigned tirelessly for his release. She was dragged away and hit
by security forces when she tried to hand a letter to U.N. human rights chief
Mary Robinson outside a Beijing hotel in September. 
© Copyright 1998 The Associated Press