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The BurmaNet News: March 8, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: March 8, 1999
Issue #1222

HEADLINES:
==========
BURMANET: MONTHLY SUMMARY - FEBRUARY, 1999 
CRPP: NOTIFICATION #10 
BKK POST: SHAN STATE REBELS FALL INTO AMBUSH 
MIZZIMA: BURMA WOMEN'S STRUGGLE IN EXILE 
WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS: INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 
AP: MYANMAR SAYS US IS INTERFERING 
AP: NATIONS QUESTION SUPPORT FOR OPIUM BATTLE 
ANNC: DOCUMENTARY FILM FOOTAGE 
BURMANET SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION 
****************************************************************

BURMANET: MONTHLY SUMMARY - FEBRUARY, 1999 
5 March, 1999 by BurmaNet Editor 

The news in February was dominated by SPDC's battle for international
legitimacy.  Despite a boycott by the U.S., France, Britain, Denmark,
Norway, the Netherlands, Ireland, Belgium, and Germany, Interpol's Fourth
Annual Heroin conference in Rangoon went ahead on 23 February.  The regime
was effective in convincing Interpol's Director of Criminal Intelligence
Directorate, Paul Higdon, that it was acting in good faith in trying to
eradicate the poppy fields that are the source of most of the world's
opium.  Many others were not so easily swayed, and some observers accused
Interpol of being na?ve for choosing Rangoon as the conference site and
gullible for accepting the SPDC's spin on its involvement in drug
production and trade. 

The controversy effectively raised the profile of the regime's shady drug
practices. Most analysts, including the U.S. State Department, state that
there is no proof that the military regime as an institution is involved in
the drug trade.  However, there is strong evidence that Burmese officials,
and corrupt army personnel in particular, are either involved or paid to
allow the drug business to be conducted by others.  The conference served
as a platform for the cash-strapped regime's consistent message, which it
will probably echo in the following months: "If you want us to fight the
drug war, send money."

The international apologists for engaging the SPDC in a combined effort to
halt the production and trade of heroin suggest that politics be "put
aside" for the common cause.  But the drug issue is inherently political.
The regime lacks the transparency and reliance on the rule of law that come
with democratic governance.  Such qualities should be basic starting points
in an effective drug-eradication project.  In addition, the ceasefire
agreements that have allowed many of drug lords autonomy ultimately are
political agreements, and the solution to the problem must also be a
political one and include provisions for transition to democratic governance.

On another international front, the regime tried throughout February to
bypass EU sanctions and gain a seat at the EU-Asean foreign ministers'
meeting scheduled for March. The meeting is to take place in Germany, but
the EU has imposed a travel ban on top SPDC officials, including Foreign
Minister Win Aung. When Asean admitted Burma to the regional grouping in
1997, the EU warned that the visa ban would remain intact, and top SPDC
officials would not be allowed to attend regional meetings held in Europe.
ASEAN officials were hopeful that they could persuade the EU to allow Burma
to attend and also that they could work effectively with the SPDC to bring
about at least the beginnings of political change.  However the EU has held
firm, and the SPDC has refused to budge, thus putting ASEAN in a difficult
position.


Most likely with an eye on the March EU-Asean meeting, the regime released
two political prisoners in February -- Ma Thida and Nyi Pu Lay -- token
concessions when full political reform is called for.  Ma Thida, a
well-known writer, was jailed in 1993 for distributing pamphlets.  Because
of her relatively high profile as an internationally known writer, several
professional literary organizations and non-governmental organizations
consistently lobbied the regime for her release.  She was reportedly in
poor health during many months of her detention.  Nyi Pu Lay was arrested
in 1990 under allegations of being part of the underground network of the
Communist Party of Burma.  He had already served more than his designated
prison term when he was released.

News of these two political prisoners' release begs the question as to the
status of Burma's other political prisoners.  On 8 February, 3 more
MP's-elect were arrested as the prepared to attend a meeting of the
Committee Representing the People's Parliament.  About 145 MP's-elect
remain detained in "guest houses," refusing to resign and renounce Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi's call to convene parliament. 

In January, the international community learned that some of the activists
arrested last Fall had been given extremely harsh sentences.  The student
who received the longest sentence of 52 years, Thet Win Aung, was a high
school student leader during the 1988 demonstrations.  After the crackdown,
he was refused entry to high school and thus, could not attend university.
He was arrested several times during the subsequent years, and in 1997, he
narrowly escaped another arrest by the Military Intelligence and went
underground for a year. He was arrested in October along with the others
for the non-violent actions and calls for political reform during the
August and September demonstrations.  Since his sentencing, the regime has
added one more year, bringing his jail term to 53 years.  He currently is
in solitary confinement in Insein Jail, where he was tortured and
interrogated.  His brother, Pyone Cho, was a university student leader
during the 1988 demonstrations and has also been in Insein Jail since 1989.
 He originally received a 10-year sentence, but was given an additional 12
years in 1995 for attempting to send a letter to the United Nations.

The SPDC is lashing out not only at its political challengers, but also at
its military rivals.  Along the border with Thailand, fighting between the
SPDC and KNU increased in February.  The KNU's 7th brigade has been under
heavy attack.  A frightening development that emerged in a KHRG February
report is news of the formation of death squads.  According to the KHRG
report, this "Guerrilla Retaliation Unit" is also known among the villagers
as the "Sa Sa Sa," or "Three S's," a reference to Military Intelligence.
The unit is composed of the most brutal soldiers, recruited from various
battalions in the area, and they operate independently, not answerable to
the local Operations Commanders.  When they are present around a village
other SPDC troops are notably absent. The main function of these units to
date has been to execute any civilian even remotely suspected of present or
past connections with the KNU. This connection can be as minor as a distant
relative in the KNU, having given rice to its army several years ago, or an
unsubstantiated accusation by anyone. The main intention is probably to
strike fear into all villagers of having anything whatsoever to do with the
KNU. Estimates on the number of people executed since October vary widely,
from 30 to 80 or 100.


The KNU has been severely weakened in recent years and no longer poses a
serious threat to the SPDC.  The SPDC has a much greater problem in its own
army, the tatmadaw, where dissatisfaction and desertion rates are growing.
Soldiers' salaries are absurdly inadequate, and now even their rations are
being cut.  What upsets so many soldiers is that officers above them are
often skimming off their rations, medicine, and other supplies to sell on
the black market for their own personal profit. When soldiers are back at
their battalions, they and their wives are often treated as personal
servants by their commanding officers. Many soldiers also feel guilty about
the way they are ordered to treat porters and villagers.  It is unlikely
that a split in the army will lead to a change in the political situation,
but it is possible that a weakened army could create space for a stronger
peoples' movement to emerge.

With an increase in fighting comes an increase in human rights abuses
carried out on civilians as the SPDC forcibly relocates villages suspected
of supporting the rebels.  The increased activity also results in increased
portering and demands for resources (taxes and food).  February saw an
increase in new arrivals of refugees in Thailand, unable to endure the
consequences of another dry-season offensive.  The attack on KNU 7th
Brigade prompted 400-500 refugees to cross the Moei River into Thailand to
escape the fighting.  About 3,000 more internally displaced people remain
on the Burma side of the border, attempting to avoid the violence.  

At the beginning of February, the Thai authorities threatened to repatriate
up to 800 of the new arrivals in Wang Ka refugee camp.  During February, in
coordination with the UNHCR, they screened over 600 of the new arrivals.
They have announced no results or official decision on the refugees'
status, but have allowed them to stay in the camp and allowed them to
receive rations.

Further north, in Ban Kwai refugee camp, the Thai authorities have
informally interviewed the 100+ Karenni refugees who arrived in January.
The authorities have agreed that they could stay in the camp and build
houses.  Meanwhile, the UNHCR has begun a pilot registration process in Ban
Mae Surin, a Karenni refugee camp.  In general, the refugee communities are
uncertain of the UNHCR's role and the implications of the registration
process.

The two camps that were attacked by the SPDC/DKBA in 1997 and 1998, Wangka
and Maw Ker, are preparing to move to Umpiem Mai, more than 10 kilometers
away from the Burmese border.  While details are sketchy, the move has been
approved in principle, but the practical logistics still need to be worked
out.  Most likely, the move will not happen in March, but should take place
before the beginning of the rainy season in May.

In conclusion, the struggle for international legitimacy highlighted by the
Interpol and EU-Asean meeting controversies raises two of the most
important issues for which the SPDC has been criticized -- the illicit drug
trade and the continued detention and ill-treatment of political prisoners.
 With such a long history of repression, the democratic movement and the
international community is understandably skeptical of the token gestures
and public relations' spins carried out by the SPDC in February.  The
continued fighting along the Thai border also highlights the enduring
problem of the social and political problems in the ethnic minority areas,
an issue that surely will not be resolved without major political reform.
 

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COMMITTEE REPRESENTING PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT: NOTIFICATION #10
18 February, 1999 

Committee representing members of People's Parliament elected in the 1990
multi-party general elections (Committee Representing People's Parliament)

Notification No 10(2/99)

Note- (addendum to Notifications 9(2/99) dated 17 February 1999)

1.	To keep the public informed we publish the responses that have reached
us relating to the tactics used to assemble the people unlawfully on the 7
February, 1999 for the purpose of denouncing U Lun Tin , member of the NLD,
elected representative of Mon State, Moulmein Township, Constituency No:1.

xxxxx The people attended the meeting because they were forced to. It was
entirely against their wishes. Most of the residents of the towns did not
attend but the villagers attended mostly out of fear.

xxxxx Teachers were instructed to relinquish their duties if they failed to
attend xxxxx meaning that they would be sacked xxxxx as instructed from the
top.

xxxxx To be made to denounce an innocent man like U Lun Tin with fists and
outstretched hands was very embarrassing and distressing.

xxxxx Forgiveness is sought from U Lun Tin and the 10 members of the NLD
committee.

xxxxx Our prayer is that the ten committee members including Aunty Su and U
Lun Tin reach the victory post of democracy as soon as possible.

xxxxx  When U Lun Tin was elected we gave our votes freely according to our
own desires.

xxxxx  What happened on the 7 February 1999 was a conspiracy.

xxxxx  For all to know we make this report about the government's brazen
deceitfulness, lies, unlawful and menacing tactics.

xxxxx  Like dacoits and bandits they have struck terror in the hearts of
the people to squeeze out one ballot -- we have all combined and join
together  in placing these facts before you.

xxxxx The authorities asked us for our household lists (census) and
collected them at midnight. Only on the next day we were told to collect them.

xxxxx Then when we went to collect them we were forced to sign.

xxxxx We students (boys and girls) disapprove of the activities of the
present government.

xxxxx Their words and actions are very discriminatory and unfair.

xxxxx When we speak the truth we are arrested and tortured.

xxxxx They claim that the country is progressing economically, socially and
educationally. Far from progressing, the cost of living is rising and
everything is getting more difficult.

(Responsibility for this publication is taken by the National League for
Democracy.)
 
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THE BANGKOK POST: SHAN STATE REBELS FALL INTO AMBUSH 
6 March, 1999 

Mae Hong Son-An attempt by some 30 Shan State Army rebels to seize a drug
production factory in Burma opposite Pang Ma Pha district last week failed
because of an ambush by Burmese troops, according to a border source.

The source said the anti-Rangoon guerrillas who had destroyed three drug
plants in eastern Shan State over the past two months tried in vain on Feb
26 to seize a plant owned by some Chinese Haw people in Burma as they were
attacked by five Burmese soldiers of the 65th battalion on their way to the
factory.


According to the source, a Shan rebel was killed and his M-16 assault
rifle together with a communicative radio were seized in the ambush. 

****************************************************************

MIZZIMA NEWS GROUP: BURMA WOMEN'S STRUGGLE IN EXILE 
7 March, 1999 by Soe Myint 

"When I was in Burma, I never heard of international women day or women
rights movement. I realized only when after some years in exile in India
that women from other countries are struggling like us too", said Nu Nu
Nge, a 23-year old woman from Burma. She has been living in India as a
political refugee since 1992. She is one of the hundreds of women from
Burma, who left the country after the massacre of peaceful demonstrators by
the military in 1988.

It has been now more than 10 years that these pro-democracy activists from
Burma are living in India. Like their counter-parts in other countries of
the world, they have maintained their activism by holding regular
demonstrations in front of Burmese (military junta's) embassy in New Delhi,
publishing periodical magazines and pamphlets on Burma to promote awareness
among the international community about their struggle.

Currently, about 100 women and girls out of 500 refugees from Burma are
staying in New Delhi under the mandate of United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR). Over the years, many of these women got married with
fellow Burmese activists while in India. They continue to participate in
the activities of the political movement for the restoration of democracy
and human rights in their homeland.

However, being a wife in the exiled political movement is not easy. "There
are many difficulties for a woman here. If she is a housewife, she has to
look after the children, household and quite difficult to continue to be
active in the movement", said Nu Nu Nge.

"In Burma, girls are not encouraged to continue their studies after they
learnt how to read and write. Most of the girls in rural areas go to work
in the paddy field after they passed 5th or 6th standard in high school.

"Very few go to college", said Ye Ye who comes from Chin State of Burma.
She is now in India working as President of Chin Women Organization (CWO).
Thousands of Chin women and girls cross the border areas and enter into
Mizoram State of India to escape political and economic hardships under the
Burmese army battalions in Chin State.

"We believe that women rights are also human rights. We are seen as human
beings but we are not treated as equal human beings", said Thin Thin Aung,
General Secretary of Women Rights and Welfare Association of Burma (WRWAB),
which was formed in 1995 by the India-based Burmese women and girls. "We
want to encourage Burmese girls and women to be more active in politics by
promoting their living conditions and equipping them with necessary
knowledge and skills", said Thin Thin Aung.

However, their fight for their rights is challenged by the existing
patriarchal notion that exists even among the democrats in exile.

"Even among our pro-democracy activists, many husbands do not want their
wives to be active in political activities. They prefer their wives to be
at home doing household works only", continued Ye Ye.


In November last year, all the exiled women organizations from Burma,
which are scattered in neighbouring countries of Burma got together for the
first time in Chiang Mai in Thailand. 32 women activists from 16 women
organizations belonging to different nationalities of Burma got the
opportunity to share their experiences. Many women activists in the meeting
found out that their counterparts have similar sufferings and experiences
under the existing system in Burma.

Apart from maltreatment and discrimination against women in the society,
Burmese women and girls are faced with constant danger of being raped,
forcibly located, and forced laboured by the army officers, particularly in
the border areas of the country. The women organizations decided to work
together to promote health, educational, social conditions of women from
Burma and to fight for greater participation of women in the
decision-making apparatuses of the society.

For the first time, a joint statement of seven exiled women organizations
from Burma was issued for the International Women's Day on March 8th 1999.
The statement deplores the Burmese government's sponsored "Myanmar Women
Affairs Committee" that it does not represent the interest of women from
Burma.

"It is unable to solve the deepening problems of women in Burma; women who
are forcibly located, women who are forced to take refuge illegally in
neighbouring countries, displaced women who are struggling for their safety
and survival, pregnant women who suffered ugly deaths during the fighting
and women who were raped by soldiers of the (military) junta", said the
statement.

The statement further pledged their fight for the fall of military
dictatorship and emergence of democracy and human rights in Burma.

****************************************************************

ALL WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS OF BURMA: INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 
6 March, 1999 

To acknowledge the roles of women in the struggles for equality, the love
of truth, peace and development, March the 8th  has been recognized the
International Women's Day -- as a result of solidarity of women throughout
the world. In order to encourage women to participate actively in the
struggles for ethnic rights, cultural rights, economical rights and
political rights of women, the 1975 United Nations General Assembly
recognized the date the International Women's Day.

As the belief that everyone is equal in building a peaceful and humane
world regardless of their sexes is becoming more widespread in modern
societies, along with the notion of making the world a better place to live
with collective ideas, visions and policies, we deeply believe that women
groups of Burma should work hard to improve the lives of women from all
ethnical backgrounds. Our beloved Burma has been under the military
dictatorship for more than 30 years and democracy  and human rights have
been confined to the miasma of political nadir. The lives of ethnic Burmese
women has deteriorated more than ever. As long as there are military rulers
who do not heed human rights dominate the politics of Burma, we believe
that there will be no chance for paving the way for women's rights under
the junta.


As for the military leaders sponsored "Myanmar Women Affairs Committee",
we believe that it is not an independent organization, and it is unable to
solve the deepening problems of  women in Burma; women who are forcibly
relocated, women who are forced to take refuge illegally in neighboring
countries, refugee women who are struggling for their safety and survival,
pregnant women who suffered ugly deaths during the armed conflict  and
women who were raped by soldiers of the junta. "Working Group for
Protection of Women from Violence and Rehabilitation" is a sub-committee of
"Myanmar Women Affairs Committee" and their slogan is: "we have the duty to
protect women from psychological violence." The irony and reality is the
above so called "women organisation" is unable to do anything to ensure the
safety of a Burmese woman who is a Nobel laureate, a democratic leader and
a public leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other women political  prisoners
who are in ill health due to both violent psychological and physical
onslaughts of the military junta's propaganda machinery.

Because of the above reasons, our opposition groups' women organisations
take the responsibility to struggle for the fall of military dictatorship,
emergence of democracy and human rights, and rebuilding of a Federal system
in Burma. We will fight for peace in Burma in tandem, hand in hand with
other groups who are fighting against the junta. With this statement, we
demand the following points to the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) and strongly urge them to comply in accordance with the wish of the
Burmese people as a whole.

[1] STOP uncultured and unfounded personal attacks and smears on Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy which won an
overwhelming victory in the 1990 elections.

[2] RELEASE all women political prisoner who are aged and whose health
condition are deteriorating including Daw Kyi Kyi, Daw San San and Daw San
San Nwe (Thaeawaddy)

[3] ALLOW  to form independent women organizations who  genuinely represent
all the voices of women in Burma.

[4] CALL a meeting immediately to discuss face to face with the National
League for Democracy [NLD] led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other ethnic
leaders in Burma.

For a peaceful and better Burma:

Karen Women Organisation[Thai-Burma border]
Chin Women Organisation [ New Delhi]
Women Rights and Welfare Association of Burma [New Delhi]
Karenni National Women Organisation [ Thai-Burma Border]
Lahu Women Organisation [ Thai-Burma Border]
Tavoy Women Union [Thai-Burma Border]
Burmese Women Union [Thai-Burma Border]

****************************************************************

ASSOCIATED PRESS: MYANMAR SAYS US IS INTERFERING 
5 March, 1999 

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Myanmar's military government accused Washington on
Friday of interfering in its internal affairs under the pretext of human
rights and relying on ``unfounded facts from unscrupulous sources.''

It was a response to the annual State Department report on human rights
issued a week earlier that included harsh criticism of Myanmar, accusing it
of civil and human rights abuses.


The introduction to the report says Myanmar's ``military junta ...
continued its highly repressive policies, targeting all forms of dissent
and intensifying its restriction of free assembly and association.''

The report goes on to detail a wide range of other abuses against
dissidents and minorities in the country, which is also known as Burma.

A press release issued Friday by Myanmar's Foreign Ministry said the
government ``categorically rejects the one-sided assessment of the United
States on the human rights situations in Myanmar since it is based on
unfounded facts and is nothing more than a politically motivated document
aimed at interfering in the internal affairs of Myanmar.''

It said the latest U.S. human rights report neglects ``the positive
developments taking place in the country and does not reflect the true
situation of Myanmar.''

****************************************************************

ASSOCIATED PRESS: FOREIGN NATIONS QUESTION SUPPORT FOR MYANMAR'S OPIUM BATTLE
5 March, 1999 by Grant Peck 

LAUKAI, Myanmar (AP) -- With his weathered face, leather jacket and pistol
in his waistband, Pheung Kya-shin looked every bit the tough guerrilla
fighter he once was. But in front of a small audience of narcotics experts
and journalists, he presented himself as a reformed supplicant.

We are purging our area of opium, said the 68-year-old leader of the Kokang
Chinese community. Help my people make an honest living. Give us some aid
so we can survive.

His plea was a small shot in a battle being fought in the international
diplomatic arena: Should other nations fund Myanmar's new drug-fighting
program or refuse to trust a government widely criticized in the West?

The Kokang region is located in a part of northeastern Myanmar that is the
heartland of opium production.

U.S. officials say Myanmar is the world's biggest opium-producing nation,
and that most of the heroin sold on America's streets comes from opium
grown on its rolling hillsides.

But the government has launched an ambitious plan to end opium production
nationwide by the year 2014, and it has urged other nations to provide the
funding it needs to persuade farmers to switch to legal crops.

As he spoke in a small, open-air pavilion on a dusty hilltop in northern
Shan State, Pheung was guarded by members of his ragtag local militia, the
Myanmar National Defense Alliance Army.

They mixed with the government military officers who accompanied the
foreign drug experts and foreign journalists on the helicopter journey to
remote Laukai, as Pheung declared that Kokang Special Region No. 1 would
soon be an "opium-free zone."

"The people accept it. It is already decided. There will be no poppy next
year. This is a must," he said.

The U.S. government complains that Myanmar's war on drugs falls short
because the ruling junta, seeking stability in the hinterlands, is too
willing to appease ethnic groups making a large part of their living from
the narcotics trade.

Washington admits opium production has dropped in Myanmar. But it claims
there is an "implicit tolerance" of the drug trade, and that the junta is
eager to keep former drug lords out of jail to invest their ill-gotten
gains in the ailing economy.


Last week, Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- and Afghanistan, the world's
second-biggest opium producer, were decertified by President Clinton for
failing to take substantial action to curtail narcotics trafficking. The
finding makes them ineligible to receive any nonhumanitarian U.S. aid.

Western governments also refuse to give any aid to Myanmar because of the
junta's poor human rights record and its refusal to hand over power to a
democratically elected government.

But some drug experts believe Myanmar's military government is doing the
best it can under difficult circumstances and with limited resources. They
say politics should play no part in the international fight against narcotics.

"They really have a chance to succeed," said Ian Bain, head of Interpol's
Drugs Sub-Directorate. "This is a program that is well thought out ... that
has a strategic aim to it."

Opium, and the heroin derived from it, are produced mainly in areas under
control of ethnic minorities who have been seeking autonomy from the
central government for decades, often by force.

The ethnic rebellions were financed in large part by the drug trade. As the
government has reached peace agreements with the rebels over the past 10
years, weaning farmers from the lucrative opium farming has been a dilemma.

At first, the central government turned a blind eye as it consolidated its
control, and opium production skyrocketed.

Pheung's Kokang Chinese guerrillas were the first of 17 ethnic rebel groups
to reach an agreement with the government. The agreement allowed Pheung's
guerillas to keep their armed security forces, and it gave them the right
to self-administration.

Pheung was a major and controversial player in the country's fractious
ethnic battling.

He was allied with the hard-core Burmese Communist Party, then led a
successful coup against its leadership. He also became seriously involved
in the drug trade, helping set up the first heroin refinery in Kokang
territory in the mid-1970's, according to Bertil Lintner, an expert on
Burmese politics.

Pheung's group continued drug trafficking at least into the early 1990s,
Lintner has written.

The latest International Narcotics Control Strategy Report by the U.S.
State Department, released last week, says he is suspected of continued
involvement with the drug trade.

Pheung, however, has long maintained that he is a staunch ally of the
government in its fight against drugs.

"We have been trying to end the growing of opium poppies for 10 years," he
said in his speech. "We encounter so many difficulties. Some we can
overcome, some we cannot."

Long-term solutions are complicated.

The 15-year plan to end opium cultivation hinges on the development of
substitute crops of comparable value.

Because the government has limited resources, many farmers have been
disappointed says Col. Kyaw Thein, the respected commander of the
government's anti-drug effort.

Japan is funding a project to grow buckwheat, but production of high-value
export crops is hindered by the area's remote location and relative lack of
infrastructure.


The most accessible market for commodities from the Kokang region is just
across the border, in China. But competing with Chinese farmers hardly
promises high returns, and local farmers have reported difficulties trying
to sell sugar cane there.

"Even if they grow rice, it will only last for six months," says Col. Hla
Min, one of the government guides on the tour of Pheung's area. "We have to
find another way."

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ANNOUNCEMENT: DOCUMENTARY FILM FOOTAGE NEEDED 
5 March, 1999 from <moe@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

Dear Fellow Netters,

A documentary film titled "Burma: Politics and Drugs" is in the process of
being produced and  rare footage, archival or current, is requested.
Please send your material to P.O. Box 1118 New York NY 10163 USA. The
material you send will not be returned but you will be given screen credit
if the footage is what originally belongs to you.  Be sure you enclose a
letter of consent to use your footage.

The documentary will be cut by experienced  editors from DateLine NBC
Archival footage regarding Burmese politics/drugs is requested

Thanking you in advance.

Julien Moe
Email moe@xxxxxxxxxxxxx; jhtinzaw@xxxxxxxxxxxxx

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BURMANET SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION 
8 March, 1999 

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