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BP: A maturing conflict






June 13, 1999  
GUEST COLUMN / BURMA
A maturing conflict
Young people across Burma are facing the harsh reality that their fight for
democracy will be a long, hard struggle.

U Win Naing
Over ten years ago in 1988, thousands of Burmese teenagers came out on to the
streets in all big cities and towns in Burma asking for freedom and human
rights. Hundreds were shot dead and many more were jailed. Some of them are
still in prison. Some fled to foreign countries.
The teenagers of 1988 are now 25-29 years old, the best time to enjoy life or
try for one's dreams. But is there any opportunity for these young Burmese to
pursue their dreams? The answer is no.
Political and social conditions during the past ten years have changed these
young people's values. Educational drawbacks caused by a long closure of
colleges and universities have pushed thousands of students into idleness and
made them vulnerable to drugs, alcohol and other misdemeanours. Burmese youth
have come to believe that it is of no benefit to them to pursue further
education and they now pay more attention to the ever pressing economic
problem.
The search for education and knowledge is replaced by the search for jobs and
hard cash. The effects of this will be felt in the next decades when Burma
needs intellectuals and experts to develop the country. Right now, all the
colleges and universities in Burma remain closed due to the military
government's fear of political unrest. They are unlikely to be reopened in the
near future.
The younger Burmese generation has lost their future as well as the
opportunity
to enjoy life like young people in other countries. The global community
should
pay close attention to this. They should immediately start working to help
restore the right to education in Burma.
Some sceptics are wondering how many Burmese will have to die before the
superpower nations come to help, not unlike what is being done for the
unfortunate people of Kosovo. Certainly this is a naive question, but as the
saying goes, a drowning man would grab a straw for help.
As a politician, I always try to inform the people that we will have to
rely on
ourselves to achieve our goals. If we want our basic rights we will have to
get

them ourselves. If we want to set up a democratic system in our country we
will
have to do it ourselves.
Certainly any help from other countries or individuals would be welcome, but
mainly we will have to fight on our own terms. This message must be sent to
every single Burmese throughout the country. They must be made to realise that
this is the only way to achieve any gains.
What are they afraid of? They have been shot at. They have been jailed. They
have been pressured to abandon their homes and livelihoods. That's what they
are afraid of, and they do not see any saviour coming to help.
We are not dispirited or demoralised as far as our fight for democracy and
equal rights is concerned. We will certainly fight on, but unfortunately it is
going to be a long and hard struggle.
At the same time, Western countries wishing to help the Burmese people must
understand the real situation in Burma.
The western powers' present policy is to force the military government to
immediately surrender to the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won
the
1990 general election. I want the world powers to realise that this is
impossible under the present circumstances.
The NLD has made many wrong moves in trying to wrest power from the military.
It has implemented unpopular policies which created a very tense relationship
with the military. So much so that it is now almost impossible to bring the
two
rival camps to the negotiating table.
The ruling generals believe the NLD and its leaders are bent on crushing the
armed forces and punishing them for their past actions. The generals also
believe the NLD is under the influence of western powers.
After ten years of unchecked power, the military men have entangled themselves
in controversies which have become a threat to the entire nation. Their
infamous relationship with former drug lords, the alleged funding of drug
money
in the state economy and infrastructure works, undemocratic concession rights
offered to the former armed ethnic insurgents in return for a ceasefire and
abuse of power throughout the country are just a few examples. Pro-democracy
activists in Burma, including myself, are very unhappy with these
developments,
but we could not stop them from taking place.
How are we going to stop these destructive developments to our country? Or to
be more candid and precise, the question should be: "How are we going to
eliminate the military dictatorship in Burma?"My answer is we cannot and we
shall not. At least not now.
The most open-handed method would be to put up an armed struggle against the
military government, and I am totally and absolutely against this policy for
obvious reasons.
Firstly, the Burmese armed forces are very strong. They have increased their
manpower from around 100,000 in 1988 to over 300,000 in 1999. The military has
discreetly strengthened itself with more fire-power and proved to be one of
the
most well-trained fighting forces in Southeast Asia with a lot of fighting
experience.
It has fought a non-stop civil war between 1948 and 1999 against different
ethnic insurgent groups and battled with the Chinese Koumintang forces in
early

1950s. It will be an almost impossible job to recruit a fighting force
against
the Burmese army.
The only other alternative to resolve the Burma problem is to handle the issue
peacefully and make rival groups negotiate and compromise. In my opinion, the
military government is going in one extreme direction and the NLD in another.
The military does not respect or trust the politicians. It wants a part in
national administration. However, the NLD will not accept the military's
involvement in politics. It wants the soldiers back in their barracks.
This difference has to be bridged. It will not be easy, but it is the only
option left to save the nation from falling further into the abyss of chaos.
The issue becomes more difficult to resolve when some nations are backing the
NLD's confrontational policies and at the same time pressuring the military to
step aside entirely. This is wrong. We need the armed forces to keep the Union
intact. Burma is a federated Union of many ethnic minorities and there are
many
ethnic states openly talking about secession or joining neighbouring
countries.
We cannot let this happen.
Deep conflicts between the armed forces and the political organisations would
give the secessionists an opportunity to part with the Union.
I have pointed out to my foreign friends that they should give priority to
local factors in assessing Burma's situation. They should meet with more
locals
and listen to their views and opinions. Policy-makers in the US State
Department and the Foreign Offices of Western countries should try new
approaches now.
In place of a policy which says "they must practise our ways", they should try
"we will help the locals try their ways and see."Unfortunately, most of the
diplomats in Rangoon whom I talked to disagreed with me on these points. In
spite of that, I must keep on presenting my views because I believe in them.
I believe that foreign countries should have more contact with the military
government and offer more options than they are now. They should study
carefully the problems the military government is facing and work together for
mutually acceptable solutions. An immediate change to the system in Burma is
not possible under the existing circumstances. The change must be gradual.
However, friendly persuasion alone will not move the generals. We need some
form of pressure as well. Every individual, organisation and government should
adopt a carrot-and-stick policy if they really want to help us gain our
freedom.
*U Win Naing is a Burmese pro-democracy activist living in Rangoon.
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© Copyright The Post Publishing Public Co., Ltd. 1999
Last Modified: Sun, Jun 13, 1999
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