The BurmaNet News: August 20, 1999

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: August 20, 1999
Issue #1341

HEADLINES:
==========
REUTERS: MYANMAR SAYS 36 HELD OVER UPRISING CALL 
SPDC: PRESS CONFERENCE 
DVB: DEFENCE SERVICES ISSUE FREE ARMY RATIONS 
NATION: DON'T EXPECT JUNTA TO RESPECT HUMAN RIGHTS 
SCMP: BURMA ACCUSED OF TIT-FOR-TAT BORDER CLOSURE 
AFP: THOUSANDS OF REFUGEES TO BE RELOCATED
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REUTERS: MYANMAR SAYS 36 HELD OVER UPRISING CALL 
20 August, 1999 

YANGON (Reuters) - Military-ruled Myanmar said Thursday it had arrested 36
people in connection with attempts to instigate an anti-government uprising
next month. [BurmaNet Editor's note: See below for excerpts from the SPDC
Press Conference.]

A military intelligence spokesman said claims by dissidents in exile that
more than 150 people had been arrested in recent weeks were exaggerated. 

"Altogether 32 more people were arrested in recent days in connection with
a conspiracy to cause unrest in September 1999," Colonel Than Tun, a senior
official in the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence, told a Yangon
news conference. 

He said 25 were held in the central town of Pegu, six in Ye and one in
Moulmein. The latter are southern towns. 

The government said last week it had arrested four people, bringing the
total number it says it has recently detained to 36. 

Than Tun said some of those arrested were members of the main opposition
party, the National league for Democracy, and others had direct links with
the All Burma Students' Democratic Front. 

The ABSDF and other dissents in exile have called a general strike on
September 9, 1999 -- so-called "four nines" day. The numerically
significant date was chosen after four eights day -- August 8, 1988 --
which saw the start of a nationwide uprising for democracy that the
military crushed, killing thousands. 

At Thursday's news conference, the authorities displayed leaflets,
stickers, badges, video and cassette tapes they said had been seized from
those arrested. 

Than Tun said 19 people, including 17 high school students, were being
questioned in the southern town of Mergui to expose those who tried to stir
up student unrest there last week. 

"The people of Myanmar do not care if it's four nines, or four tens -- they
will not allow themselves to be deceived twice," the colonel said in
reference to the 1988 uprising. 

"They desire to follow the correct national political path while preserving
favorable foundations for internal peace, stability and development," he
said. 

"Hence, in accordance with the wishes of the people, the government will
resolutely prevent all schemes to cause destruction of the nation." 

The ABSDF said earlier this week the military had detained 33 students,
most of them of high-school age, for joining a demonstration in Mergui on
August 12. 

Yangon residents say the authorities have increased vigilance at schools to
prevent student unrest. They have also used loudspeaker trucks to warn
against joining any protests. 

Anti-government sentiment remains strong in Myanmar but the military has
kept a tight rein on dissent since ignoring the result of a 1990 election
that the NLD won by a huge margin. 

Analysts say the authorities have greatly stepped up military intelligence
surveillance and expect memories of the bloodshed to discourage ordinary
people from taking part in open protests. 

*****************************************************

SPDC: PRESS CONFERENCE (INTRODUCTION AND CONCLUSION)
19 August, 1999 

Press Conference (19th August,1999)

Internal and external anti-government groups' conspiracy to cause unrest in
September 1999

Preparations of expatriates in collusion, armed insurgent terrorists and
absconders' scheme to cause destruction to Myanmar and to create unrest in
the country in the coming September were presented at the Press Conference
held on 13 August.

The conspiracies of absconders of National League for Democracy led by
expatriate Sein Win, armed terrorists led by KNU Bo Mya, armed ABSDF
terrorists led by Moe Thee Zun and Aung Naing and the remnants of
expatriates under the name of The Committee for the Restoration of
Democracy in Burma (CRDB) led by Tin Maung Win under the leadership of
National Coalition Union of Burma (NCUB), which was a collection of
expatriate terrorists; and formation of Political Defiance Committee and
four-nine committee under CRDB to implement the scheme to cause destruction
to the nation; and of the contacts of remnants of insurgents in Myanmar,
the remnant Under Grounds of Burma Communist Party, members of NLD,
connections between All Burma Student Democratic Front (Northern Bureau)
(ABSDF) (NB) and NLD in Mandalay which were made through BCP remnants to
cause destruction to the nation had already been clarified in detail.

This week, the other sector of the scheme to cause destruction to the
nation which was conspired by various destructive gangs will be exposed and
presented. The condition of conveying the persons from Bago who had
connections with ABSDF to the border with Thailand and conducting of
terrorist training for them; and seizure of documents, cassette tapes,
posters which were smuggled into the country to be used in instigative acts
to cause internal unrest will be presented here.

[Sections not included: Seizures in Bago and Thaton, Contacts and
perpetrations of ABSDF insurgent group and anti-government elements of
Bago, Seizure of documents carried along Myawady/Hpa-an route, Seizure of
documents in Ye, Seizure of documents in Mawlamyine]

Conclusion

The events just presented are a revelation of only a part of the
destructive acts to destroy Myanmar committed by expatriates, insurgents,
destructionists and terrorists residing in Thailand which shares many miles
of border with our country. All can see that among the documents and
materials seized there isn't any publication or material printed and
distributed in this country. In addition to their conspiracy to distribute
documents and instigative leaflets through their contacts inside the
country, the expatriate saboteurs have also sent spies and destructive
elements into the country along with explosives. There are also instances
in which such elements resident in other countries have been engaged in
instigative acts through telephones, fax and post offices. Moreover, they
are attempting to force the Myanmar government into a tight corner in the
world by distributing false news about its endeavours with the use of the
mass media such as broadcasting stations, foreign Press, TV stations and
Internet, and inciting riots inside the country. The Myanmar expatriate
group in Thailand is not alone committing such acts. The expatriate groups
in the United States, India, Japan and Britain are conspiring the scheme to
destroy Myanmar in collusion. Democratic Voice of Burma (Norway) (DVB) and
Radio Free Asia (RFA) (US) radios in addition to Voice of America (VOA) and
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) airing in Myanmar language may be
cited as evidence.

The journalists here may calculate to what extent the costs may incur in
the use of such mass media and publishing books and leaflets. Needless to
say, Myanmar expatriates are not in a position to earn millions of dollars
by themselves to stand for the media costs. They have been able to exist
and commit such acts because of the assistance and encouragement they
received from organizations of some foreign nations. These are the acts of
expatriate destructionists outside the country.

It is found that every time the acts of expatriate destructive elements
resident abroad conspiring to cause destruction to the country in violation
of the law occurs, there is the linkage between the incident and the
National League for Democracy inside the country. In the case of Mandalay,
or of Bago or of Mawlamyine, members of NLD were involved unquestionably.

However, the elderly men in the National League for Democracy usually
defended whenever their members were involved in such unlawful acts that
"It is not concerned with NLD". But their attitude to give a green light to
commit illegal acts is apparent so long as those concerned are not arrested
or exposed. A study of the NLD leadership's meeting with an insurgent,
permitting him to hide and take shelter in the compound, acceptance of
money sent by expatriate insurgents and destructive elements, NLD's support
for the Metharawhta declaration issued by the insurgents and its
encouragement and support for the expatriate terrorists calling them
democracy supporters will show that its attitude is not honest.

Of the documents and materials on display at this Press conference, the
badges are the same as those sold at the NLD office on Shwegondine Road at
K 60 apiece. The so-called NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has issued the
badges to sell them at K 50 apiece but the women's group of the NLD is
selling them at K 60 making a profit of K 10 each. Whatever the price may
be those badges have been designed and produced in Thailand. They are the
same as those seized from the expatriate saboteurs. They were not made in
Myanmar. Only Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will know the best how these badges have
got to NLD. How and from where they came is not the point. What is obvious
is that it can be seen as an evidence NLD is not clear of the acts of
expatriate saboteurs.

If the political movement of NLD is observed, it will be seen that it has
been demanding the convening of the Hluttaw by force veering from the
course of national politics, which suits most the practical life of the
nation. A study of its activities will show that it has been issuing
declarations to make the people misunderstand and hate the government and
drive a wedge between the people and the government and to get those
declarations broadcast by foreign radio stations; and it has been sending
letters, recorded tapes and video features to foreign organizations with
the use of diplomatic immunity of certain embassies and international
organizations. It has been found most clearly that some materials written,
speeches made and declarations issued are found to contain totally false
statements. Some of them were found to be totally false. Some dealt with
insignificant points and trivial matters. They exaggerated weaknesses of
some local authorities and put blame on them. Obviously, the aim of such
acts was to drive a wedge between the government and the people and to make
the latter misunderstand and hate the former.

The aim and the acts of the NLD are the same as that of expatriates outside
the country. They are acting in a synchronized manner. They are heading for
internal riots. Most obviously, they are doing so after accepting material
and moral support from outside.

The NLD From within the country and expatriates from outside are
collaborating with certain foreign nations and foreign organizations for a
vested interest and also taking their assistance and support to follow the
path which is detrimental to Myanmar's national interest and security. They
are often heard to be openly stating that foreign big nations are assisting
them to secure democracy in Myanmar in the interest of the people. In our
opinion, their assistance extended to the Myanmar expatriates and those
with a vested interest does not benefit the people of Myanmar in any way.
If the funds spent on such acts are used in construction of bridges across
rivers, irrigation networks and hydro-electric power plants they will
practically benefit the human beings. It is not that I am asking for
assistance to be provided to Myanmar. The monetary assistance extended to
the expatriates and saboteurs is like watering the plant of poison without
producing any positive results. Hence, instead of extending aid to the
saboteurs and Myanmar expatriates, it should be given to any other country
so that the people will enjoy the direct benefits resulting from
construction of roads, bridges and irrigation networks. However, massive
aid has been extended to the persons who will be destabilizing the
situation in Myanmar and inciting unrest. The aid would enable them to
oppose the government in greater force. A study of practical life will show
that such acts could lead the ignorant and unknowledgeable persons in the
country into following and believing the axe-handles, who rely on foreign
powers, and joining the riots thereby disrupting peace and stability and
jeopardizing developments already achieved in the country.

The people of Myanmar today are well aware of this. They also see the
truth. They experienced the country's near collapse situation caused by the
storm of rumours spread on the pretext of the four eights of 1988. The
people nowadays realize the true situation however much unscrupulous
elements and those from outside the country make incitements. As it is
known to all foreigners of certain organizations in foreign countries, who
would like to see disintegration of Myanmar but were unhappy about the
improving peace and tranquillity in the country, entered the country in
August 1998, shouted and distributed leaflets. The people of Myanmar, on
their part, would not care four nines or four tens and they would not allow
themselves to be deceived twice. They are desirous of following the correct
national political path while preserving favourable foundations for
internal peace, stability and development.

Hence, in accordance with the wishes of the people, the State Peace and
Development Council will resolutely prevent all the schemes to cause
destruction to the nation, and carry on to follow the path of national
politics in conformity with the national objectives.

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: The full junta report from the press conference
can be found on the web at http://www.myanmar.com/nlm/enlm/Aug19press.htm.

*****************************************************
 
DEMOCRATIC VOICE OF BURMA: DEFENCE SERVICES CONCERNED ABOUT UNREST, ISSUE
FREE ARMY RATIONS 
19 August, 1999 by Kyaw Swa 

9-9-99 agitative activities have been increasing in Burma despite severe
restrictions. A secret Defence Services Strategic Studies report has also
suggested to handle the increasing 9-9-99 activities with caution. DVB
correspondent Kyaw Swa presented this report.

The Defence Services Strategic Studies, headed by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, SPDC
[State Peace and Development Council] Military Intelligence chief, in its
secret report noted the widening gap between the top and the bottom echelon
of the Defence Services. It suggested the situation should be handled with
care during these few months. Accordingly, dependents of Defence Services
personnel and police force members were to be given more rations during
these few months. The report also suggested the use of Police, Fire
Services Department, and Kyant Phut [reference to Union Solidarity and
Development Association] members first in case of any public unrest in
order to boost the morale of the Defence Services personnel.

A directive has been issued that all personnel should be given free monthly
rations including rice and 50 ticals [about 800 ml] of oil, dependents
should be each given four pyis [about 10 kg] of rice per month, and
officials should meet with personnel and dependents at least twice a month.
Furthermore, the Police Department has been advised to expand and the
education level for new recruits has been lowered from seventh grade to
kindergarten for the Burmese and second grade for the national races.

Agitation to hold the 9-9-99 protest has been very strong in many Burmese
towns. Posters, pamphlets, slogans spray-painted on walls and roads, and
9-9-99 stamped on monetary notes are quite widespread and the Defence
Services is very worried that a public unrest similar to 8-8-88 might occur
on 9-9-99. 

*****************************************************

THE NATION: DON'T EXPECT JUNTA TO RESPECT HUMAN RIGHTS 
19 August, 1999 by Josef Silverstein

Will Australia's approach to the human rights problems in Burma succeed
where others have failed? No, writes Josef Silverstein.

What is the importance of the growing stream of talk between officials from
Europe, the US and Australia and the military rulers of Burma about human
rights? About a year ago, European states, the US and the United Nations
quietly began formulating plans for offering large sums of money to the
military rulers in Burma if the latter would begin talks with the political
opposition and take steps toward political change and an improvement in
human rights. Although the initial effort went nowhere, other groups of
states, believing that the idea had merit, followed it up with plans of
their own. These, too, have not gone forward.

A new and different approach was launched at the beginning of August by the
Australians and it has drawn worldwide attention. Chris Sidoti, the
Australian human rights commissioner, went to Rangoon and met Burmese
government officials. Following his visit and return home, he made a public
report in which he said that the Burma minister for home affairs showed an
interest in and a desire to look further into the possible establishment of
an independent human rights commission. Other Burmese officials, Sidoti
said, talked about the possibilities of exchange and cooperation in giving
human rights training to civil servants and police. In addition, the
Burmese proposed the development of a joint project dealing with health.

According to Sidoti, there were three results from his talks:

-On the question of an independent national human rights institution,
Australia will provide more information and the Burmese government will
consider establishing such an institution.

-Australia will provide examples of possible curricula and processes for
human rights training and will also explore providing of such training to
the military.

-On the question of a joint health project, Australia will develop project
proposals.

During his visit, Sidoti met and briefed the National League for Democracy
vice chairman, Tin Oo, on his talks with government leaders. He reported
that Tin Oo said that the NLD ''had misgivings'' and, in its view, the
''visit, though well-intentioned, was misguided''. He also expressed doubt
that the Burmese military rulers would be prepared to establish an
independent institution.

On balance, Sidoti offered a cautious report and concluded it by saying
that his mission's objective was not exchange or discussion for its own
sake, but ''better promotion and protection of human rights in Burma. Only
time will tell whether [that] objective can be met.''

Sidoti did not say how he or they interpreted the word, independent. Given
the fact that for the last 11 years, the peoples of Burma have faced the
worst and possibly the most abusive dictatorship in Asia, if not the entire
world, is there any basis for believing that the military rulers of Burma
are ready to create an agency with power and authority to carry out a
mandate to restore and protect human rights without interference from the
junta who will have to establish it?

Will the human rights commission have powers to act against the authorities
with the backing of law and courts? Will it have funds which it can use to
conduct its affairs and act free of interference from the military rulers.
That, after all, is the meaning of independence.

Sidoti must know that in Burma today, there is no authority other than the
dictatorship. There is no rule of law. There is no freedom of speech. There
is no freedom of assembly. There is no freedom of mobility. There is no
security of one's life, labour, home and family.

In this environment, which is well-known to the world through the reports
of the special rapporteurs of the UN Human Rights Commission, the
resolutions of the UN General Assembly, the reports on human rights by the
nations of the world which have followed events inside of Burma, the report
of the International Labour Organisation on forced labour and the
observations of diplomats living inside of Burma, it is hard to understand
what Sidoti learned from his short visit to cause him to write in his
report that.

''I can say at the end of this visit ... that an exchange of views on human
rights has begun where none existed before; that we have been able to
identify some areas in which cooperation may be possible and that there is
evidently a strong commitment to taking the process further,'' he said.

Does Sidoti really think that, like the phoenix, respect for and protection
of human rights can rise from the ashes of human rights the military rulers
systematically destroyed over the past 37 years? Does Sidoti believe that
there is a political foundation in Burma upon which an independent human
rights commission can be erected?

And in the light of Tin Oo's remarks, does he really believe that the
destroyers of human rights can now be the builders; and can this process go
forward without calling upon the elected and natural leaders of the people
to share in the task. Finally, and most important of all, can a human
rights commission function freely and independently without first
rebuilding the foundations of the nation's political society on principles
which will support and sustain human rights in Burma?

Human rights, as expressed in the UN Declaration of Human Rights and
understood around the world, are not foreign to the peoples of Burma. The
leaders of the nation who won independence and wrote the original
constitution knew exactly what human rights were. They made certain that
they were inscribed at the beginning of the constitution so that there
could be no mistake about their importance.

Called fundamental rights, there were 20 articles in the constitution
devoted to describing and defining them. And until the military seized
power in 1962 and swept the constitution aside, there was a strong national
judiciary -- courts, judges and lawyers -- which, when the occasion arose,
was not afraid to find and rule against the state and defend the rights of
the people.

The restoration of human rights has been a major objective of the peoples
of Burma since they were taken from them in 1962. In 1974, the military
oversaw the writing of a new constitution which took no note of the UN
Declaration of Human Rights or any other landmark declaration in the
history of man's struggle for freedom, autonomy and personal integrity.

In the 1974 constitution, there were no absolute rights. All rights were
conditioned by the goals of the state; no citizen could claim a right that
was contrary to sovereignty and the security of the state; no one could
claim a right against the basic essence of the socialist system, against
unity and solidarity of the people or against public peace, tranquility and
morality. The state was the author of rights and duties and no one could
invoke them against it. This is the military rulers' legacy on human rights
and a careful reading of the reports on the subject issued by the
Constitutional Commission indicate that it has not changed.

Today, the peoples of Burma, whether Burman or non-Burman, urban or rural,
know that to recover their rights, there must be a change in the present
political system from a dictatorship to a constitutional democracy which
would apply to all -- military and civilian. The leaders of the NLD have
called for dialogue between themselves, as victors in the only free
election since 1960, the ethnic minorities, who have been at war with the
state in order to get what the founding fathers promised them on the eve of
independence, and the military rulers as the first step toward change.

The NLD and the ethnic minorities are asking for dialogue without
preconditions, for the right to form a government based on the outcome of
the 1990 election and an end to the war by the military against the people.
For years, Burmese living both abroad and in hiding inside of Burma have
studied their own constitutional history, the constitutions of the world
and human rights movements on all continents. They know why the original
constitution failed and they know what needs to be done in a new one so
that it will not fail again. They are intelligent and can speak for
themselves if they are given a chance.

The problem today is that the military cannot and will not participate in a
dialogue with its unarmed, but well informed citizens. What Sidoti will
quickly learn, if he does not know it already, is that educated men and
women are seen as a threat to the poorly educated officers and men who rule
the country by force alone.

What country in this modern world deprives its best and brightest young
people a higher education so that they can eventually take their places in
government, business, the professions and the military, and lead the next
generation forward in the new century? What government in Asia fears its
people so, that it has transformed a free nation into a prison and lives
under the threat Gen Ne Win made in July 1988 that the military will shoot
to kill if any resist its orders?

If Sidoti really intends to go forward and engage the military in a
dialogue about the creation of an independent human rights commission, it
will be interesting to see how the talks will go given the actual situation
on the ground in Burma and the theoretical ideas he would like to see
planted in its bloody earth.

The spokesmen for the Burma rulers continue to engage in empty rhetoric
about how well the country is doing; how happy most of the people are under
its rule; how a future democracy will come only after there is stability --
whatever that term means. It may be that the military rulers will never be
able to recognise the realities of Burma and the hell they have made of it;
but surely someone who is educated, knows what democracy is and realises
that a human rights commission, to function at all, cannot be erected and
work until there is an environment in which it can take root and function.
Such an environment does not exist in Burma today; and so long as the
military continues to run the country, it never will be exist.

The people of Burma deserve more than they have gotten for the past three
and a half decades. Help them, Sidoti, to recover power. They have a right
to govern themselves and lead their nation into the new century.

[Josef Silverstein is a professor emeritus of Rutgers University.]

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SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: BURMA ACCUSED OF TIT-FOR-TAT BORDER CLOSURE 
20 August, 1999 

Burma's military junta has sealed up a trading post on its border with
northern Thailand in what Thai authorities yesterday labelled a
"tit-for-tat" response to their crackdown on drug trafficking. 

The Kiew Pha Wok pass, opposite Chiang Dao district in Chiang Mai province,
was closed on Wednesday. 

"Myanmar [Burma] military officials said they had closed the border pass
because of the disappearance of two Myanmar soldiers in Thailand, which
actually occurred about six months ago, but my own analysis is this was
just tit-for-tat," said Major-General Chamlong Phothong, chief of staff of
the Third Army Region. 

Last month, Thailand closed the San Ton Du border pass, in nearby Chiang
Rai, as part of a bid to stem the yearly flow of an estimated 200 million
methamphetamine pills from Burma's Shan state into Thailand. 

According to Thai anti-narcotics officials, the biggest supplier of
methamphetamines to the Thai market is the United Wa State Army (UWSA) from
a base in Mong Yawn, a few kilometres from the San Ton Du crossing. 

The junta's close relations with the UWSA, the border closure and
accusations that the regime has turned a blind eye to the Wa's massive
methamphetamine trade have strained Thai-Burmese relations. 

General Chamlong said the closure of the two border passes would hurt the
Wa more than it would affect Thai traders. 

[ ... ] 

*****************************************************

AFP: THOUSANDS OF MYANMAR REFUGEES TO BE RELOCATED IN THAILAND 
19 August, 1999 

Thailand will next week begin moving thousands of Myanmar refugees deeper
inside its territory in a bid to reduce the risk of cross-border raids by
junta-backed guerrilla forces, refugee workers said Thursday. 

The schedule for relocating refugees in Tak province on the Myanmar border
was agreed on Monday by Thai authorities and the United Nations High
Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). 

"It's planned to start on Monday next week," one refugee official told AFP.
He said some 15,000 refugees from Huay Kalok and Mawkier camps would be
moved about 13 kilometers (eight miles) further inside Thai territory in a
process that would take several weeks. 

"The idea is to have them in a safer location, and to provide more space,
and the water situation is better," he said. 

"Both camps have had problems with security. In the past few years there
have been a number of attacks by pro-Yangon Karen renegades." 

Thailand hosts some 100,000 Myanmar refugees, mainly of Karen and Karenni
origins, who have fled the suppression of ethnic insurgencies in
military-run Myanmar since 1984. 

Last year, several Karen refugees were killed and thousands were made
homeless when guerrilla forces backed by the junta raided camps on Thai
territory. 

Thailand's cash-strapped government invited the UNHCR last year to play an
expanded role in administering the camps. 

Human Rights Watch has accused the Thai government and the UNHCR of leaving
thousands of villagers in danger along the border with Myanmar. 

The group said the UNHCR had been "unnecessarily weak in its efforts to
challenge the Thai policies that undermine refugee protection." 

Myanmar's junta is blamed for widespread human rights abuses including the
torture and rape of civilians, particularly supporters of ethnic rebel
groups along its eastern border with Thailand. 

The Karen National Union is one of the last remaining ethnic guerrilla
forces maintaining a struggle for independence from Yangon. 

Thailand refers to the asylum seekers as "displaced persons," avoiding the
term "refugees", and says they will be forced to return home as soon as it
is considered safe.

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