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NEWS - the Internet, a Handy Politi
- Subject: NEWS - the Internet, a Handy Politi
- From: Rangoonp@xxxxxxx
- Date: Fri, 15 Jan 1999 23:42:00
Subject: NEWS - the Internet, a Handy Political Weapon
South-East Asia: the Internet, a Handy Political Weapon
Inter Press Service
14-JAN-99
MANILA, (Jan. 14) IPS - A few years ago, a despot who
wanted to control information needed only to take over
broadcast and print media organizations, if not shut them
down completely.
Today's strongmen still do that, but with much less effect,
as
some of South-east Asia's well-entrenched regimes are
finding out.
Now they have something called the Web to contend with,
and just how do you control that?
Indonesia's former President Suharto would have wanted to
know.
Before he was forced to resign last May, the general had
been South-east Asia's longest reigning leader, thanks in
part to decades of media repression that had denied
Indonesians access to accurate information.
But then came the Internet, and Indonesians soon found the
means out of the rut of muzzled journalism of the mainstream
media.
Journalists who used to work for media organizations closed
down by the government quickly found their way into
cyberspace.
When former staff of the banned newsmagazine Tempo set
up the online Tempo Interaktif to pursue investigative
reporting, other journalist groups followed suit, creating
more
alternative sources of news such as SiaR, MateBEAN,
MeunaSAH and MamberaMO.
To many Indonesians, Suharto's downfall was precipitated
partly by a cyberspace expose of the assets owned by him,
his family and his cronies, particularly on the mailing list
Indonesia-L.
This U.S.-based listserv -- more popularly known as
Apakabar -- was instrumental in providing up-to-date
information about Indonesia all over the globe.
Says Indonesian journalist T. Basuki: "Apakabar helped
accelerate Indonesian society's awareness of the need for
change as it encouraged open and democratic debate on
issues."
These days the Web still looms large over Suharto's
successor and erstwhile protege, Bacharuddin J. Habibie,
who has to worry about what is disseminated on NusaNet,
an e-mail network linking NGOs in Indonesia.
The Habibie government has been proceeding cautiously
and has relaxed some media restrictions, but the military is
not pleased with what goes on in the wilds of the World Wide
Web.
The Indonesian government is not the only one in the region
probably wishing its citizens had not gotten caught up in
the
Web.
Any country that has problems with free speech and free
flow of information is bound to find itself dealing with
dissent
in cyberspace.
In South-east Asia that would mean, apart from Indonesia,
Burma, Malaysia, Vietnam and Singapore, based on the
1997 report of the Canadian Committee to Protect
Journalists. And of these, Burma has by far the strictest
controls on the media.
Ruled by a military junta that renamed itself State Peace
and
Development Council or SPDC, Burma does have some
publications but they operate within the purview of what the
junta allows.
SPDC has also imposed restrictions on the ownership of
most forms of communication tools, including typewriters,
fax
machines, photocopiers and modems. Radio is permitted
and widely used, but is known to be filled with SPDC
propaganda.
Not surprisingly, the Burmese pro-democracy movement in
exile was among the first to make its presence felt on the
Internet. But while outsiders can easily access sites like
BurmaNet, Free Burma Coalition and BurmaWeb -- aside
from that of the junta itself -- most Burmese make do with
word-of-mouth relays of Web news.
Other governments are trying to thwart dissent on the Net
through censorship. In March 1997, Vietnam passed a law
allowing the state to control and censor all Internet
communications.
But no one country has gone as far as Singapore in
instituting resolutions for the complete regulation of the
Internet.
At best, these rules reflect Singapore Premier Goh Chok
Tong's exhortation to the local press "to forge consensus
and not foment confrontation, facilitate nation building and
not fray the social fabric."
The Net falls under the ambit of the Singapore Broadcasting
Authority (SBA), which issues licenses to service providers
and those wanting to put up online sites.
The authority also determines what content is allowed on
Internet sites. Anything from pornography to "areas which
may undermine public morals, political stability or
religious
harmony" is considered "objectionable."
CCPJ findings show at least eight state-hired censors who
search the Net daily in search of objectionable content.
These sites are then blocked by the local Internet service
providers.
In Malaysia, official pronouncements make it seem the
government of Premier Mahathir Mohamad has yet to resort
to censorship of online communication, despite the growing
use of the Net by the "reformasi" movement begun by jailed
former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim.
But a closer look at the "acceptable use" policy at Jaring,
the
main Internet backbone there, indicates it is enough to
curtail
the Net's use for activities not allowed under law.
The policy justifies surveillance of all Internet
communications on Anwar's case and places restrictions on
the content of online messages.
With supposed "transgressions", Mimos, the state agency
that administers Jaring, has helped police track down four
people accused of causing panic in Kuala Lumpur after
posting rumors of riots on the Internet. Authorities have
threatened more arrests for similar offenses.
But given the mainstream media's treatment of Anwar's case
as a "non-event", Malaysians, have been enlisting in mailing
lists and bulletin board services for wire-service reports,
opinions, eyewitness accounts and schedules of events.
Zaharom Nain of the independent magazine Aliran, which
maintains an online news site, says: "By and large, the
Malaysian media have never aspired to be the guardians of
the freedom of speech. Thus far, they have been nothing
more than the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition's
mouthpieces."
Other controls on the media include laws like the Printing
Presses and Publications Act, Broadcasting Act, Control of
Imported Publications Act, the Internal Security Act, the
Sedition Act, and the Official Secrets Act.
Ironically, though, it is a system that imposes licensing
stipulations, intimidation and censorship on the media that
gives rise to "alternative journalism."
Lukas Luwarso, chairperson of the Jakarta-based Alliance of
Independent Journalists, does not deny the activist
dimension to the group's work. He notes: "We cannot work
simply in an objective and balanced fashion as demanded by
the profession."