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BBC-East Asia Today.January 20th 19



Subject: BBC-East Asia Today.January 20th 1999 

BBC-East Asia Today.January 20th 1999


Japan's Softer Stand Criticised as Senior Burmese Official Visits Tokyo

Japan wants to keep communication channels open with Burma

A senior Burmese official, Brigadier General Kyaw Win, is in Tokyo at the
invitation of the Japanese government. But his ten day trip has already
sparked outrage among human rights campaigners, who staged protests outside
Kyaw Win's hotel. There's particular anger about Tokyo's strategy towards
the Rangoon junta.

In 1995, the Japanese lifted its ban on economic aid, imposed after
thousands of democracy activists were shot dead on the streets of Rangoon in
1988. And subsequently, Tokyo has taken a softer stand than the US or the
European Union.

For more on why Japan invited in the Burmese General, East Asia Today
presenter, Christopher Gunness called Sadaaki Numata, the government
spokesman in Tokyo:

Sadaaki Numata: It is very important that somebody keeps the channels of
communication open to both sides. It is also important that people in the
Myanmar government have an opportunity to be exposed to the spectrum of
views that exist outside Myanmar in general, and in Japan in particular.
That's precisely what the visit is designed for.

Christopher Gunness: Am I to read into that, that Japan will talk tough on
issues such as dialogue with the opposition and human rights?

Sadaaki Numata: The position that we have consistently been taking - why we
keep our channels of communication open to both sides in Myanmar, is that we
do attach importance to the progress of democratisation and also the
improvement of the human rights situation in Myanmar. That has been a
consistent theme.

Christopher Gunness: I imagine that you're visitor will also take the
opportunity to drum up support among Japan's business community.

Sadaaki Numata: I think that is reading a little too much into the visit. He
will have an opportunity to meet a whole spectrum of people in the
government and in the parliament and also in the journalistic sector,
perhaps some business people. What we do attach importance to is to maintain
this evenhanded, balanced approach to all this and, I emphasize again, to
keep our channels of communication open.


Christopher Gunness: What evidence is there that this policy of a balanced
approach, keeping the channels of communication open, has borne any fruit
whatsoever?

Sadaaki Numata: We have to keep trying. There have been instances in which
we have urged restraint on the part of the Myanmar government - especially
as some situations of confrontation developed last year between the
government and the opposition forces. It's not the kind of effort that can
bear immediate fruit, you have to keep working at it for a long time. But it
is also true to say, when you talk about the carrot and stick approach, that
if everybody takes the stick approach perhaps the result will be
counter-productive. So there should be somebody who tries to play a balanced
role - and that is what we aspire to play.

For background on the visit, and to gauge concerns among the activists,
Christopher Gunness then called Mike Jendrezic, of Human Rights Watch Asia:

Mike Jendrezic: The Japanese government historically has a long relationship
with Burma. They have tried to maintain that relationship, both in former
military connections including personal connections with Ne Win, as well as
the fact that Japan has provided most of the bilateral aid to its Official
Development Assistance Programme. Since the crackdown in 1988, and the
elections in May 1990, the Japanese government has been trying to serve as
some sort of bridge between the West and some of the governments that are
trying to isolate Burma whilst maintaining its links with the Burmese
government to encourage respect for human rights and a process of
democratisation. The Burmese government has also nurtured ties with
Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt, and this military official coming to Tokyo is
of course one of his right hand men. It is entirely consistent with Japan's
strategy.

Christopher Gunness: My understanding also is that the Japanese are waiting
for some kind of concrete response from the Burmese to the General Assembly
resolution passed at the end of last year, which was of course very critical
of them.

Mike Jendrezic: I think the Japanese government would like to see Burma
begin to take positive steps in response to international condemnation by
the United Nations. And pressure from the European Union and the United
States. They've urged the Burmese government in the past to take specific
steps such as releasing political prisoners as well as other initiatives
that might include dialogue between the military government and Aung San Suu
Kyi and the National League for Democracy. My expectation is that the
General's visit will be used precisely for that purpose - to communicate the
fact that Japan would like to see Burma welcomed into the international
community - but it would require steps to be taken by the military
government and compromises on both sides. Both on the side of the
pro-democracy forces, but primarily on the part of the military government.

Christopher Gunness: Given the strength of Japan in terms of its economic
leverage and given the historic association between the two countries, how
important is Japanese pressure on Rangoon?


Mike Jendrezic: I think Japanese influence is probably just as important,
perhaps even more important, than the role of ASEAN. ASEAN of course is
greatly weakened because of the Asian economic crisis. Japan however,
despite its economic problems, is still in a position to offer the carrot of
resumed ODA - that is Official Development Assistance to Rangoon - that has
been for the most part suspended since 1988.

Christopher Gunness: As it courts the Burmese Generals, if that's not too
cynical an interpretation of this visit, how concerned is Japan about
Chinese influence in Burma?

Mike Jendrezic: From my conversations with politicians and policy makers in
Tokyo, I think there is growing concern about Chinese military influence
projecting into Burma as well as in South East Asia generally. There in fact
is a pro-Burmese government lobby now in the Japanese Diet - the Japanese
parliament - that is motivated in part by economic interests, but also by
this concern about Beijing's influence over Rangoon. I think to some extent
Japan would like the United States as well as Tokyo itself to serve as a
buffer or a counter weight to that influence from Beijing.