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The BurmaNet News: April 23, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: April 23, 1999
Issue #1257

HEADLINES:
==========
BKK POST: BURMA BLAMES ECONOMIC WOES 
NLM: NATIONAL CONVENTION COMMITTEE MEETS 
NLM: MINISTER MEETS PTT CHAIRMAN 
THE IRRAWADDY: THE REMEDY FOR TEMPORARY RELIEF 
THE IRRAWADDY: NGOS IN BURMA 
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THE BANGKOK POST: BURMA BLAMES ECONOMIC WOES 
23 April, 1999 by Bhanravee Tansubhapol, Nussara Sawatsawang 

POLITICAL PRESSURE NOT TOP REASON - OFFICIAL

Political repression is not the reason Burmese people are flocking to
Thailand in search of shelter and to work illegally, a senior member of the
Rangoon military government argued yesterday.

Deputy Foreign Minister Khin Maung Win said economic problems, not
political pressure, had sent most Burmese workers to Thailand, where they
labour mainly in the industrial and construction sectors without any
documentation.

The rest were "relatives" of ethnic minorities operating in border areas,
coming across the border for work, and women being trafficked illegally for
the flesh trade, he said.

"We cannot accept the statement saying the majority of Burmese workers are
coming to Thailand (due to) political pressure. The overwhelming majority
is because of economic pressure," Maung Win said.

His remarks, made at an international symposium on migration, followed
Thailand's expressions of concern.

Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand Paribatra admitted that Bangkok's
migration problems could not be solved without a political resolution in
neighbouring countries.

Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai yesterday called for an effective preventive
strategy by fostering "a conducive environment for peace, democracy, and
development" in the country of origin of the illegal migrants.

"An issue of even greater concern is the rise in criminal activities
related to illegal migration, particularly the trafficking of human beings,
women and children," Mr Chuan said in his opening address.

"We therefore have to minimise its negative aspect by promoting better
understanding of its root causes among the countries of origin, transit and
destination.

"Preventive actions must also be enhanced," the prime minister told the
symposium.

Francois Fouinat, director of the UN High Commission for Refugees Asia and
Pacific Bureau, said the risk of political turbulence stemming from
regional economic woes and social unrest could result in large-scale
movements of refugees and migrants.

It is unclear how many illegal workers are in Thailand. 

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NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: NATIONAL CONVENTION CONVENING COMMITTEE MEETS
20 April, 1999 

YANGON, 19 Apr - The National Convention Convening Commission held its
meeting in the hall of NCCC at 2 pm today. 

Present on the occasion were Chairman Maj-Gen Saw Lwin, Vice-Chairmen
Maj-Gen Sein Htwa, and Brig-Gen Pyi Sone and commission members. 

Secretary of National Convention Convening Commission and members of
National Convention Convening Work Committee and National Convention
Convening Management Committee reported on matters concerning the National
Convention. 

Members of National Convention Convening Commission took part in the
discussions. 

The meeting came to a close with concluding remarks by Chairman Maj-Gen Saw
Lwin.  

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NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: MINISTER MEETS PTT CHAIRMAN 
22 April, 1999 

YANGON, 21 Apr - Minister for Energy Brig-Gen Lun Thi met Chairman of
Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT) Dr Piti Yimprasert and party who
called at his office this afternoon. 

They discussed energy matters. 

Present also on the occasion were Deputy Ministers for Energy U Tin Tun and
Brig-Gen Thein Aung and heads of department.  

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THE IRRAWADDY: THE REMEDY FOR TEMPORARY RELIEF 
March, 1999 by Thar Nyunt Oo 

THAR NYUNT OO EXAMINES THE POLITICS OF COMPASSION IN BURMA, AND SUGGESTS
THAT THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY NEEDS TO CONSIDER THE CAUSES OF BURMA'S
CURRENT MISERY, AND COME UP WITH SOME LONG-TERM SOLUTIONS, BEFORE IT GIVES
HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE.

The issue of giving humanitarian assistance to Burma has recently returned
as a subject of discussion in the international media. In fact, the
Japanese government has already resumed non-emergency humanitarian
assistance to the Burmese regime, and some oil companies operating in the
country are also funding development projects to counter criticism of their
involvement with the junta. But now, there are some in the United States
government who are questioning the wisdom of a ban on aid to Burma.

U.S. Congressman Tony Hall, at a press conference in Bangkok in January,
appealed for large-scale humanitarian aid to Burma, rejecting arguments
that such assistance would merely sustain the country's harsh military regime.

"Humanitarian concerns are taking a back seat in Burma. But I've always
believed that human concerns and human rights go together," he told
reporters. Before the conference, he met with both the Burmese regime and
opposition leaders in Rangoon during a three-day visit.

As he indicated, the present situation of the Burmese people is dire
indeed, and seems to be getting worse every day.

After 30 years of a closed-door policy, Burma now encourages foreign
companies to invest in its economy. The regime, like other Asean
governments, believes that improving the country's economy will enable it
to hold on to power indefinitely. But its faith in this formula is not
absolute, and it has made it clear that it will use any means necessary to
maintain its current pre-eminence in every area of public life in Burma. It
continues to ignore the results of the 1990 elections, and is drafting a
constitution that guarantees the military a key role in future politics.
The crackdown on political opposition groups has, if anything, grown more
severe in recent years.

This obsession with maintaining complete control has inevitably diminished
the impact of economic reforms. Private enterprises face many restrictions
and limitations because the government is worried that too much economic
freedom could undermine its political supremacy. Meanwhile, state-run
enterprises suffer from mismanagement, reflecting the generally low level
of competency amongst the government's economic policy makers, whose sole
concern is to protect the interests of the military elite. Even those at
the lower levels of the state apparatus are excluded from the supposed
benefits of the regime's economic policies. When Aung San Suu Kyi, General
Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD), donated rice to the
poor recently, the crowds that gathered for a handout were joined by the
family of a soldier who was on duty to block the main opposition party's
activities.

Like investment, foreign aid is subject to restrictions designed to prevent
it from strengthening other groups at the expense of the military
government. Pro-democracy forces and exiled Burmese groups have therefore
appealed to the international community to end all assistance to Burma,
arguing that the money would only serve to strengthen the military's grip
on power. In 1997, the U.S. government signaled its agreement with this
position by imposing economic sanctions on the country.

While some have argued that the sanctions were little more than an
expression of moral support for pro-democracy dissidents, few would
disagree that the effects of the Asian economic crisis that hit in 1997
have been devastating for Burma. Investment from countries sympathetic to
the regime has dried up, and despite crude attempts to contain the damage
caused by a dramatic devaluation of the country's currency, ordinary
Burmese continue to struggle with rising prices and high unemployment. The
flooding of paddy fields in Irrawaddy and Pegu Divisions in 1997 also added
to widespread economic hardship in the country.

Some believe that all of these circumstances justify a resumption of
humanitarian assistance to Burma. But those who know how the political
system in Burma works insist that aid will be useless at best, and at
worst, a means of propping up a regime that stands in the way of real
improvement. Even a cursory look at the actual conditions of life in Burma
will reveal that aid serves the interests of the regime far more than it
does the needs of the people.

Public health care in Burma has been in a shambles since the days of
socialist government. Private hospitals started appearing after 1988, but
they remain far beyond the means of most Burmese. While military families
and their cronies have access to modern facilities and abundant supplies of
medicine at Mingaladon Military Hospital, near downtown Rangoon, the
average person must rely on traditional medicines and remedies dispensed
from small shops found on almost every street in the country. Funding from
the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and other international
sources never reaches these informal clinics, which serve the real needs of
Burmese far more adequately than hospitals administered by the government.

Spending on health care and other social services is not a priority for the
regime. Insofar as it sees fit to get involved in projects designed to
benefit ordinary Burmese, its purpose is to increase control over their
lives. The government-controlled Burmese Red Cross Association, for
example, serves chiefly as a security force to oversee public meetings,
celebrations and voluntary activities. Similarly, the Myanmar Maternal and
Child Welfare Association is controlled by the wives of top generals in the
junta. Any humanitarian aid that passes through either of these
organizations serves automatically to strengthen the regime's hold over the
general population.

Before giving humanitarian assistance to Burma, the international community
must first consider the causes of the country's chronic poverty. Only then
will it be possible to set both long-term and short-term goals to help
those most urgently in need of assistance. In the short term, a way must be
found to reach the intended recipients of aid directly. In the long term,
it is important to consider whether the benefits of the assistance are
sustainable. Unless due consideration is given to each of these issues,
money intended to improve the lives of ordinary people will very likely end
up in the hands of the junta and social and economic development will
continue to be held hostage to the whims of the generals.

Before 1962, when a military coup ended Burma's brief era of parliamentary
rule, the country enjoyed relative economic prosperity compared to other
Southeast Asian nations. Then a long period of isolation from the
international community and complete state control of the economy resulted
in a steady decline which culminated in Burma's designation as a "Least
Developed Country" by the United Nations. During this period, the advice of
economic experts was ignored unless it served to reinforce the role of the
military.

The new generation of leaders that took over the reins of power in 1988
realized that they would have to take their advisers more seriously. They
introduced reforms to resurrect the private sector and have been attempting
to re-integrate the country into the international community. But old
habits have died hard, and every effort has been made to ensure that the
fruits of privatization and foreign investment stay in the hands of the
military elite and their closest associates. Academics and others guided by
economic principles rather than sheer greed remain suspect in the eyes of
the regime, which continues to believe that it is the only group fit to
govern the country.

Despite its economic reforms, the regime has never formulated a coherent
program to establish a more viable economic system. Investors are at the
mercy of policies that change without notice to suit the immediate
political needs of the generals. Thus economic growth has been constrained
by a lack of confidence in government policies. Moreover, the generals'
refusal to heed international calls to engage in dialogue with opposition
leaders, particularly Aung San Suu Kyi, and improve its human rights record
have made many foreign companies reluctant to associate with the regime. In
light of all these considerations, it is easy to see why Burma's remains
one of the world's poorest countries.

All this evidence of gross economic mismanagement should indicate to
potential aid donors that forming a "partnership" with the regime to
provide for the needs of Burmese people would be pointless. But if they are
still inclined to give aid, they should consider the difficulty of finding
alternative channels that are not directly controlled by the government.
Although there are private individuals and organizations involved in social
work in Burma, they are required to get permits from the authorities and
must therefore cooperate with them in order to keep their projects going.
However, as Moe Thee Zun, Joint Secretary of the National Council of the
Union of Burma, concedes, their work is worth supporting. "Humanitarian
assistance should pass through people like Tamanya Taung Sayadaw, who paves
roads and builds hospitals and schools for children in his region, and
others who really want to do some good for people," maintains the leading
dissident.

But ultimately, the international community must ask itself whether any of
these efforts will ever reverse the steady deterioration of living
conditions in Burma under military rule. Short-term remedies will not bring
Burma's AIDS epidemic under control, or re-open universities, or bring
relief from rampant inflation. Nor will they stop the exodus of refugees
into neighboring countries or allow thousands of internally displaced
people to finally settle somewhere without fear. All of these issues are
serious humanitarian concerns that must be seen as symptomatic of the real
problem of misrule, which has condemned the vast majority of people in the
country to a hand-to-mouth existence. Temporary relief will not raise them
above the status of beggars, because the current regime, which has robbed
them of the promise of their past, will continue to plunder their future.

Thar Nyunt Oo is a former student activist now living in Thailand.

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THE IRRAWADDY: NGOS IN BURMA 
March, 1999 

"NO-GOOD OUTSIDERS"?

VOL7 NO 3, THE IRRAWADDY STAFF/RANGOON

What can you learn from visiting the office of a foreign non-governmental
organization (NGO) in Rangoon, capital of one of the world's most repressed
nations? Not much, unless you happen to catch somebody eating lunch in
their garden.

Like all foreigners, representatives of humanitarian organizations are
regarded with the utmost suspicion by Burma's military regime. Offices are
invariably under surveillance by the Military Intelligence Services (MIS),
a fact that makes a certain degree of paranoia on the part of NGOs seem
merely prudent. Visitors are greeted politely if somewhat apprehensively by
Burmese staff before a foreigner appears ready to answer impertinent
questions about what it's like to work under (but not for) a regime with a
horrendous record for human rights violations. To be fair, most of the
people I spoke with were surprisingly open considering the circumstances.
But they could not be expected to venture a comment on whether the
government was part of the solution, or part of the problem.

The exception to this general rule was the director of a European NGO who
happened to be outside having lunch when I appeared unannounced at his
compound. While he insisted that his project was not particularly
"sensitive," since it did not take his organization into areas of
widespread human rights abuses, his description of mismanagement in the
medical sector made it clear that overt oppression was not the regime's
only crime against its own population. "Everything is fake," he said,
citing the example of a medicine cabinet full of expired drugs used for
display during official visits. The doctor in charge explained that if he
had used the drugs on his patients, he would have had to replace them out
of his own pocket. Doctors are so poorly paid that none can afford to live
without taking on outside jobs. Meanwhile, military men without medical
training hold most senior positions at hospitals.

A very different assessment of the regime's performance came from a
representative of an Asian NGO, whose view of the political environment in
the country was, "We take it as natural." Educated at a British university,
she said she regarded democracy as something that takes time to achieve.
"We are not here to change the government," she maintained, adding that she
sometimes questioned the motives of NGOs that were overly critical of the
junta. She declined to comment on a remark made by the European NGO
director, who concluded after several years of working in the country that
genuine development work was impossible under the present regime. Asked
about her own experiences working under the regime, she replied after some
hesitation, "I would like to say more, but . . . maybe someone is listening."

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