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The BurmaNet News: December 23, 199 (r)



Subject: The BurmaNet News: December 23, 1998

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: December 23, 1998
Issue #1164

Noted in Passing: "If you say, 'We don't want a military dictatorship,'
you've got to say what you want to replace it with, and you've got to
provide a viable alternative." - Aung San Suu Kyi (see JOURNAL OF
MANAGEMENT INQUIRY: LEADERSHIP THROUGH COMPASSION AND UNDERSTANDING) 

HEADLINES:
==========
MANAGEMENT INQUIRY: LEADERSHIP THROUGH COMPASSION 
NLD: STATEMENT #122 
BURMANET: THE PEOPLE'S DESIRE 
BURMANET: LESSONS FROM INDONESIA 
ABSDF: SUPPORT MIN KO NAING'S NOMINATION 
****************************************************************

Journal of Management Inquiry: Leadership Through Compassion and Understanding
December, 1998 by Judith A. White 

Volume 7,  Issue 4 

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: Only the interview portion of this article is
included here.  The remainder of the article provides general background on
the democracy movement in Burma, information with which most of BurmaNet's
readership is already familiar.]

The following interview took place in the home of Aunt San Suu Kyi on March
27, 1997, at her compound in Rangoon, Burma. 

White: What do you see as the levers of large-scale change? In your
writings, you talk about the importance of a "revolution of the spirit," of
changing people's minds and hearts, of freeing people from apathy and fear.
I'd like to hear what you see as being your role in changing people's minds
and hearts. What is a revolution of the spirit?

Suu Kyi: I think that the role of those in political leadership is to
convince others to commit themselves to a certain cause. Commitment is the
most important thing of all. Once people are committed, you can really move
mountains. But so very few people are really committed. They are committed
to a certain extent but very seldom all the way. I think one has to be
committed all the way in politics to bring about really revolutionary
change. I suppose the primary role of leaders is to persuade people to
develop that kind of commitment. And one of the first things that leaders
have to do is to be committed themselves. You can't persuade other people
to commit themselves to a certain cause if you yourself are not committed.

White: What do you think is the major obstacle for people to be fully
committed?

Suu Kyi: It often comes down to options, which I don't necessarily mean
must be narrow. One can have a very broad outlook, but there must be limits
when it comes to something that is outside one's personal interests. That
is what it comes down to. Commitment to a cause means commitment beyond
your own personal circumstances, beyond your own personal needs and your
own personal inclinations. I think it is not easy for a lot of people to do
that. They will commit themselves but only to a certain extent because they
will not do anything that they feel will hurt their personal standing or
their family. So it is not an all-out commitment. The limit is not on one's
own personal circumstances, but the limit is on how far you can commit
yourself, and that kind of limitation is not going to get you very far.

White: You talk about intellectual will. Can you explain that?

Suu Kyi: By that I mean that you should not be emotional in carrying out
your goals. If one is led by emotion, it leads to all kinds of undesirable
elements, such as racism and a belief in certain "isms" and so on, but you
have to approach the political question from the intellectual level. Of
course, one should not ignore the heart, because after all, politics is
about people, and I don't think you can afford to ignore that side of
politics. But one has to look at problems in an intellectual way. You've
got to study the situation and find out as far as you can what is wrong and
try to bring about change. That is what revolution is all about. It is not
just upsetting a system. You've got to have something to replace it. If you
say, "We don't want a military dictatorship," you've got to say what you
want to replace it with, and you've got to provide a viable alternative.

White: You talk in your essays about the importance of people overcoming
their fear of loss, of pain and suffering, so I am assuming this is what
you mean, that to be committed one has to overcome that fear of loss-loss
of the personal self.

Suu Kyi: Yes, and I think you have to identify with the cause to which you
are committed so that you achieve fulfillment from trying and from working
for the cause rather than from personal satisfaction within your own
personal circumstances, with your own circle of family, friends, et cetera.

White: So that leads me to the question, from a woman's perspective, how
does one balance a personal life with a political life?

Suu Kyi: I don't think that in revolutionary circumstances it is ever
possible to balance personal life with your commitment. Commitment has to
come first. This is in revolutionary times, in circumstances like ours
where we are trying to bring about revolutionary change. I don't think you
can say, "Well, it is 50% personal and 50% for the cause." I think it has
to be 100% for the cause, and if you are lucky, you have a family which is
supportive, a family which can work together with you. But if you are not
so lucky and you have a family which is not supportive and is always
nagging and asking, "Why are you doing this dangerous work?" as some of our
members have found, it is very difficult.

White: Do you see yourself in some ways as trying to change people's
attitudes?

Suu Kyi: Well, we have to try, because fear after all is a state of mind,
isn't it? And if I am trying to make people get rid of their fear, then
what I am trying to do is to change their attitude.

White: So how do you see yourself doing that?

Suu Kyi: Well, you have to do it in different ways. You can't really use
just one method. If I had just one surefire method, then I'd use it all the
time. But you have to appeal to people in different ways depending on the
circumstances. And also you have to work with other people. It's not
something that one person can achieve alone. I don't think that any one
person can bring about revolutionary change. You need other people to work
with you. There are so many things to be done. For example, a function like
the one that took place this morning [the "festival of resistance" at Aung
San Suu Kyi's compound, a counter-festival to the military's elaborate
observance of the 52nd anniversary of Armed Forces Day] takes a lot of
people to put it together. But it is part of the process of changing
people's attitudes, making them understand that if we want something to
happen, we can do it. All right, it is difficult, the authorities are
putting all sorts of obstacles in our way and there are many restrictions,
but we will do it. That kind of attitude is essential. And you have to be
able to show that you can do it, which means that you need the cooperation
of other people. You can't do it alone. I suppose you have to find people
who are as committed as you are, and there are people who are equally
committed. I think you find this out, sometimes the hard way, slowly and by
a process of painful elimination. The less committed ones fall by the wayside.

White: How do you see power? I'm thinking of power as Gandhi defined it or
as Martin Luther King, Jr., defined it. In the West, we sometimes talk
about it from the woman's perspective. Gandhi talked about power as serving
other people and providing service rather than as controlling circumstances
or people or resources. What are your thoughts about power?

Suu Kyi: Power is something that is active. It is something that moves.
Gandhi used power to serve his people; that serving was active. It is not
something that is stagnant. It is not something that is passive. Power is
the ability to move-move things in one direction or the other. And it can
be for good or bad. Someone like Gandhi obviously used it for the good, but
there are others who use it for bad purposes. So it is the ability to move,
to change a situation.

White: So you see yourself as having power in that regard?

Suu Kyi: Well, somebody once said that the government has power but that it
is the opposition that has influence. They were not talking about Burma at
the time, but this is the kind of situation that now exists in Burma. And
in a sense this is true. There is also the power of the powerless, as
Vaclav Havel would say. The ability to bring about change and the ability
to resist change -- that is power.

White: There are people who have been leaders of social change movements,
who have had a spiritual practice -- I think of Havel, Gandhi, King,
perhaps not Mandella, but Tutu, and certainly yourself. If you didn't have
your practice, if you weren't a Buddhist, would your leadership be
different? Would your leadership be effective?

Suu Kyi: Well, obviously, if I were not a Buddhist, my whole cultural
background would be different, so I'm sure I would be a different sort of
person. But my religion, my parents, my education all contribute to the
kind of person I am. I think you could say that a change in any of these
elements would mean a change in my style of politics.

White: In the West, most people live a secular life without a spiritual
practice. Havel talked about the importance of a spiritual practice, a
different interpretation of the revolution of the spirit. He said that
without some kind of a spiritual sustenance or foundation, he didn't think
change would come about. Do you think people can really be committed to
justice and kindness toward others without a spiritual practice?

Suu Kyi: I know people who absolutely declare they are not religious and
they have no time for religion, and yet they are very, very committed to
justice. This all boils down to a sense of understanding, a sense of
empathy, a kind of do-to-others-as-you-wish-they-would-do-toward-you. This
involves an understanding that what hurts you would hurt other people and
seeing others in the same light as yourself -- not exactly, of course, but
to be able to empathize with others. Whether or not you are a religious
person, you can have this quality, and I do know people who claim they have
no time for religion and who really are not at all religious but who are
very, very, very committed to the idea of justice, to the idea of man being
good to man, of human beings being good to each other, being kind to each
other. Basically, that is what it really comes down to.

White: Yes, the Dalai Lama says one doesn't need to have any particular
religion to practice kindness. I talked with Gene Sharp [a political
scientist and expert on Burma and someone familiar to Suu Kyi] at the Free
Burma Conference in Washington, D.C., last month, and a Burmese woman asked
him about metta.  She said many people can't commit themselves to going to
jail, to the active life of a revolutionary in Burma. But they can practice
metta and open their hearts to all persons. Gene said he eschewed religious
life and spiritual practice, that they were fine but don't really bring
about change. At this point, I said that the Dalai Lama believes practicing
"loving-kindness" in our hearts is perhaps one of the most important things
we can do. What are your thoughts on this? Can one do one and not the
other? Is it sufficient for someone to practice metta without being an
activist?

Suu Kyi: Well, it depends on what you mean by practicing metta. I don't
think that one can really practice metta passively. I don't think sitting
and thinking loving thoughts about people is enough. His Holiness the Dalai
Lama does more than simply think loving thoughts about others. He actively
cares for people. He takes the time to talk with them. That is action. He
takes the trouble to share his thoughts on compassion. Real metta, real
compassion, means that you just can't sit by and see other people suffer or
sit by and not do anything about acts of injustice, because injustice makes
people suffer. If you have metta, if you have compassion, you just can't
sit by and just look at other people suffering and not do anything about
it. You can't just sit there and say, "Oh, I feel so sorry for the other
person." That's not really compassion. You must go and do something
wherever you can. So I believe in active compassion. I don't believe that
real compassion, real metta, is passive.

White: I'm trying to understand your idea and experience of fearlessness.
How do we cultivate a state of fearlessness?

Suu Kyi: You know, I don't think that anybody is totally fearless in this
life. I myself am not entirely without fear. I think perhaps we should talk
in terms of courage rather than fearlessness. Freedom from fear means that
you don't let fear dominate you. It does not mean that you don't know fear.
It does not mean lack of knowledge of fear. It means that you are not
controlled by it. I often say to our people that, even if you are afraid,
you must have the ability to do what you know is right. That is overcoming
fear. That is freedom from fear. It's not that you do not know fear. You do
know fear, but you are not going to let it shackle you.

White: You and the people in your movement actually suffer physical pain,
injury, torture, and being torn from loved ones. To go beyond fear, doesn't
that require some kind of spiritual or transcendent beliefs?

Suu Kyi: Yes. I think no human being can do without some kind of spiritual
cultivation, because there is a spiritual dimension to life. I don't think
you can deny that. Why are there religions in the world? Because there is
this human need to cultivate the spiritual dimension, to go beyond the mere
gratification of the body and material needs. I think that we are more than
just mere matter and chemical reactions. Why is it that the greatest number
of poems in this world are either about love or religion? Poems are
actually about spiritual needs. Why do people feel the need to love or to
be loved? All right, let's not use religion, because there are those who
claim that they are not religious. But I think that even those who claim
that they are not religious want to feel that they are loved and that they
want to love and cherish other people. Of course, there are those who don't
care about cherishing and loving others, but even those people would like
to be loved themselves. Why? That is a spiritual need. That is, after all,
not a material need. Very rich people go around trying to find somebody who
will love them and whom they can love. They go through one marriage after
another. It certainly is not a search for something material, because they
can buy anything they like.

White: It is a much deeper hunger.

Suu Kyi: Yes, it must be something that we can only connect to in the
spiritual dimension. And the richest man in the world does not want to be
loved for his money. Why not? If he is all material, the more people love
him for his money the more at peace he should be because of his great
material achievement. And yet people always say they want to be loved for
themselves. That is what I believe is a spiritual need rather than anything
else. It all comes down to metta, doesn't it?

White: That's what I thought.

Suu Kyi: What people really want is kindness and compassion.

White: Who has been influential in your thinking regarding your role as
leader?

Suu Kyi: Obviously my father and people like Gandhi and Nehru are very
important I studied the Indian independence movement to some extent, so I
can say that leaders of that movement have had a certain amount of
influence on my years of leadership.

White: Is there any contemporary person who influenced your leadership?

Suu Kyi: Of course, I very much admire people like Nelson Mandella and
Martin Luther King, Jr. But I think I have been more influenced by the
leaders of the Indian independence movement and my own father than by
anyone contemporary.

White: In your speech to the International Women's Conference in Beijing a
few years ago; you talked about the role of women; that women bring
characteristics or qualities of care and nurturing that you feel have
perhaps been missing in some of the male leaders in the world. At the Free
Burma Conference, one of your former bodyguards talked about how you taught
your bodyguards about democracy and the politics of the situation in Burma,
talking with them about how not to be afraid. From this it seems you are
very active in caring for others. Can you say more about how you feel as a
woman leader, about how you transmit or how you provide a caring and
nurturing environment? Are there other examples that suggest how you see
yourself as a woman leader, as a feminist leader?

Suu Kyi: I don't see myself as a feminist at all. I've never been a
feminist in that sense because I've never really felt crushed as a woman.
After all, I grew up with my mother. My father died when I was 2, and while
my mother was rearing a family, she was a very successful person in her own
right. So I've never felt the need to become a feminist. I always thought
that women were equals in their ability to change their world. Of course, I
am very aware of the fact that in Burma as in many other countries men are
very much the privileged gender. But because of my own personal
circumstances, and because I basically believe in the equality of all human
beings, I am not a feminist. I have women friends, and I like men friends,
and I think that women and men can be equally nice or equally nasty. Of
course, their approach is different. And I don't think it is all purely
social. I am sure there must be something biological in the difference
between men and women. There ought to be because they have different jobs
to do. Perhaps this is going to change with the advances of science. But I
don't try to make a man out of myself. I don't think that I need to develop
a masculine style in order to be effective as a politician.

White: How would you define your style of leadership? Do you have feminine
qualities?

Suu Kyi: Well, I think that I am very much myself, and since I am a woman,
I suppose there should be some feminine qualities, otherwise I would be a
very unfeminine woman.

White: Why aren't there other women in the executive committee of the NLD?

Suu Kyi: There used to be one, but she left.

White: What keeps women from being involved in the higher ranks of the NLD?

Suu Kyi: Well, like I said, there was one woman who was on the executive
committee, but she left for various reasons. We have other women in the NLD
-- not in the executive committee but in the central working committee. I
think one of the things that prevents women from rising as high in politics
as they ought to is the fact they still do like to give considerable time
to their families, their children, and that of course means that they have
less time to devote toward a political career. And a political career under
the circumstances under which we now live is a very risky and uncertain
business. It's not like being a doctor or a lawyer or a professor, where
you can always justify your dreams -- the fact that you are earning money
to contribute to your children and a higher standard of living, et cetera.
If you are going to be involved in the kind of politics we are involved in
here, there is a lot of danger. Some of our people in prison are women.
There are a number of women in the prisons. So whatever you do, you do
knowingly, knowing you do it at your own risk. Perhaps not that many women
would be prepared to take so many risks if they feel that they have an
obligation to their family.

White: On a different track, what is your sense about the future
possibilities for Burma? Personally, I am so distressed about Western
investments here. Finally, Pepsi has pulled out. It is easier for a
bottling company to pull out than a gas company with its extensive capital
investment. But again, it seems to be that this requires a sort of
revolution of their spirit or a changing of their minds.

Suu Kyi: A lot of businesses are only concerned with making money. We've
got to face that.

White: So do you think they will ever pull out of Burma if their only
motivation is making money?

Suu Kyi: Well, of course this profit-making motivation can be used to our
benefit with the application of consumer pressure. And those who have
compassion will do whatever they can. Pepsi has pulled out because it was
not worth their while to stay on in Burma. They were losing more than they
were gaining. Similarly, one can try to bring about that kind of situation
with other companies.

White: Tell me, for those of us in the West who support the Free Burma
movement and support democracy here, how can we best be of assistance?

Suu Kyi: Well, we would really like you to organize a consumer boycott on a
much wider basis, a consumer boycott of those companies invested here.

White: I hope we can do that.

Suu Kyi: Of course you can, if you organize yourselves and if you are
committed enough. Those consumers who decide to boycott the companies that
invest in Burma really don't have to give up that much. What does it
involve, not drinking Pepsi and drinking Coke instead? What does it
involve, not buying gas from Unocal and buying it instead from another
company like Texaco? Consumers have nothing to lose because they live in a
market economy, and the market offers alternatives. 

****************************************************************

NLD: STATEMENT #122
14 December, 1998 

National League for Democracy
(97/b), West Shwegondine
Bahan, Rangoon

Statement 122 (12/98)

1.  A project to transform virgin land of about four thousands acres known
as Hanthawaddy land in Kalaymyo Township, Sagaing Division and Gangaw
township of Magwe Division has been being done by the authorities who
assumed state power in 1988.

2.  Illegal and forced labour employed in the project are very transparent.
They are -

	(a) Eight townships in Monywa District, Sagaing Division have been
allotted 500 acres each.

	(b) The authorities have demanded that 2 villagers provide labour from one
village tract of each township.

	(c) In addition, the sum of one thousand Kyats is demanded by the
authorities as remuneration and for purchase of rice, oil, and salt and
provisions for each labourer.

	(d) To meet this demand, each household has to subscribe Kyats 200.

3.	(a) Presently, in order to provide this forced labour once for fifteen
days, a total of fifty villagers are required from each township. This
totals to 100 villagers every month. The money that has had to be given
totals one lakh. The burden is too heavy for these poor and destitute
villages. This is highly unjust and merciless persecution imposed on the
people.

	(b) Kyats 7000/- is deducted for the living expenses of one labourer. On
days when the person is sick and can not work, an additional penalty is
imposed. The family is left impoverished and with nothing. This is a very
pitiful state of affairs.

4. 	People who are undernourished and without the physical strength to earn
a living have been forced to supply this labour. They suffer from malaria
and are returned. Then when a request is made for medical expenses, the sum
of Kyat 250/- which is their allotment is confiscated by the authorities.
The person is left with nothing. Our information is that about 10
individuals have died in Yinmarbin township because of such circumstances.
Many others must have died. There are no records.

5.	(a) In Yinmarbin township, Monywa District, there is a project where
land is being developed for the welfare of the public servants. Forced
labour is being employed for this. The people from the village tracts known
as Labine, Theegone, Kyat, Thaminthat, Nyaunggine, Ta-wa, Khinesha,
Wa-yone, Lattapya, Mauk-loke have been threatened and forced to supply the
labour and they are not given the appropriate remuneration for their labour.

	(b) Some of the land that is being transformed is also being acquired
forcefully.

6. 	It is obvious that the people living in the villages and townships
above are suffering untold hardships because of the illegal and abuse of
power by the authorities. We have reports that the people are murmuring
that the hardships suffered in this Hanthawaddy land project are worse than
that suffered under the Japanese who conscripted a labour force known as
the "Sweat Brigade".

7. 	This use of force on the people by the authorities is not only illegal
but reflects a lack of human compassion on their fellow beings. This is
highly deplored. We urge those in high positions to investigate the matter
and listen to the grievances of the people. The authorities who proclaim
that forced labour does not happen in this country are deliberately stating
falsehoods.

Central Executive Committee
National League for Democracy
14 December 1998

****************************************************************

BURMANET: THE PEOPLE'S DESIRE
23 December, 1998 by BurmaNet Editor 

According to sources in Pakhote Khu, Myitgyina and Mandalay, the
SPDC-sponsored smear campaign against the NLD and Daw Aung Saw Suu Kyi is
beginning to backfire. Since September, the state-run media have increased
and intensified attacks on the democracy movement.  In addition, the SPDC
has held public rallies in every township and city and disseminated
anti-NLD propaganda.  Some observers in Rangoon believe that the government
may even be sincere in its threats to deport Aung San Suu Kyi. 

Many people, however, are becoming annoyed with the SPDC's tactics.
Targeting speakers who have denounced Aung San Suu Kyi at the rallies with
such epithets as "female camel" (Ku Lar Oak Ma) and "the woman who
tarnishes the nation," opponents of the military have attacked the
speakers' homes with rocks and sticks.  Members of the Union Solidarity and
Development Association (USDA) who have organized the rallies and given
speeches have also come under attack by people throwing stones at them.
Some USDA members have run away and are hiding in Mandalay and Kachin State.

(source: Radio Free Asia broadcast by Aung Zaw, 9 December, 1998) 

****************************************************************

BURMANET: LESSONS FROM INDONESIA
23 December, 1998 by BurmaNet Editor 

The political changes occurring in Indonesia bear a striking resemblance to
the Burmese political situation during the 1988 democracy uprising.
Current changes in Indonesia are also providing lessons for a transition to
democracy in Burma, especially if the military, for whatever reason,
suddenly cedes power.  This prospect seems quite unlikely given the current
state of affairs, but who would have predicted Suharto's resignation, even
a month before it occurred?  

Under Suharto, the Indonesian government maintained severe restrictions on
democracy and human rights activists, Non-Governmental Organisations
(NGO's), newspapers and all civil society groups.  When Suharto was
toppled, those groups confronted the daunting task of reconstructing the
country.  Given the precarious democratic opening, leaders faced the
challenge of how to channel presently-disorganized masses toward a positive
and effective reform movement.

In Jakarta, a meeting on the current political situation and prospects for
the future of Indonesia was held in early November.  Prominent observers of
Indonesian politics, opposition leaders, and journalists attended the meeting.

Mr. Sumartana, a long-time observer of Indonesian politics, noted, "the
reform movement in Indonesia has grown up since last year.  The movement
has grown stronger since Suharto's sudden fall.  Everybody was very
surprised at Suharto's toppling.  We had very little time to prepare."

In various sectors of society, many people are talking about how to handle
the opportunities that the democratic opening has provided.  In Burma, in
1988, there was a power vacuum when the military was weakened in August and
September.  Groups in touch with people's frustrations and hopes, i.e.
organizations commonly referred to as "civil society," had not been
established and the gap was left empty.  In contrast to Burma in 1988,
NGO's in Indonesia were quite prevalent during Suharto's rule.  In the
Spring of 1998, publicly-owned newspapers and magazines had already been
established and there were also some underground newspapers and magazines
published.

Mr. Olle Tormquret from Sweden expressed his concern about the people's
pent-up frustrations leading them down a non-productive path.  "What we
have to be careful about is the risk that people, because of unseen
problems and difficulties, may mislead the pro-democratic people the wrong
way while we are changing from a one-party system to multi-party democracy
system."

In Indonesia, Christian and Muslim groups have attacked each other.
Burglary, robbery, and vigilante killings of government supporters is on
the rise throughout the country. In some townships, ninja-type gangs are
organized like well-trained soldiers, carrying out robberies and killings.
Many people suspect that government and military personnel are behind many
of these disturbances, provoking disorder so that the people will be
sympathetic to a strong military role in "maintaining order."

The Burmese army and military intelligence created similar anarchist
sentiments among people during the 1988 demonstrations.  Unlike its
counterpart, though, the Indonesian military shows no sign of coming back
to the political arena again.  Many Indonesians are still skeptical.
Andreus Harsono, a journalist, sensed the urgency of strengthening civil
society now given the current power plays.  "If the strength of the
democracy movement declines,  (the military) will come back again.  If we
are stronger than the military, we will get more.  But if we are weaker, we
will get less.  As for me, I never believe the Indonesian military."  Many
observers echo Harsono's concern and are keeping close watch on the
military's efforts to consolidate its power base.

As for prospects for democracy in Burma, Indonesian Burma-watchers
suggested that a change is likely because the military, like Suharto, rules
the people with terror.  One observer noted that if a transition is to
happen, "people, democracy forces, people who want to establish democracy,
educated people, and journalists should be preparing for the changes.  As
the Indonesian example shows, the trend of history is against dictatorship."

(source: Radio Free Asia broadcast by Aung Zaw, 1 December, 1998)

****************************************************************

ABSDF: SUPPORT MIN KO NAING'S NOMINATION
22 December, 1998 from <lurie@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

WRITE IN SUPPORT OF MIN KO NAING'S NOMINATION FOR STUDENT PEACE PRIZE IN
NORWAY

Dear Friends,

We are writing to ask you to support the nomination by a Norwegian friend
of Burma of Min Ko Naing for the Student Peace Award for 1999.  This is a
new prize which is to be awarded for the first time next year.  The prize
will be awarded to outstanding student activists around the world every two
years. The Prize Committee will announce the winner on January 15, 1999. If
Min Ko Naing were to win this award it would be a prestigious honor not
only for him but also for our movement, both inside and outside Burma. We
ask you to write to the Prize Committee in support of the nomination. The
ABSDF has sent a letter of support to the Committee. A sample of the letter
is attached below and we appreciate your participation in this campaign by
emailing or faxing the Committee.

Many thanks,

ABSDF 

-----------------------------------------------------------------

The Chairman 
Student Peace Prize Committee 
International Student Festival 
Postterminalen NTNU 
7034 Trondheim 
Norway 
Tel: -47-7359 5320 
Fax: -47-7359 5323 
Email: prize@xxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Date: 22 December 1998

ABSDF SUPPORT FOR NOMINATION OF MIN KO NAING FOR 1999 STUDENT PEACE AWARD

Dear Sir/Madam,

We are writing in support of the nomination of Min Ko Naing for the 1999
Student Peace Award.  Min Ko Naing has been imprisoned since March 1989,
shortly after the Burmese military junta staged a massive crackdown on
pro-democracy supporters. As the Chairman of the All Burma Federation of
Student Unions, Min Ko Naing was a prime target of the authorities, and he
is considered to be second only to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in his importance
to the democracy movement within Burma.

Min Ko Naing was charged under section 5(j) of the 1950 Emergency
Provisions Act for having delivered anti-government speeches and agitating
unrest. He was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. Min Ko Naing's decade in
prison has been spent in solitary confinement.

He is allowed visits from his family only a few times a year. Aside from
his family, he has been allowed only two visitors in nearly ten years.
Yozo Yokota, the former UN special Rapporteur for Burma, and United States
Congressman Bill Richardson were able to visit him, both in 1994.

Min Ko Naing was born in October 1962 in Rangoon.  After passing his
matriculation exams in 1984-85, he studied at the Botataung Regional
College in Rangoon, where he majored in Zoology. He spent two years at
Botataung College before continuing on at the Rangoon Arts and Science
University.

He was an active organizer in the demonstrations during the 1988
pro-democracy uprising, and became an inspirational figure for his fellow
students and the people of Burma generally.  His speeches, public pledges
and poems caught the spirit of the people, and made him a leading light in
the opposition to military rule.

While other political prisoners have received amnesties, are allowed to
stay in group cells and receive regular family visits, Min Ko Naing has
been kept isolated and been given no reduction in his sentence.  Reports of
his torture by the authorities are numerous.  Although international human
rights organizations, including Amnesty International, consider him a
prisoner of conscience, his conditions in prison have not improved.

We believe that Min Ko Naing's active pursuit of democracy by peaceful
means makes him an ideal candidate for the inaugural awarding of this
prestigious prize.  After 10 years of suffering, the people of Burma still
consider that Min Ko Naing represents more than just the All Burma
Federation of Student Unions.  He represents the hopes of the people that
their struggle will not be in vain.

Next year will see the launch of an international "Free Min Ko Naing"
campaign. Min Ko Naing's nomination for this prestigious prize can only
raise the profile of this campaign, and may assist to galvanize the support
of the international community.  We feel confident that this nomination
will have the support of many people and organizations throughout the
world, who understand the importance of his contribution to Burma's struggle.

Yours sincerely,

ABSDF

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