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Former Burmese general dead (r)



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HEADLINES
(1) Former Burmese general dead
(2) Nothing to celebrate about Burma anniversary
(3) Games gold tarnished

NEWS

(1) Former Burmese general dead 


In Burma, a senior, former military leader, General Tin Oo, has died of a
heart attack. 
He was seventy-one.  Tin Oo was a powerful figure in military intelligence
under the rule of General Ne Win, who overthrew the civilian government in
1962 and imposed one-party military rule.  Tin Oo was imprisoned in 1983 for
the misuse of state funds, but released six years later. 
>From the newsroom of the BBC World Service - Dec 30, 98

					----------------------------

(2) Nothing to celebrate about Burma anniversary

Contrary to its claims of numerous achievements, the Burmese junta won more
foes than friends this year, writes The Nation's Yindee Lertcharoenchok. 

FOR Burma, 1998 marks the 10th anniversary of the violent military takeover
and another year of intense political confrontation as well as economic and
social degradation.   From the outset, the Burmese junta, known then as the
State Law and Order Restoration Council, claimed that it suppressed the 1988
pro-democracy movement and seized state power to prevent the country from
falling into anarchy. But ironically, after a decade under its control, Burma
is virtually sliding towards that very same direction. 

Contrary to its daily propaganda of countless achievements, the regime has, in
fact, done nothing substantial to improve the country. Apart from a few
cosmetic touches here and there, including a name change and periodical
changing of generals in the administrative apparatus, the junta, because of
its maladroitness in political, economic and social affairs, has followed its
military predecessor in mismanaging the country. 

To date, Burma, once the rice bowl of Southeast Asia, still holds the
humiliating title of being one of the world's least developed nations, a
status given by the United Nations in 1987 at the request of Gen Ne Win's
government. Economically, the country remains in disarray. Despite initial
interest and the rush of foreign capital into Burma, the financial constraints
on the part of investors due to Western economic sanctions and corruption in
the bureaucracy have discouraged serious foreign investments. 

At the same time, the existence of the much-criticised double or triple rates
of foreign exchange -- the official rate of 6 kyat to a dollar, the
blackmarket rate of about 350 kyat, and the foreign exchange certificate of

about 330 kyat -- are too complicated for foreign bookkeeping of investors
and
businessmen. Foreign tourists, traders and foreign communities alike in Burma
have incessantly complained about such currency headaches and thus often
change their money in the blackmarket. 

It remains debatable whether the military leaders are able or willing to
eliminate such a system as many locals and foreigners suspect that the regime
enjoys and benefits from the different tiers of foreign exchange.   As Western
economic sanctions take their toll and the number of the regime's closest
friends in Asia dwindles, the junta, now under the new hat of State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), is falling deeper into the economic abyss.  The
military leadership is apparently in a state of denial. Government ministers
and officials have simply rejected the existence of many of the social ills
and serious problems affecting the country and its peoples. To cite one
example, the junta has refused to acknowledge the presence of hundreds of
thousands of Burmese refugees and illegal migrants who flee from repressive
and discriminatory policies and economic hardship at home to Burma's
neighbours. 

Despite evidence and testimonies to the contrary from UN agencies and other
international bodies, the military rulers reject the looting, killing, forced
labour and relocation of millions of frontier populations as the result of
Rangoon's harsh anti-insurgency campaigns. Urban residents are not free from
similar forms of human rights abuses as many often find themselves forcibly
recruited into army porterage and forced labour. 

In reaction to the international outcry over the explosive situation of HIV-
Aids in Burma, the regime insisted that the deadly disease is foreign to Burma
and that the country is free of drug abuse, prostitution, and HIV-Aids
patients and other social ills. Because of its lack of political will and its
rudimentary health care programmes in containing the incurable epidemic,
confidential and internal reports of several UN and foreign humanitarian
agencies are predicting a human disaster in the Southeast Asian country. 

Likewise, the junta has repeatedly denied the sharp increase in drug
production and trafficking since it rose to power in 1988. It has rejected
annual international reports, particularly those of the United States,
claiming they do not reflect the reality on the ground and that they ignore
the government's anti-narcotic efforts. 
But complaints and criticism do not come from Western countries alone. Burma's
immediate neighbours, including China, India and Thailand, have in various
bilateral and multilateral forums voiced their strong concerns over the rise
in Burmese drug production and trafficking which are wreaking havoc in their
respective societies and creating great stress on their anti-drug campaigns
and budgets. 

Members of the international community are similarly perplexed by Rangoon's
''soft'' attitude and policy towards some major armed ethnic groups, which are
heavily engaged in narcotic production and smuggling as their source of
income. The government's de facto amnesty as a result of a ceasefire agreement

with these rebels-cum-traffickers only provides them with ''legitimate''
freedom to continue the illicit drugs and money-laundering activities with
impunity. Such cozy relationships only heighten international suspicion and
allegations of implicit official Burmese involvement in narcotic activities. 

Politically, Burma is still a far cry from a state of peace and stability.
Despite stitching up a truce with the military regime in Rangoon, over a dozen
armed groups controlling Burmese frontier areas are still allowed to retain
their forces and weaponry. Some of their remote territories remain off-limits
to central authorities and unauthorised trespassing often results in armed
clashes. Because of decades-old mistrust of central government policies
towards ethnic minorities, many of these groups, through proceeds from drugs
and other illicit activities, continue to acquire and accumulate arms and
ammunition. 

On national politics, the SPDC continues to face international and domestic
pressure for political reforms through dialogue and reconciliation with its
arch-critic the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won an overwhelming
popular mandate to rule in the 1990 general election. 

The Burmese generals' intransigence to work out a political compromise has not
only incensed their Western critics but is increasingly alienating Burma's
closest allies in Asia which want to shift their collective efforts on Burma
to tackle the more pressing Asian economic crisis. Of late, several Asean
members have called for a revision of the grouping's diplomacy through
constructive engagement with Burma which they now acknowledge is leading them
nowhere. 
At the same time, the United Nations is facing tougher criticism from a
growing number of its members and Burmese democracy activists who want to see
the world body take a pro-active role, and not become a ''paper tiger'', in
facilitating political reconciliation in Burma. Some countries are pushing the
UN to adopt certain yardsticks, which will allow Burma to benefit from an
incremental release of international humanitarian and technical assistance
conditional on political and human rights improvement in the country. 

The UN, which has recognised the NLD as the legitimate representative of the
Burmese people, is being pushed to consider vacating Burma's seat at various
international bodies if the regime continues to resist political reforms.
Claiming its rights to govern, the NLD has, in the past few months, been
pressing ahead with its own political agendas, including the recent creation
of some 10 national committees that represent the parliament. The NLD's latest
move has attracted a new military crackdown on nearly 1,000 of its MPs,
members and supporters and forced the closure of its offices across the
country. 
With the regime refusing to compromise and the NLD pledging to carry on its
political programmes, next year bodes more political tension and a serious
head-on showdown between the country's two key political protagonists.
Meanwhile, the country will continue to slide deeper into economic and social
crisis as a result of the lack of sound economic policy, accountability and

transparency.
The Nation - Dec 31, 98

					----------------------------

(3) Games gold tarnished
WHILE Thai athletes were winning a bundle of gold medals in the recent Asian
Games, Thai police tarnished the Kingdom's reputation by arresting and jailing
27 recognised Burmese refugees. 
Unfortunately, as good as the Games were, that police action may well preclude
Thailand from being considered as a possible site for the Olympic Games in the
near future. 
As for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees' failure to speak up,
its reputation in Bangkok is already too sullied to worry about it being
tarnished any further. 
An NGO worker
The Nation  (Mailbag) - Dec 31, 98