The BurmaNet News: March 16, 1999

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The BurmaNet News: March 16, 1999
Issue #1228

Noted in Passing: "There is no reason to visit Rangoon under these
conditions." 
- Mr. Taksahi Kosugi (see PD BURMA: JAPAN'S FORMER EDUCATION MINISTER
REJECTED VISIT TO BURMA) 

HEADLINES:
==========
THE IRRAWADDY: NEW 1,000 KYAT NOTES - HIGH INFLATION? 
AP: GOVERNMENT SAYS OFFICIALS "MURDERED" BY REBELS 
MIC: MUSEUM TO MARK ERADICATION OF OPIUM 
MIC: YOUNG PRESIDENTS' ORGANIZATION (USA) IN BURMA 
NLOM: U PHONE MYINT APPOINTED AMBASSADOR TO ITALY 
AP: EU-ASEAN SUMMIT DERAILED BY MYANMAR DISPUTE 
THE NATION: EU LAUNCHES FRESH BID TO RESCUE ASEAN TALKS 
PD BURMA: JAPAN'S FORMER ED. MIN. REJECTED VISIT TO BURMA 
THE IRRAWADDY: SPIRITUAL REVOLUTION 
ANNOUNCEMENT: CONFERENCE ON GENOCIDE 
****************************************************************

THE IRRAWADDY: NEW 1,000 KYAT NOTES A SIGN OF HIGH INFLATION? 
28 February, 1999 by Win Thein 

Vol.7 No.2 February 28, 1999

The military regime in Burma is again proving its expertise at issuing new
bank notes. After the military coup in 1988, they issued supplies of new 50
kyat notes, 100 kyat notes and 200 kyat notes. On November 18 of last year,
they announced the introduction of new 1,000 kyat notes.

After 1988, there were around 10 billion kyats circulating throughout the
country, but by May 1997, there were over 200 billion kyats in circulation.
This is the last official figure given by the regime, despite the fact that
the government is obligated to declare the amount of money in circulation
annually. Thus there are no monetary regulations, no accountability and no
means of determining how much money is in circulation. The regime is
issuing money according to their wants and needs.

Meanwhile, the deficit in the state budget increases each year. In 1988,
the deficit was 6.3 billion kyat; in fiscal year 1994 -95, it increased to
30 billion kyat, while the amount of money in circulation was 34.68 billion
kyat. During the 1995-6 fiscal year, the deficit stood at 38.8 billion kyat
with 33.5 billion kyat in circulation. By the 1997-98 fiscal year, the
state deficit had increased to a massive 75.3 billion kyat. In attempts to
address the country's economic shortcomings, the regime resorts time and
time again to what it is best at: issuing new banknotes. A result of the
unlimited printing and issuing of money by the regime is the dramatic
increase in commodity prices.

In April 1996, an extra 20 billion kyat was put in circulation to cover a
government program providing loans to civil servants. Commodity prices
increased instantly. In July, the price of gold increased from 27,000 kyat
to 38,000 kyat per one kyat weight. The price of cooking oil increased from
172 kyat per one unit to 216 kyat per unit, an increase of 25%. Some of the
shops in Rangoon and Mandalay had to close because of the instability in
commodity prices. The annual increase of money in circulation is one main
reason for inflation in Burma. The inflation rate in Burma is continually
over 20%. According to the official statistical statements of the regime,
commodity prices increase 20% per year. Simply put, something which cost
100 kyat in 1988, cost 712 kyat in 1997 and now costs 1,000 kyat. The rate
of increase of staple foods and basic commodities has been the highest. In
1994-95 the percentage increase of the consumer price index in general was
603% and for food products 691%. In 1995-96, the increase in commodity
prices in general was 735% and for food products the increase was 895 %.
Those who suffer most from high commodity prices and inflation are the
people of Burma.

The deficit in the state budget is like a festering wound that will be
impossible to heal, unless the puss, that is to say the over-sized military
budget, is removed. The regime's mismanagement, corruption and lack of
knowledge of economics guarantees the economic downfall of Burma. Issuing
new 1000 kyat notes will surely not solve the economic woes of Burma, but
will definitely increase the woes of the people and drive them into further
crisis. The highest monthly salary of a civil servant in Burma is the
equivalent of two of these new notes. The majority of Burmese people are
farmers, workers and urban poor; 1,000 kyat notes will not pass through
their hands. The Burmese currency today resembles the Japanese currency in
our country during the Second World War. Our people suffered then, and they
suffer again now, drowning under the weight of a useless currency,
inflation and high commodity prices. 

[The Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) adds:]

Taunggyi, February 4, 1999

The 1,000 Kyat notes of SPDC that were issued since November 25, 1998, are
being secretly withdrawn because their design included the unclear figure
of a Burmese hat ("Kha Mock"), the symbol of the NLD party in the 1990
election.

On the note, under the lion, the symbol of the USDA that represents the
junta, there is a cigarette. The abbreviation for cigarette in Burmese is
"Sa-Ka-Ra". It also stands for "Suu Kyi Shone" meaning "Suu Kyi fails" in
Burmese. Thus the issued the currency notes by using black magic (yadrar)
in order to suppress Aung San Suu Kyi. But the designer also secretly drew
an unclear Burmese hat (Kha Mock) near the lion's head to suppress the
junta too.

****************************************************************

ASSOCIATED PRESS: MYANMAR GOVERNMENT SAYS IMMIGRATION OFFICIALS "MURDERED"
BY ETHNIC REBELS
14 March, 1999 

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- The Myanmar government on Sunday announced the
deaths of 10 immigration officials who had been abducted by ethnic rebels,
saying they were "murdered" by their captors.

The account conflicted with that of the abductors -- the Karen National
Union -- who say the captured officials had been mistakenly killed by
attacking Myanmar government soldiers.

Myanmar officials privately told an international visitor familiar with
country's political situation their version of the affair more than a week
ago, but until Sunday would not comment publicly on the incident.

The KNU, the only major ethnic group without a ceasefire agreement with the
government, last week told Thai reporters that 13 Myanmar officials --
including three military officers -- had been captured but were later
killed by Myanmar government soldiers in attacks on rebel positions.

The KNU has been in a state of almost continuous rebellion against the
central government of Myanmar -- also known as Burma -- since the country
gained independence from Britain in 1948. Warfare between the two sides has
often been brutal, though attention has focused on atrocities allegedly
carried out by the government side.

The Myanmar army and its allies are currently staging a dry-season
offensive against the KNU and other armed rebel groups fighting for
autonomy, as they have done annually for several years.

KNU leader Bo Mya told the Thai reporters that Myanmar intelligence chief
Khin Nyunt had offered 4 million kyats ($13,000) for the officials'
release. Bo Mya said the officials had not been taken for ransom, and
released six of them.

According to Bo Mya's account, the six were killed in an ambush by Myanmar
troops who mistakenly thought they were KNU guerrillas. The other seven
officials were killed when the Myanmar army attacked a KNU base near the
Thai border on February 28, he said.

The Myanmar government account given Sunday in a press release said that 14
immigration officials from the checkpoint at Three Pagoda Pass on the Thai
border were returning home from work on February 23 when they were stopped
by a group of KNU guerrillas. It said that four managed to escape but 10
were taken away by the KNU and later died in KNU custody.

The government said it informed KNU headquarters directly of the incident
on February 26 and again through peace mediators on February 27.

The statement, titled "Immigration Officials Murdered," said that the head
of KNU intelligence, Soe Soe, confirmed that a KNU brigade was responsible
and promised to release the men. It quoted him saying on March 2 that Bo
Mya would personally return the 10 men at a date to be arranged later.

Two days later, however, Soe Soe informed the government that the 10
officials had been killed during a skirmish on February 28, said the news
release, which gave no other details about their deaths. 

****************************************************************

MYANMAR INFORMATION COMMITTEE: MUSEUM TO MARK ERADICATION OF OPIUM 
13 March, 1999 from <okkar66129@xxxxxxx> 

[Information Sheets issued under the email addresses MYANPERSP@xxxxxxx and
OKKAR66129@xxxxxxx match those issued by the Directorate of Defence
Services Intelligence (DDSI) in Rangoon, and can be assumed to reflect
official SPDC opinion.]
                        
YANGON, Information Sheet N0.A-0833 (I)

(2) Foundation Laid for Building of Museum to Mark Eradication of Opium in
Shan State (North) Special Region 1 (Kokang)

The foundation laying ceremony of the museum to mark eradication of opium
in Shan State (North), Special Region 1 (Kokang) was held in Myothit,
eastern sector of Laukkai, Laukkai District, Kokang Region Shan State on 11
March. On completion, the museum will be a three-storey reinforced concrete
building which is 38 metres in length 35 metres in width and 18.58 metres
in height. The ceremony to open Kokang Nagasanchaung Hydel Power Plant was
held there. The plant is generating 640 kilo watts to supply power to
Laukkai beginning 11 March. The ceremony to open Chin-Shwe-haw -Laukkai
Road and Chanmye Bridge was held there. Shin-shwe-haw-Laukkai Road is a
21.2 mile tarred road, and Chganmye Bridge is the reinforced concrete type
bridge which is 180 metres long and 8 metres wide.

Director-General of LDP of Japan Mr. Iwakura Tomomitsu made a speech
expressing his appreciation for the ceremony to mark 10th anniversary of
peace in Shan State (North) Special Region 1 (Konkang). It is seen that
firm and mutual understanding can be established between the Government and
Kokang national leaders could make establishment of the firm belief between
them. With the cooperation and assistance of Japan International
Cooperation Agency, success has been achieved in pilot project of
cultivation buckwheat on 2 to 200 acres, and therefore, arrangements are
being made for extension of buckwheat cultivated areas up to 2000 acres.

He said he was surprised with the success of buckwheat cultivation in a
short time, and his organization is giving assistance for success of the
project, adding the Japanese Government believes that the project will
achieve success.
 
****************************************************************

MYANMAR INFORMATION COMMITTEE: YOUNG PRESIDENTS' ORGANIZATION (USA) IN BURMA 
14 March, 1999

[Information Sheets issued under the email addresses MYANPERSP@xxxxxxx and
OKKAR66129@xxxxxxx match those issued by the Directorate of Defence
Services Intelligence (DDSI) in Rangoon, and can be assumed to reflect
official SPDC opinion.]

YANGON, Information Sheet N0.A-0834 (I)

(1) Secretary-1 Receives Members of Young Presidents' Organization

Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council of the Union of
Myanmar Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt received members of the United States-based  YPO
(Young Presidents' Organization) who called at NO 2 Tatmadaw (Defence
Services) Guest House on Inya Road in Kamayut township on 13 March.
Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt extended greetings to the members of YPO.
Next, a ceremony to explain current situation of political, economic and
social and local and foreign investment of the Union of Myanmar to the
members of YPO was held there.  Head of Department of the Office of
Strategic Studies Col. Thein Swe acted as master of ceremonies.  Minister
at the State Peace and Development Council Chairman's Office Brig-Gen Abel
explained economic development and local and foreign investment of the
Union of Myanmar.  U Thein Wai of FMI Co then introduced the local
entrepreneurs to those present at the ceremony. Lt-Col Hla Min of the
Office of Strategic Studies of the Ministry of Defence and Minister
Brig-Gen Abel answered the queries raised by members of YPO.

****************************************************************

NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: U PHONE MYINT APPOINTED AMBASSADOR TO ITALY 
15 March, 1999 

[The New Light of Myanmar is the state-run English-language daily newspaper
in Burma.]

(5) U Phone Myint appointed Ambassador to Italy

YANGON, 15 March-The Chairman o f the State Peace and Development Council
of the Union of Myanmar has appointed U Phone Myint, Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Union o f Myanmar to the Republic
of Korea, as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Union of
Myanmar to the Republic of Italy.

****************************************************************

ASSOCIATED PRESS: EU-ASEAN SUMMIT DERAILED BY MYANMAR DISPUTE 
14 March, 1999 by Jim Gomez 

MANILA, Philippines - A meeting between the European Union and Southeast
Asian nations this month has been thwarted by a dispute concerning Myanmar,
a Philippine official said Sunday.

European nations have said they do not want Myanmar, also known as Burma,
to attend the meeting with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
because of the military government's poor human rights record.

Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan was negotiating with the EU in hopes
of reaching a compromise that would allow the foreign ministers' meeting to
proceed as planned in Berlin, Philippine Foreign Secretary Domingo Siazon
said.

Asked if the meeting will be held, Siazon said, "As of today, no, but still
talks are going on about the format."

"What is being requested is to discriminate against an ASEAN member, which
is unthinkable," Siazon said after meeting with Myanmar Foreign Minister
Win Aung, who began a three-day visit to Manila Sunday.

Myanmar's slow progress in human rights has been an embarrassment for
ASEAN, which admitted the country in 1997. Myanmar's membership has
tarnished the reputation of the nine-member group and interfered in ASEAN's
relations with other regions.

Win Aung told reporters Sunday that ASEAN members should remain tightly
united.

"If ASEAN is united, nobody could come and then make a wedge between us.
That is very important, we should stick together come what may," he said.

Philippine officials said they plan to "express disappointment" to Win Aung
about human rights conditions in Myanmar.

ASEAN also includes Brunei, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand
and Vietnam.

****************************************************************

THE NATION: EU LAUNCHES FRESH BID TO RESCUE ASEAN TALKS 
15 March, 1999 

AFP

ELTVILLE, Germany - European Union foreign ministers yesterday agreed a new
initiative aimed at salvaging relations with Asean, currently on ice
because of a dispute over contacts with Burma, diplomats said.

At talks here the ministers proposed downgrading an EU-Asean ministerial
meeting scheduled to take place in Berlin on March 30 in the hope that this
will enable it to go ahead.

The talks, due to take place at foreign ministerial level, look certain to
be scrapped because of Asean's refusal to accept the EU's position that
Burma's foreign minister Win Aung cannot attend.

Under the proposal adopted yesterday, the talks would go ahead but instead
of all 15 member states being present, the EU would be represented by a
troika of Austria, Germany and Finland.

The hope is that this would persuade the seven longer established Asean
members to take part without Burma, which joined Asean in 1997 along with
Laos.

The seven - Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and
Thailand and Vietnam - will be in Berlin on March 29 for a meeting of the
broader Asia-Europe Meeting (Asem) forum, which also includes China, Japan
and South Korea.

The EU and Asean have been at odds over relations with Burma's military
dictatorship since the summer of 1997, when the country was brought into
the southeast Asian grouping in the face of intense opposition from the
United States and Europe.

Since then there has been no formal contact between the two blocs and
attempts to get relations back on track - even at the level of officials -
have repeatedly broken down over the issue of Burma's involvement.

The row reflects broader differences over how to deal with Burma's junta.
Asean has pursued a policy of constructive engagement while the EU, backed
by the United States, argues that the country should be isolated over its
human rights abuses and role in the global drugs trade.

Current EU sanctions include a visa ban which prevents senior figures in
the military regime from entering any EU country.

****************************************************************

PD BURMA: JAPAN'S FORMER EDUCATION MINISTER REJECTED TO VISIT BURMA 
14 March, 1999 from Schu Sugawara schus@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

A member of PD Burma, Former Minister of Education in Japan, Mr. Taksahi
Kosugi rejected the visit to Rangoon because of junta's refusal of his
visit to Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD representatives held in "Guest Houses".

Mr.Kosugi was chosen as a leader of Diet (Parliament) members delegation to
Burma. The delegation is going to visit Rangoon from March 21st to 27th to
research population problem in Burma, sponsored by Myanmar Mother and
Children Welfare Association (MMCWA) and its Japanese counterparts.

Mr.Kosugi requested the Government of Burma to guarantee his visit to Aung
San Suu Kyi and NLD representatives. Also requested free access by
reporters during his interviews. But the military junta replied that these
requests will be accepted in his next visit to Rangoon, and suggested only
to see military high officials in this time.

On March 10th, Mr. Kosugi informed the Myanmar Embassy in Japan the
rejection of receiving visa grant from the military government saying, "
The government vows that they are respecting democracy, but putting
restrictions of the freedom of movement on foreign guests contradicts the
democracy. There is no reason to visit Rangoon under these conditions".

****************************************************************

THE IRRAWADDY: SPIRITUAL REVOLUTION 
28 February, 1999 by Min Zin 

Vol.7 No.2 February 28, 1999

"THE SIGNIFICANT PROBLEMS WE FACE CANNOT BE SOLVED AT THE SAME LEVEL OF
THINKING WE WERE AT WHEN WE CREATED THEM" - ALBERT EINSTEIN

While attending an international conference last year, I met a few people
who said to me: "You guys don't have the ability to stand up to the
military regime. You guys are always on the defensive." To that, I replied,
"No, I don't think so." Because, though the SPDC is still in power, I know
of a number of events taking place in Burma right now which are believed to
make the regime particularly vulnerable and the democracy movement
stronger.  But immediately after I replied "no", I warned myself not to be
comfortable with this "no" and the temporary ups-and-downs of the political
seesawing taking place in the form of the many so-called significant events
inside Burma.

I decided that I should explore the real reasons why those people at the
conference made that kind of judgement about our movement. I have asked
myself two questions repeatedly since then: Have they really given up hope
that we are going to prevail over the dictatorship in Burma? Are our
preparations for the democratization of Burma far-sighted enough?

The first question is beyond my knowledge, but I have much to say about the
latter. What have we done in the past ten years? Has all that we achieved
only been evanescent political triumphs? No, I don't believe so. We have
attained at least two important things: one, the electoral victory of the
1990 general elections, and, two, the growing mutual understanding between
the Burman majority and various minority groups. Both of these are quite
important. The election results, though not yet honored, provide an
important source of legitimacy for the NLD to remain a legal political
party, in spite of the severest of restrictions on it. Growing mutual
understanding among different groups, despite some questionable issues, is
paving the way for future democracy in Burma.

But it is not enough, really not enough. After ten years of involvement in
the pro-democracy movement, I feel we still need to prepare ourselves in
two essential ways in order to achieve enduring democracy in Burma. One is
to cultivate a healthy attitude in our people, and the other is to sow the
seeds of civil society -- the formation of autonomous civic institutions.
Without having these two indispensable preparations, we won't achieve
genuine democracy unless the junta voluntarily releases its tight grip on
the country by itself. Even if we attained democracy without such
preparations, it wouldn't last long. In this article, I will limit my
comments to the topic of healthy attitudes and why we need to develop them
in our movement. I will address the important issue of building civil
society later on.

The following excerpt from a recent letter of mine to a friend expresses
the feelings I encounter when reflecting on this issue. In my letter I
said: "I absolutely agree with you on the point that we haven't come to be
mature enough, though we contentedly claim we are doing good for others.
Sometimes I think one of the main reasons we haven't beaten the regime is
that they seem to be a part of our national character."

It is true. When we look at the mirror of military dictatorship carefully,
we can find out some parts of our face. We can see some character traits,
such as narrow-mindedness, factionalism, jealousy, bias, intolerance,
aggressiveness, arrogance, conceit, prejudice, hypocrisy, irresponsibility,
blame, the unwillingness to compromise and personal attacks. The list goes
on and on, reflecting not only the regime's characteristics, but also ours.

If the SPDC were a foreign body, not a part of us, it would be easier for
us to get rid of it. But when they appear to be an extreme manifestation or
embodiment of the ugly aspect of our country's character, our movement
needs to pay more serious attention to education in a broad sense. This is
why I wholeheartedly support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's idea of spiritual
revolution. You can probably riposte that such character traits are an
unavoidable aspect of human nature. We can find similar experiences in
other revolutionary movements. But I don't think our problem is a pure
reflection of human nature. Moreover, I'm not used to attributing something
seemingly unresolvable to human nature. This is too easy.

Actually it is partly the product of history. For over eight years, from
1989 to 1997, I hid in Burma as part of the underground resistance. This
experience afforded me a lot of time to reflect on the roots of the current
political situation. During that time, I felt that my country lacked a
healthy national character appropriate for the modern era. Since 1991, the
questions I have asked myself and others are, what is the Burmese national
identity, and does it exist now? Throughout successive Burmese dynasties,
we have been subjected to a value system rooted in feudalistic bonds and
loyalties, but these are not applicable to the changing structure of
Burmese society. After the British colonized our country, they practiced
the divide and rule policy in order to prevent the emergence of the
collective aspirations of the people.

Nevertheless, national hero Gen. Aung San realized this and attempted to
consolidate all people on the basis of a unifying spirit for independence
from colonial government. Unlike previous statesmen or leaders of Burma,
Gen. Aung San developed the solidarity of the people by means of consensus
and commitment, not by the use of force and fraud. He fostered a spirit of
unification that brought forth the shared dedication of the whole country
to this goal. It was the basis of a working relationship that might have
been the embryonic inception of genuine national unity based on shared values.

Unfortunately, Gen. Aung San was assassinated and civil war broke out. The
developing unity of the whole people died with him, never having a chance
to assist in the development of a peaceful nation-building process. Unity
has been replaced by mistrust, which breeds the all-pervasive moods of
hatred and fear. The harsh state-building efforts of successive regimes
have caused the situation to deteriorate and are, currently, running in a
higher gear than ever before. Especially since 1962, the regimes have
practiced two main kinds of psychological measures: one, the creation of
mistrust among the people by exercising "divide and rule" tactics and, two,
impelling the people to rely only on the ruling military through the
prohibition of all independent civil institutions and tight control of the
media. Even now, on the threshold of the 21st century, Burma is still under
the most oppressive junta in the world, which is the worst in every category.

Clearly, the attitude and behavior of Burmese people have much to do with
the environment they have grown up with. The perceptions and mind-sets of
people are greatly influenced by the historical experience of their
society. And in a society which has been closed for decades and remains
extremely repressive, it is difficult to escape from these influences. Are
we activists immune to the effects of such history? No, we are no exception.

See how you feel, when you read the following phrases.

"Do you think that you can do UG better than me?"

"We can't let them take credit for that."

"Without us, they can't do anything."

I have heard many words like the above mentioned by others. I myself have
also said similarly stupid things on some occasions. This is shameful! But,
as veteran sinologist Orville Schell wrote on the public feuds of Chinese
pro-democracy dissidents, "It is not surprising if you're reared on the
authoritarian models of political behavior that stress manipulating
factions, purging your adversaries and intolerance, that people who
theoretically believe in democracy have a hard time behaving."

It is also true for us. We have been molded by a closed society for many
years. The idea that democracy is a way of life that you must practice in
your daily life, in your organization and in your community is pretty far
removed from our practice, attitude and behavior. We have also thought of
democracy as something that we have to try to acquire and then bring to the
people as an act of deliverance. In other words, we have put ourselves in
the position of sacrificial saviors of the people, though most avoid making
this claim openly.

This has created a misconception about the meaning and purpose of
sacrifice. When we are asked what the meaning of sacrifice is, we say
something such as that it is doing good for others or contributing to the
welfare of the many. We also tend to assume that there is an inherent
linkage between nobility and working for the welfare of others. And then we
think we have a legitimate right to claim that we are glorious and noble
because we are working for the welfare of many.

Do you think this assumption is sensible and true? As for me I have become
more and more skeptical about it. It is so shallow! Allow me to clarify
this a little more.

I have lived my life with a strong belief in working for the welfare of
others, which I believed would naturally enable me to become noble. But
I've never attained the satisfaction of nobility. I have smoldered with
anger, pride, prejudice, desire, frustration, melancholy, jealousy, and a
host of other negative emotions. In short, my mind is always out of
balance. By being out of balance, I have sometimes unintentionally or even
intentionally hurt other people in many ways. This has occurred despite the
fact that I had rationalized that working for the welfare of many would
lead me to a noble life and make other people happy.

Actually it is because of my shallow understanding of the concept of
sacrifice that I didn't realize there are two kinds of sacrifice: that
which is not free from "I" and that which is free from "I". Though I
claimed to have made sacrifices, I have followed an ego-centered path
favoring or supporting "I". In this conception, the "I" encompasses not
only a single person, but also a family, or a group, or a race, or a
country, or even an ideology. All things both animate and inanimate, which
one regards as one's own, are taken to mean "I". The "I" here doesn't
denote quantity or amounts, but denotes "quality" or substance. In truth,
the ego-centered attitude or all attachments to "I" restricts, in one way
or another, the interests of others. It doesn't allow for compassion to
arise. When compassion has no chance to flourish, jealousy, ill-will and
selfishness come in by themselves. In this way, I have not only inflicted
hurt on others but also on myself. I have lost a great chance to develop
the quality of my mind by not actualizing my human potentials.

Therefore, as long as one is not able to try to discourage one's
ego-centered attitudes that cause misery within and around us, a person and
his/her society won't become healthy. Sacrificing oneself is, in fact, the
best way to attempt to discard one's own ego-centered life. The two are
inseparable. Therefore, doing good for others or contributing to the
welfare of many is the same as killing your ego-centered attitudes. In
other words, trying to detach yourself from your ego-clinging attitudes is
another way of engaging in your society with true compassion. Therefore,
the true meaning of sacrifice is a combination of discarding and
contributing, detachment and engagement. Though it appears to be a
contradiction, it is a paradoxical truth.

The other insight that we can deduce from the above understanding is that
sacrifice is not an end in itself. It is the best means to nurture one's
quality of mind by reducing one's ego-centered attitudes. The most valuable
thing that one can get back from working for the well-being of many is the
chance to attempt to be mature and to improve the quality of one's mind.
Otherwise this effort is just ego-feeding vanity or an outlet of one's
aggressiveness. We should assume that working for the benefit of others can
give us a chance to develop or exercise open-mindedness, compassion,
moderation, tolerance, self-responsibility, fairness, forgiveness,
sympathetic joy, prudence, self-restraint, sense of understanding, and due
respect for others. Thus, sacrificing oneself becomes the best practice for
people to become mature beings.

But in reality we are circumscribed by our immaturity. This immaturity is
reinforced by the repressive environment we face, where mistrust, fear and
hatred have prevailed for many decades. As I wrote to my friend, we haven't
reached maturity, though we contentedly claim we are doing good for others.
We are so hemmed in by the vicious cycle of tremendous repression and
immaturity, that political or social revolution seem almost impossible. So
there has to be "a movement very much of the spirit," as Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi once described the revolution she called for in Burma. Therefore let's
focus on making our attitudes more healthy to prepare for the spiritual
revolution of Burma.

****************************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: CONFERENCE ON GENOCIDE 
9 March, 1999 from hertling@xxxxxxxxxxx 

Call for Papers: Second International Conference on Genocide

University of Nevada, Reno

October 21-24, 1999

Organized by: Center for Holocaust, Genocide & Peace Studies, 775-784-6767;
FAX 775-784-6611

Genocide In The Twentieth Century: A Crime Against Humanity

As we approach the next millennium, nationalism, ethnic conflict, and
genocide are very much part of the contemporary social landscape. In this
Second International Conference on Genocide, we are seeking papers on
genocide in the 20th century, with special focus on: the social bases of
genocide; the political and economic forces behind genocide; colonialism,
imperialism, and genocide; ultra-nationalism, racism, and genocide; gender
and genocide; religion and genocide; cultural genocide; early intervention
and post-genocide strategies; case studies of genocide; and other related
topics in genocide studies.

Please send a copy of your abstract (150-300 words) and a brief CV to:
Viktoria Hertling, Center for Holocaust, Genocide & Peace Studies (402),
University of Nevada, Reno, NV 89557, E-mail: hertling@xxxxxxxxxxx, and
Berch Berberoglu, Department of Sociology (300), University of Nevada,
Reno, NV 89557, E-mail: berchb@xxxxxxxxxxx by May 15, 1999.

Upon acceptance of proposals, completed papers are due September 1, 1999.
We anticipate the publication of selected Conference papers in an edited
book. Additional information about the Conference will be posted shortly on
our Web site: http://www.unr.edu/chgps/blank.htm

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