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Is Burma becoming an international



Subject: Is Burma becoming an international playground? 

Editorial & Opinion 
Is Burma becoming an international playground?

On one hand, Japan wants democracy for Burms. On the other, it welcomes the
deputy chief of the feared MIS. Is it pure economics or being wary of waxing
influence of Burma's 'big brother' China, queries Moe Aye. 

The Japanese government has said that it pressed for democratisation within
Burma during a recent 10-day visit to Japan by Brigadier General Kyaw Win,
deputy chief of strategic studies at Burma's Defence Ministry and Deputy Chief
of Burma's Military Intelligence Service (MIS). At the same time, however,
three National League for Democracy (NLD) township offices were forcibly
closed
and many NLD members were sentenced to seven years imprisonment for their
alleged involvement in recent student demonstrations. 

Although one Japanese political commentator said ''no democratisation, no
aid''
for Burma, the Burmese ruling military regime claimed that the visit was very
fruitful in enhancing friendship and understanding between the two countries.
At the same time a prominent young student leader, Thet Winn Aung, was
given 52
years imprisonment for his leadership of student demonstrations in August and
September 1998. Meanwhile, the substantial investment in Burma by Mitsubishi
and other Japanese companies is on the record. 
''We could understand if they invited government ministers, even though they
are not the representatives of Burma, to visit them. But we absolutely cannot
understand why they invited the MIS officer. It clearly means that the
Japanese
government recognises not only the military regime but also the notorious MIS
who torture political activists'', said an NLD division organiser who declined
to be named. ''How do they really want to be involved in our situation -- to
solve the political deadlock or to invest in Burma?'' he asked. 

Another NLD division organiser who also declined to be named said, ''What is
their real concern about our country -- the situation of our people or 'the
influence of communist China'? We are confused. If they want to communicate
with both sides they should invite a representative from the NLD. And they
should try to arrange such an opportunity for the NLD. Don't forget the NLD
was

elected by the majority of our people.'' 

His comments suggest that the recent statements of Mike Jendrezic from Human
Rights Watch in Asia are true. Jendrezic said in an interview about Kyaw Win's
trip to Japan, ''From my conversations with politicians and policy makers in
Tokyo, I think there is growing concern about Chinese military influence
projecting into Burma as well as in Southeast Asia generally. There in fact is
a pro-Burmese government lobby now in the Japanese Diet -- the Japanese
Parliament -- that is motivated in part by economic interests, but also by
this
concern about Beijing's influence over Rangoon.'' 

Jendrezic 's explanation is useful to understand the Japanese government's
policy. In 1995 Japan lifted its ban on economic aid, imposed after thousands
of democracy activists were shot dead on the streets of Rangoon in 1988.
Subsequently Tokyo has taken a softer stand than the US or the European Union.
And then, there are the many Japanese companies in Burma. 

If the Japanese say that they have to compromise with the Burmese military
regime and invest in Burma because of Beijing's influence over Rangoon, the
suffering of the people of Burma and democracy movement in Burma is not in
their minds. It may be that Tokyo's concerns have increased since Rangoon
allowed the Chinese language newspaper to circulate in Burma. 

Khin Zaw, (not his real name) a prominent political activist, said, ''I
absolutely believe in Jendrezic's words. The Japanese government's policy
is to
protect their interests, not to help our democracy movement. Every time the
military regime claims that they never care about any sanctions from the west
or from anywhere because they have their Big Brother -- China -- the Japanese
government seems to pour so-called humanitarian assistance into Rangoon.
Ultimately, the Burmese military rulers will survive and the Japanese
companies
will have substantial profits. We will still have to suffer and pay the price
for seeking democracy.'' 

It may be that this year will leave the people of Burma more confused than
before. Just before Kyaw Win was invited to visit to Japan, a US Congressmen
had a chance to visit to Burma and meet with Lt General Khin Nyunt and Daw
Aung
San Suu Kyi. In a press conference held in Bangkok on his way back to the US,
he appealed for the international community to pour large-scale humanitarian
aid into Burma. He argued that this aid would survive the clutches of the
despots running Burma. 

He also explained that the powerful general in the SPDC promised him the
regime
would deal gently and softly with the opposition. It is not apparent, however,
whether or not the US congressmen knew about the trial in front of the
notorious Insein prison which took place just before his press conference in
Bangkok. Many young student activities were sentenced to from seven to 52
years
imprisonment for their peaceful involvement in politics. 

''We know about more our own harsh rulers than outsiders do. If the
international community pours in large-scale humanitarian aid, those who will
really be happy are not the people of Burma who are in need, but the junta who

want to extend the military and their power'', said one businessmen who
declined to be identified. 

A retired professor of Rangoon University commented, ''We understand that the
US Congressman expressed his concern about our people. It must be much
appreciated but the problem is that the military regime never respects the
value of the lives of its own people. They never treat their people as human
beings. Another problem is who will monitor and guarantee that the aid will be
properly used in suitable sectors. Remember there are no independent NGOs here
and the military regime will never allow any foreign independent NGOs onto
Burmese soil. In my opinion, anyone who is concerned about our people should
firstly persuade those guys [the military regime] to allow the NGOs to work in
order to help the humanitarian needs of our people. If the regime is concerned
about its own people it will have to allow this. But I think that if NGO's
could set up, they would be targets of the regime's criticism, as in Iraq.'' 

His prediction may be true. The military regime will surely accuse those NGOs
of being from the CIA or of interfering in internal issues, and will often
deport them. A few years ago the military regime nearly allowed a US Veteran
organisation to help with a crop substitution programme (in which farmers in
Kachin state, northern Burma, were to be helped to substitute other crops for
their poppy fields). The agreement was terminated without any reason. 

However, something is better than nothing. If anyone believes that
humanitarian
aid should be poured into Burma before democracy is restored, what he should
first do is obtain permission from the military regime for foreign independent
NGOs to monitor the aid. At the same time he should not forget that the NLD is
the winning party elected by its own people. The NLD must also be a key player
in using this aid. 
So far, nobody except the Japanese government and the military regime knows
what the two countries have agreed for the future of Burma. Sadaaki Numata, a
spokesmen for the Japanese government, defended Japan's policy of keeping the
channels of communication open to both sides in Burma because of the
importance
that Japan attaches to the progress of democratisation and improvement in the
human rights situation in Burma. Despite this, the NLD did not seem to be
informed of anything that occurred during Kyaw Win's trip to Japan. 

Many Burmese people, already confused by the Japanese government, are now
focusing on an acrimonious dispute over the terms of the military regime's
presence in the EU-Asean summit scheduled for Berlin at the end of March,
1999.
However, it's not enough for the people of Burma to just emphasise events in
the outside world. They should also focus on themselves, on what really
happens
on their own soil and on what they urgently need. 

If they think that they urgently need humanitarian aid before political change
and if they don't believe that they can fully get that aid through their
rulers, they will have to dare to fight for NGOs to work in Burma. And any
outsiders who really sympathise with the Burmese people and want to help with

humanitarian assistance at the moment will also need to work to allow NGOs to
enter into Burma, not to pour investment in for the military regime. 

If the Burmese people think that democracy must come first, they will need to
have the courage to fight for it along with the NLD they voted for in the 1990
election, and to whom the Japanese government was deliberately remiss in
explaining about Kyaw Win's trip. 

Finally, the people of Burma must know that it is not outsiders who will
change
the situation of Burma under the harsh military regime. They will have to
decide about whether living under those bad guys is heaven or hell. What's
more, they will need to prove that Burma is not a playground for Tokyo, Bejing
and the military regime. 

The Nation