The BurmaNet News: November 5, 1999

[strider@xxxxxxxxxxx]

------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 Catch the latest news on Burma at www.burmanet.org
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: November 5, 1999
Issue #1395

Noted in Passing: "Hopefully we can meet. It depends on whether or not we
get the opportunity.  Personally, my sympathy goes to Suu Kyi." - Indonesian
President Abdurrahman Wahid (see REUTERS: INDONESIA'S WAHID TO TOUR ASEAN,
MAY MEET SUU KYI)

HEADLINES:
==========
THE NATION: REBELS CUT DEAL WITH THAI GOVERNMENT
KNU: ARMY FORCED VILLAGERS TO CONSTRUCT HIGHWAY
SHAN: FOUR ARRESTED SHANS STILL UNDER INVESTIGATION
REUTERS: INDONESIA'S WAHID MAY MEET SUU KYI
AFP: THAILAND DEPORTS 500 MYANMAR WORKERS
AFP: THAILAND PUSHES ON WITH REPATRIATION DRIVE
BKK POST: REPATRIATION WON'T BRING DESIRED RESULTS
KOREA HERALD: KIM PREDICTS ASIAN DEMOCRATIZATION
NYT: AMERICA FINDS DEMOCRACY A DIFFICULT EXPORT
*****************************************************

THE NATION: REBELS CUT DEAL WITH THAI GOVERNMENT
5 November, 1999

BURMA EMBASSY RAID RINGLEADER HELD IN BANGKOK "SAFE HOUSE"

Bangkok - Five armed Burmese activists who seized Burma's embassy in Bangkok
early last month are believed to have negotiated a deal with Thai
authorities for their surrender.

In a day of confusing reports in which Thai authorities appeared to be
playing a cat-and-mouse game with the media, at least one of the gunmen is
understood to be in custody in Bangkok.

A senior Thai army officer said last night that a Burmese dissident known as
"Johnny" -- who led the raid on the Burma embassy -- was being held in a
"safe house."

The activist will hold a press conference today, a border police officer and
an army official said yesterday.

According to the sources, the ringleader Gyaw Ni had surrendered himself to
the 137th Border Police Unit at the Baan Bor Wai Pass at 1am yesterday.  It
is believed the surrender was prearranged, the two sources said.  The
whereabouts of the other armed takers is not known.

Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai earlier told reporters he was aware that the
armed attackers had contacted Thai border officials days ago about wanting
to surrender.

Thai army intelligence believed the students were afraid of retaliation from
the Burmese government troops and wanted to give themselves up, Chuan said.

According to another official source, the students had demanded that they be
tried in a world court at The Hague for their crime.

Chuan said he was not aware of any conditions but insisted that the
attackers will be dealt with under Thai law in Thailand and they will not be
extradited to Burma.

The Thai government is extremely sensitive about the affair which plunged
relations between Thailand and Burma to near breaking point.

Rangoon is furious at the way Thailand handled last month's hostage drama
and closed its border in retaliation, demanding that Thailand hunt down and
try the raiders.

The five gunmen stormed the Burma embassy in Bangkok on October 1, holding
38 people hostage for more than 24 hours and initially demanding the ruling
military in Rangoon open talks with the democratic opposition led by Nobel
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

On October 2, Thai negotiators bowed to the gunmen's demand for an escape
helicopter and freed them in the jungle near the Thai-Burma border.

Rangoon was further infuriated by the comments of a senior government
minister who described the hostage-takers as "democracy-fighters rather than
terrorists."

It was not clear last night of the whereabouts of Johnny's compatriots, but
it is believed they also are about to give themselves over to the Thai
authorities.

The five attackers will be charged with, among other things, illegal entry,
possession of illegal weapons, disturbing the peace and carrying out an
orgnised criminal activity.

The dissidents, who called themselves "Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors,"
stormed the embassy armed with AK-47 assault rifles, shotguns and hand
grenades.

Thailand's National Security Council has called on the United Nations and
the international community to accelerate resettlement in third countries
for the 3,000 Burmese exiles living in Thailand, saying their presence was a
threat to the nation's security.

At least two of the five armed attackers, Gyaw Ni and Pay Dar, had at one
time lived at the Maneeloy holding centre, where about 1,000 Burmese exiles
are being housed.

Interior Minister Sanan Kachornprasart told Associated Press earlier that
the student contacted Thai police at the Thai-Burma border, but had not yet
been arrested.

"If they surrender, they will be brought to Bangkok to face charges because
they committed a crime in Thailand under Thai law," he said.

They will not be deported to Burma if arrested, he said, repeating the Thai
government's position that they are not "terrorists" as the military
government in their homeland contends.

The military has ruled Burma since 1962.  The regime is widely criticised
for its failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

Rangoon's ambassador to Thailand has indicated that normalisation of ties
between the two countries is dependent on Thai authorities arresting the
activists.

Thai media reported last yesterday that the gunmen were already in custody
in the western province of Ratchaburi and would be taken to a detention
centre in Bangkok.  But Komet Daengthongdee, the provincial governor, said
there had been no arrests.

*****************************************************

KAREN NATIONAL UNION: BURMA ARMY FORCED VILLAGERS TO CONSTRUCT BONGTI-TAVOY
HIGHWAY
4 November, 1999

INFORMATION RELEASE, KNU Mergui-Tavoy Information Department

The Burma Army forced villagers in eastern Tavoy towns to work on
Bongti-Tavoy highway, since the beginning of September 1999 until now, in
Tenasserim division, southern Burma.  Started from September 1999 until now,
the villagers in the east of Tavoy town were forced to reconstruct the
damage parts of Bongti-Tavoy highway, which will become Thai-Burma trading
route.  After August, that road was damaged by flood and heavy rains. To
reconstruct the whole road the Burma Army ordered villagers from four
townships in Tavoy district to repair it. Now at least 800 to 1000 forced
laborers from four townships work on Bonita-Tavoy highway construction.  A
villager from Bawat Pin village in Tavoy district who escaped to Thai-Burma
border on October 31, 1999 told that he has to work on Bongo-Tavoy highway
construction between Bawatshawn and AingWine on 20.9.99 to 30.9.99.  Each
village has to provide 30 to 50 laborers for that road reconstruction.
Villagers have to go and work in 10 days rotated terms.  The villagers have
to clear bushes beside and on roads, embank, have to fill the eroded side,
etc. The villages must take along their own food, and tools. Those who fail
to go on their term have to pay 5000 kyat to hires someone for substitution.
Bonti-Tavoy highway or Kanchanaburi-Tavoy highway project was dealt between
Thai businessmen (Kanchanaburi Tending and Development, KTD) Burma private
company (Kyaw Lain Naing, KLN co.ltd.) and Burma Army.  The highway will
connect Burma town Tavoy and Thailand town Kanchanaburi. The two countries
planned to develop tourist business and agricultural industries.

Burma army, KLN Company and Thai's KTD tried to finish Bongti-Tavoy highway
project as soon as possible since after the successful Burma Army offensive
in 1997. Till now there is no security to construct this road, because KNLA
(Karen National Liberation Army) are active in this area. Both sides have
met several times according to the border trades and highway project.

That road project passes through the indigenous Karen area. Burma Army
offensive and relocation operation has destroyed all of the Karen villages
in the area for this road project. Most annalists found that the objective
of Burma Army offensive against KNU Mergui-Tavoy District in 1997 to secure
Yadana gas pipeline and as well Bongti-Tavoy highway project.

Temporally the road is rough road, it does not paved yet.

Burma Army is the main right arm for Burma military junta who forcibly ruled
the country since 1962 and up to now. They committed massive human rights
violations against ethnic people, civilians and suppressed the democracy
movement in the country for decades.

*****************************************************

SHAN HERALD AGENCY FOR NEWS: SSA - FOUR ARRESTED SHANS STILL UNDER
INVESTIGATION
4 November, 1999

Shan State Army's spokesman told S.H.A.N. the four Shans who were taken
along with one of its deserters last week were still under investigation.

Maj. Khun Surh, Liaison Officer for the Shan State Army led by Yawdserk,
said the fate of the four suspects, who were taken in custody along with
five other people from Maehongson's Pangmapha District on 28 October had not
been decided yet. "Their case is still under review", he said. "As for Maung
Too, his desertion and involvement in drugs being well proven facts, I
believe his fate is effectively sealed".

Last week, one of the SSA's units slipped across the border and took off
with 9 people from the village of Maihoong, Pangmapha District, Maehongson
Province. The action caused an uproar both in the local media and the
populace. The SSA later released 4 of their captives, but kept 5.

"We deeply regret for the inconvenience that has been caused by our troops",
Khun Surh told S.H.A.N..

He also added that an official statement was being drafted to be released as
soon as possible.

Khun Surh, 38, is the second son of General Kornzurng, the Shan resistance
leader who passed away in 1991 at the age of 65.


[S.H.A.N. is a non-profit making, independent Shan media group. It is not
affiliated to any political or armed organization. ]

*****************************************************

REUTERS: INDONESIA'S WAHID TO TOUR ASEAN, MAY MEET SUU KYI
4 November, 1999

JAKARTA (Reuters) - Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid said Thursday he
hoped to meet Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on his first
overseas visit, breaking ASEAN's tradition of shunning dissidents in member
countries.

``Hopefully we can meet. It depends on whether or not we get the
opportunity.  Personally, my sympathy goes to Suu Kyi,'' he told reporters.

Suu Kyi won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her work for democracy in
Myanmar, formerly called Burma.

The 10 members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN)
traditionally shun critics of member governments.

Wahid's first visit since winning power on October 20 will take in all nine
fellow ASEAN members. He departs Saturday.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

The ailing, half-blind Wahid, 59, also will fly to the United States for
treatment for his eyes and a meeting with President Clinton.

Within days of taking office, Wahid said his foreign policy would focus on
Asia, particularly ASEAN, China and Japan.

``ASEAN is important because we are part (of it),'' he said.

Wahid said Jakarta would also support its former province of East Timor if
it wanted to join ASEAN, although pro- independence leaders have said they
do not want to join the grouping, accusing it of siding with Indonesia.

The United Nations is to run East Timor during its transition to
independence after the territory overwhelmingly opted to split from
Indonesia in a U.N.-run vote in August.

*****************************************************

AFP: THAILAND DEPORTS 500 MYANMAR WORKERS
3 November, 1999

AFP, 3 November 1999 Thailand Wednesday deported 500 workers from Myanmar
back to their homeland as authorities
kicked off a new crackdown on illegal foreign workers, officials said.

Immigration officials estimate there are one million immigrants in the
illegal work force in Thailand, mostly from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos.

The crackdown has drawn sharp criticism from human rights groups who fear
the Myanmar deportees, many of whom fled military repression at home, will
be vulnerable to further abuse once they return.

Preecha Suwansorn, an immigration official in the northwestern Thai border
town of Mae Sot, said about 500 Myanmar workers were deported Wednesday via
an undisclosed "special route."

Myanmar closed its border with Thailand in early October after Bangkok
supplied an escape helicopter to five gunmen who seized Yangon's embassy
here, holding  38 people hostage in protest against the junta in Yangon.

Another 300 Myanmar workers were due to be deported later Wednesday as a
deadline passed for illegal labourers to voluntarily leave the country,
Preecha added.

About 150 police, border patrol and immigration officials would Thursday
begin rounding up illegal workers in Thailand's eastern Tak province,
bordering Cambodia, he said.

[The Bangkok Post/AP adds:

"All steps of the repatriation will be videotaped as evidence to show
international communities that we treat illegal workers on humanitarian
grounds" said Pol Gen Sant [chief of immigration police in Mae Sot].

Cabinet on Tuesday agreed to allow 163,098 foreign workers a one-year
extension to work in 18 types of jobs in 37 provinces. The extension ends on
Aug 31 next year. ]

The Shan Human Rights Foundation, which fears for those who fled persecution
by the junta in Myanmar, have written an open letter to the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees in protest at the deportations.

"Peoples from Burma have been forcibly relocated and have suffered human
rights abuses committed by the military, they have been forced to flee to
Thailand," the foundation wrote Tuesday in the letter.

"There remain a large number of refugees ... who have not been recognised as
such and are being forced to survive as illegal workers," said the
foundation, which represents ethnic Shan people from northern Myanmar.

The plight of refugees from Myanmar was highlighted when Thailand decided to
speed up resettlement of exiled students as relations with the junta plunged
following the siege at Yangon's embassy here last month.

*****************************************************

AFP: THAILAND PUSHES ON WITH REPATRIATION DRIVE
4 November, 1999

BANGKOK, Nov 4 (AFP) - At least a thousand illegal workers were sent home to
Myanmar Thursday as Thailand speeded up a repatriation drive against its one
million strong illegal workforce. Immigration official Preecha Suwansorn,
said a thousand workers had been sent back through the Thai border town of
Mae Sot through a "special route."

Thailand's bid to send the workers home has been complicated as the border
with Myanmar is closed after bilateral relations went into free-fall
following a hostage crisis at Yangon's embassy here last month. Reports in
the Thai press on Thursday claimed that Myanmar troops had threatened to
shoot a group of Myanmar workers, forcing authorities to abort an attempt
to repatriate them by boat.

The Nation daily said authorities in Ranong, Chiang Rai and Mae Hong Song
provinces were reportedly facing difficulties with Myanmar troops. Thai
Supreme Commander Mongkol Ampornpisit told reporters he had no evidence to
back up the reports, which were denied by a Myanmar government spokesman.

"No there is no such threat to shoot the illegal workers," said the
spokesman in a statement faxed to AFP from Yangon.

"This is purely an immigration issue and can be discussed at the regular
border meetings where officials from both sides participate."

Despite the border closure, Thai Police Chief Pracha Promnog pledged to go
ahead with the repatriation drive.

"We will deport them because it is our policy," he said.

The crackdown has drawn sharp criticism from human rights groups who fear
the Myanmar deportees, many of whom fled military repression at home, will
be vulnerable to further abuse once they return. The estimated one million
illegal workers include immigrants from Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: MASS REPATRIATION OF WORKERS WON'T BRING DESIRED RESULTS
4 November, 1999

ILLEGAL STAY, RE-ENTRY SEEN A FACT OF LIFE

CHIANG RAI - The government's mass repatriation of illegal alien workers
will be more difficult than they have implied, said local employers who hire
the labourers.

A source said many businesses had bribed local labour officials so they
could carry on employing illegal alien workers. Another hurdle to the
repatriation is that earlier movements of workers proved futile because
staff found it easy to re-enter the country.

An official estimation put the number of illegal workers in this northern
province at 10,000. Most are employed as vendors, restaurant attendants,
gardeners and unskilled workers in labour-intensive industries, not given a
government reprieve to continue hiring foreign staff.

These workers have not been classified among the 106,000 people registered
with authorities, who have been granted temporary permission to take up
employment.

Head of Chiang Rai police Pol Maj-Gen Seri Sukpetch, said he had ordered a
swift crackdown on all illegal alien staff.

However, the effectiveness of this is dependent on co-operation from labour
officials, whom the police must rely on for information on the aliens'
whereabouts.

So far, eight workers have been arrested and 22 others repatriated. An alien
holding centre has also been prepared for the detention of workers before
they are sent home.

Illegal workers in Chiang Rai province are mostly Burmese, employed in
construction, rice mills and orchards.

In Tak, there were more frantic scenes as 80,000 workers had to be sent
back.

Governor Niratch Wajanaphum said authorities, hampered by limited man-power,
were only able to push a fraction of the workers across the Moei river, the
natural borderline.

Around 1,000 workers were shuttled across the river to and area controlled
by Burmese minority rebels, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army.

The repatriation, overseen by the police, military and labour officials,
would thus be gradual and proceed beyond today's
deadline.

Measures were also in place to prevent the return of workers.

"From today, illegal crossings (back into Thailand) would be dealt with
swiftly," said the governor.

*****************************************************

KOREA HERALD: FDL-AP CONFERENCE - KIM PREDICTS COMPLETE ASIAN
DEMOCRATIZATION
26 October, 1999

[Following are excerpts of the keynote speech president Kim Dae-jung
delivered at the FDL-AP conference on peace and democracy for the new
millennium.]

Upon founding the FDL-AP, we set forth our conviction that democracy will
surely succeed in the Asia-Pacific region and the democratization of the
whole region would soon be realized.

This was not based on unfounded wishes but on historical facts.  That is,
Asia has a rich tradition of respect for human rights and self-determination
that underpins democracy.

Let me give you sound examples.  According to Chinese philosophy, "humans
should be regarded as heaven."  Buddha taught, "the spirit of Buddha is
present in everything in the world."  And the Tong-Hak, Korea's indigenous
religion, preached, "human being is heaven.  Respect human beings as you
would heaven."

Two thousand years ago China went from a feudal system to a centralized
bureaucracy.  All the officials were selected by a competitive examination
instead of inheriting their positions.  Korea maintained the same tradition.

Democratic institutions may have first been discovered in Western countries
but democratic thoughts and traditions can be found anywhere in the world,
including Asia.

After we founded FDL-AP in 1994, four countries in Asia underwent a
transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime.  They are
Cambodia, Korea, East Timor, and Indonesia.

As you all may know, for the first time in Korea's history we had a peaceful
change of government by the people's ballot.

We have seen the people of East Timor courageously participating in the
referendum and overwhelmingly supporting independence despite the
threatening atmosphere propagated by the militia.

Only a few days ago Indonesia achieved a miraculous feat with the election
of its President and Vice President, opening up a road to democracy and
stability.

These developments are both heartrending and wonderful!  I would like to
take this opportunity to express my sincere admiration and congratulations
to the citizens of East Timor and Indonesia.

There is no doubt in my mind that the whole Asia Pacific region will be
democratized by the early 21st century as we have already predicted.

Democracy is an essential prerequisite, not simply for freedom and human
rights, but also for sound economic development.

The economic crisis that has haunted us since 1997 has taught those of us in
the Asia Pacific region a valuable lesson.  Namely, the fact that sound
economic development and sustained prosperity are not feasible if there is
no democracy.

Without democracy a market economy cannot operate properly.  Without a
functioning democracy and a market economy, it is impossible to prevent
business-government collusion, nor is it possible to avoid widespread
corruption.  Korea's succumbing to the foreign exchange crisis is proof
positive of this.

However, when a democracy and a market economy develop in parallel, the
economy can rebound and grow stronger.  Again, the present state of the
Korean economy proves this.

It is true that economic development can take place even under authoritarian
rule.  However, such development can never be sound development for all the
people, nor can it be sustained.

The eventual downfall of Meiji Japan and Prussia are prime examples of this.
They both embraced modernization alone, while rejecting democracy.
Furthermore, we can ascertain the inseparability of sound economic
development from democracy by the fact that Japan and Germany were able to
enjoy not only freedom but also spectacular economic successes after they
accepted democracy at the end of the war.

However, democracy and a market economy do not make for a perfect system.
Today's economy is a knowledge-based economy and one of limitless, global
competition.  It is a world where the principle of the "survival of the
fitness" [sic] dominates.

Therefore, those who have insufficient knowledge or are otherwise in a weak
position continue to fall behind, and the gap between the rich and the poor
is rapidly increasing.  It implies the possibility that social stability and
democracy may be threatened as the economy develops further.

I believe we need a productive welfare system in order to solve these social
problems.

[ ... ]

Democracy, market economy, and productive welfare must form a trinity.  This
is what we must strive to attain in the 21st century.

[ ... ]

Without democracy we cannot expect the people of the Asia Pacific to enjoy
happiness and development.  Without democracy we cannot expect the Asia
Pacific region to have peace and realize promises of the future.

Democracy is the absolute proposition we must purse.  As democratic leaders
of the Asia Pacific your mission is of paramount importance.

I urge you to commit and exert yourselves to this cause and wish you good
health and happiness.

*****************************************************

NEW YORK TIMES: AMERICA FINDS DEMOCRACY A DIFFICULT EXPORT
25 October, 1999 by Tina Rosenberg

EDITORIAL

Among the many effects of democracy's spread through much of the developing
world in the last few decades is the birth of a new American industry,
democracy promotion.  Beginning in the early 1990's, Washington began a wide
variety of programs worldwide to help third-world countries democratize,
including training election observers, improving parliamentary libraries,
cajoling political parties to form coalitions, teaching citizens' groups how
to lobby and helping independent newspapers write business plans. Last year
the American government spent $719 million on these efforts.

While democracy has given rise to democracy promotion, the reverse is less
clear. There has been no systematic effort to find out what programs
actually aid democracy. Journalists mainly focus on scandals or feel-good
stories of democratic triumph. Groups that do democracy promotion, mainly
the Agency for International Development, must wrest funding from a hostile
Congress every year and are under pressure to report quick success.
Evaluation is also complicated because many factors affect political
development -- and few agree on how to measure democracy or even what it is.

Thomas Carothers's forthcoming book, ''Aiding Democracy Abroad: The Learning
Curve,'' seeks to draw some general conclusions about what works. Mr.
Carothers, now vice president for global policy at the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace in Washington, has worked in democracy programs in
various countries. His book is a clear-eyed examination of attempts to
reform legislatures, courts and political parties, and new efforts to
promote democracy from the bottom up by helping local governments and civil
society. He focuses on how these programs have worked in Romania, Guatemala,
Zambia and Nepal.

Mr. Carothers's conclusion is that democracy promotion cannot make the
difference. No American democracy consultant can affect the underlying
conditions of a country that really determine its democratic progress --
concentrations of power and wealth, political traditions, the expectations
of citizens.

But the right programs over the long term, he says, can do much in countries
where a government genuinely wants democracy but lacks expertise -- nations
such as South Africa, Slovakia or Chile. In dictatorships, aid to the
besieged opposition can keep hope alive. But in nations that enjoyed some
democratic progress but fell into strongman rule -- such as Peru, Haiti,
Cambodia, Kazakhstan or Zambia -- classic democracy promotion efforts to
reform government institutions have been thwarted by leaders who have little
interest in sharing power.

Few veterans of the business would dispute these fairly straightforward
conclusions. The democracy promoters at A.I.D., and at the
political-party-run National Democratic Institute and International
Republican Institute, are learning from their early mistakes. Hubris was one
of them. Being American was once deemed synonymous with possessing expertise
in democracy, and many consultants were campaign aides or Congressional
staff people who knew little about the countries they visited.

Democracy promoters are also changing their earlier tendency to dictate
pre-cooked solutions that do not fit reality. And even when Americans came
in with good ideas, the lack of local input often kept them from being
embraced and sustained.

A more persistent problem is the tendency to emphasize form over substance.
Democracy programs have largely helped foreign countries replicate certain
practices -- congressional hearings, for example. Today, Mr. Carothers
believes, activists are beginning to see that these forms of democracy are
easily manipulated by autocratic leaders, and that governments reform only
when they want to. In Guatemala, he writes, a 10-year American effort to
train the police did not limit police abuses. What did work was the election
of new leaders who pressed the security forces to reduce brutality.

Today, Mr. Carothers writes, democracy promoters try to be more attuned to
the political realities of the countries they work in. This understanding
has not yet meant the abandonment of unrealistic efforts to work with
authoritarian governments. But where governments resist reform, American
consultants now try to strengthen democratic forces by boosting grass-roots
groups, local governments and women's organizations. Americans increasingly
stay for months or years of intensive work rather than a few days. In many
places American organizations use regional experts, sending Filipinos to
Indonesia or Poles to Bulgaria -- people who are often better received and
know more about local realities.

What critics of democracy promotion often overlook is that the industry's
mistakes have exactly mirrored the problems that bedevil American foreign
policy in general, including hubris and the tendency to confuse surface
reforms with deep-seated change. Democracy activists, moreover, seem to have
learned more rapidly from their mistakes. Some in the Pentagon still believe
that foreign officers will become less abusive if they rub elbows with the
American citizen-soldier, and many in the administration and Congress argue
that Myanmar's or China's dictatorships will soften if exposed to American
business practices.

Few democracy activists today, by contrast, are naive enough to think that a
tour of America will instill democratic values. The industry has carried out
its share of useless programs. But it is learning -- and faster than its
Congressional critics, who still fail to realize that building democracy in
many developing nations is both crucial to American interests and resistant
to instant solutions.

*****************************************************






_____________________________________________________________
We've got email newsletters galore!  Check 'em out at Topica.
http://www.topica.com/t/5